SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 19–161
_________________
DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY, et al.,
PETITIONERS
v. VIJAYAKUMAR THURAISSIGIAM
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the ninth circuit
[June 25, 2020]
Justice Sotomayor, with whom Justice Kagan
joins, dissenting.
The majority declares that the Executive
Branch’s denial of asylum claims in expedited removal proceedings
shall be functionally unreviewable through the writ of habeas
corpus, no matter whether the denial is arbitrary or irrational or
contrary to governing law. That determination flouts over a century
of this Court’s practice. In case after case, we have heard claims
indistinguishable from those respondent raises here, which fall
within the heartland of habeas jurisdiction going directly to the
origins of the Great Writ.
The Court thus purges an entire class of legal
challenges to executive detention from habeas review,
circumscribing that foundational and “stable bulwark of our
liberties,” 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries 99 (Am. ed. 1832). By
self-imposing this limitation on habeas relief in the absence of a
congressional suspension, the Court abdicates its constitutional
duty and rejects precedent extending to the foundations of our
common law.
Making matters worse, the Court holds that the
Constitution’s due process protections do not extend to noncitizens
like respondent, who challenge the procedures used to determine
whether they may seek shelter in this country or whether they may
be cast to an unknown fate. The decision deprives them of any means
to ensure the integrity of an expedited removal order, an order
which, the Court has just held, is not subject to any meaningful
judicial oversight as to its substance. In doing so, the Court
upends settled constitutional law and paves the way toward
transforming already summary expedited removal proceedings into
arbitrary administrative adjudications.
Today’s decision handcuffs the Judiciary’s
ability to perform its constitutional duty to safeguard individual
liberty and dismantles a critical component of the separation of
powers. It will leave significant exercises of executive discretion
unchecked in the very circumstance where the writ’s protections
“have been strongest.”
INS v.
St. Cyr,
533
U.S. 289, 301 (2001). And it increases the risk of erroneous
immigration decisions that contravene governing statutes and
treaties.
The Court appears to justify its decision by
adverting to the burdens of affording robust judicial review of
asylum decisions. But our constitutional protections should not
hinge on the vicissitudes of the political climate or bend to
accommodate burdens on the Judiciary. I respectfully dissent.
I
The as-applied challenge here largely turns on
how the Court construes respondent’s requests for relief. Its
descriptions, as well as those of one of the concurrences, skew the
essence of these claims. A proper reframing thus is in order.
A
Respondent first advances a straightforward
legal question that courts have heard in habeas corpus proceedings
in “case after case.”
Id., at 306. His habeas petition
claimed that an asylum officer and Immigration Judge “appl[ied] an
incorrect legal standard” by ordering him removed despite a showing
of a significant possibility of credible fear to establish
“eligibility for asylum, withholding of removal, and [Convention
Against Torture] claims.” App. 31–32; see also 8 U. S. C.
§1225(b)(1)(B)(v) (setting standard for credible fear as “a
significant possibility, taking into account the . . .
statements made by the alien . . . and such other facts
as are known to the officer, that the alien could establish
eligibility for asylum”). The Government itself has characterized
that claim as a challenge to the “ ‘application of a legal
standard to factual determinations . . . underlying the
Executive’s negative credible-fear findings.’ ” 917 F.3d 1097,
1117, n. 20 (CA9 2019) (case below). At bottom, respondent
alleged that he was unlawfully denied admission under governing
asylum statutes and regulations.
The Court disagrees, flattening respondent’s
claim into a mere plea “ultimately to obtain authorization to stay
in this country.”
Ante, at 2; see also
ante, at 12
(describing the request as a “right to enter or remain in a
country”);
ante, at 13, n. 14 (framing relief sought as
“gaining a right to remain in this country”);
ante, at 16
(equating relief with “authorization . . . to remain in a
country other than his own”). Yet while the Court repeatedly says
that respondent seeks nothing more than admission as a matter of
grace, its own descriptions of respondent’s habeas petition belie
its assertions. See,
e.g.,
ante, at 5, n. 5 (“[T]he
gravamen of his petition is that [respondent] faces persecution in
Sri Lanka ‘because of ’ his Tamil ethnicity and political
opinions”);
ibid. (suggesting that the same persecution
inquiry governs respondent’s Convention Against Torture and Other
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment claim);
ante, at 36, n. 28 (observing that respondent’s habeas
petition contains factual allegations that resemble documented
persecution on the basis of ethnicity or political opinion). Though
the Court refuses to admit as much, its descriptions of
respondent’s arguments illustrate, at bottom, claims that
immigration officials legally erred in their review of his asylum
application.
In papering over the true nature of respondent’s
claims, the Court transforms his assertions of legal error in the
exercise of executive discretion into a naked demand for executive
action. But the distinction between those forms of relief makes all
the difference. The law has long permitted habeas petitioners to
challenge the legality of the exercise of executive power, even if
the executive action ultimately sought is discretionary. See
St.
Cyr, 533 U. S., at 307 (citing cases). That principle has
even more force today, where an entire scheme of statutes and
regulations cabins the Executive’s discretion in evaluating asylum
applications. For that reason, the Court’s observation that the
ultimate “grant of asylum is discretionary” is beside the point.
Ante, at 5, n. 4.
For its part, one concurring opinion seems to
acknowledge that claims that assert something other than pure
factual error may constitutionally require some judicial review.
Ante, at 3–5 (Breyer, J., concurring in judgment). It simply
determines that respondent’s credible-fear claims amount to nothing
more than a “disagreement with immigration officials’ findings
about the two brute facts underlying their credible-fear
determination,” namely, the identity of his attackers and their
motivations.
Ante, at 5. It also faults respondent for
failing to develop his claims of legal error with citations
“indicating that immigration officials misidentified or
misunderstood the proper legal standard” or that they “disregarded”
or were not properly trained in identifying relevant country
conditions.
Ante, at 5–6.
But the essence of respondent’s petition is that
the facts as presented (that he, a Tamil minority in Sri Lanka, was
abducted by unidentified men in a van and severely beaten), when
considered in light of known country conditions (as required by
statute), amount at least to a “significant possibility” that he
could show a well-founded fear of persecution. So viewed,
respondent’s challenge does not quibble with historic facts, but
rather claims that those “settled facts satisfy a legal standard,”
which this Court has held amounts to a “legal inquiry.”
Guerrero-Lasprilla v.
Barr, 589 U. S. ___, ___
(2020) (slip op., at 4). The concurring opinion suggests that any
conclusions drawn from the discrete settled facts here could not be
“so egregiously wrong” as to amount to legal error.
Ante, at
6. But the ultimate inquiry is simply whether the facts presented
satisfy a statutory standard. While this concurring opinion may
believe that the facts presented here do not show that respondent
is entitled to relief, its view of the merits does not alter the
legal nature of respondent’s challenge.
B
Second, respondent contended that the
inadequate procedures afforded to him in his removal proceedings
violated constitutional due process. Among other things, he
asserted that the removal proceedings by design did not provide him
a meaningful opportunity to establish his claims, that the
translator and asylum officer misunderstood him, and that he was
not given a “reasoned explanation” for the decision. App. 27, 32;
see also
id., at 32 (arguing that “[u]nder constitutionally
adequate procedures, [respondent] would have prevailed on his
claims”). Again, however, the Court falls short of capturing the
procedural relief actually requested. The Court vaguely suggests
that respondent merely wanted more cracks at obtaining review of
his asylum claims, not that he wanted to challenge the existing
expedited removal framework or the process actually rendered in his
case as constitutionally inadequate. See
ante, at 2
(characterizing respondent as asking for “additional administrative
review of his asylum claim”); see also
ante, at 5, n. 5
(describing petition as seeking “another opportunity to apply for
asylum”). That misconstrues respondent’s procedural challenges to
the expedited removal proceedings, which matters crucially; a
constitutional challenge to executive detention is just the sort of
claim the common law has long recognized as cognizable in habeas.
See generally Part II,
infra.
One concurring opinion, meanwhile, properly
characterizes respondent’s claims on this score as “procedural”
challenges.
Ante, at 7 (opinion of Breyer, J.). Yet it
concludes that those claims are not reviewable because they do not
allege sufficiently serious defects. See
ante, at 7–8
(describing cognizable claims as those involving “ ‘no
[factual] finding[s],’ ” contentions that officials “skipped a
layer of intra-agency review altogether,” the “outright denial (or
constructive denial) of a process,” or an official’s “fail[ure]
entirely to take obligatory procedural steps”). But these are
simply distinctions of degree, not of kind. Respondent claimed that
officials violated governing asylum regulations and deprived him of
due process by conducting an inadequate interview and providing
incomplete translation services. It is difficult to see the
difference between those claims and the ones that the concurring
opinion upholds as cognizable. Cf.
ante, at 7–8 (finding
cognizable claims that an official “short-circuit[ed] altogether
legally prescribed adjudication procedures by ‘dictating’ an
immigration decision” and that an official deprived a noncitizen of
“ ‘an opportunity to prove his right to enter the country, as
the statute meant that he should have’ ”).
Indeed, the concurring opinion notes that the
core question is whether a defect “fundamentally undermined the
efficacy of process prescribed by law.”
Ante, at 7.
Respondent’s petition plainly posits procedural defects that
violate, or at least call into question, the “efficacy of process
prescribed by law” and the Constitution.
Ibid. The
concurring opinion might think that respondent is not entitled to
additional protections as a matter of law or that the facts do not
show he was denied any required process. But conclusions about the
merits of respondent’s procedural challenges should not foreclose
his ability to bring them in the first place.
C
Finally, the Court asserts that respondent did
not specifically seek “release” from custody in what the Court
styles as the “traditional” sense of the term as understood in
habeas jurisprudence.
Ante, at 10, 13; cf.
ante, at
14 (suggesting that respondent “does not claim an entitlement to
release”). Instead, the Court seems to argue that respondent seeks
only a peculiar form of release: admission into the United States
or additional asylum procedures that would allow for admission into
the United States. Such a request, the Court implies, is more akin
to mandamus and injunctive relief.
Ante, at 13.
But it is the Court’s directionality requirement
that bucks tradition. Respondent asks merely to be freed from
wrongful executive custody. He asserts that he has a credible fear
of persecution, and asylum statutes authorize him to remain in the
country if he does. That request is indistinguishable from, and no
less “traditional” than, those long made by noncitizens challenging
restraints that prevented them from otherwise entering or remaining
in a country not their own. See Part II–B–1,
infra.
The Court has also never described “release” as
the sole remedy of the Great Writ. Nevertheless, respondent’s
petition is not limited in the way the Court claims. As it
acknowledges,
ante, at 10, respondent directly asked the
District Court to “[i]ssue a writ of habeas corpus” without further
limitation on the kind of relief that might entail, App. 33.
Respondent also sought “an [o]rder directing [the Government] to
show cause why the writ should not be granted” and an order
“directing [the Government] to vacate the expedited removal order
entered against [him].”
Ibid. As the petition’s plain
language indicates, respondent raised a garden-variety plea for
habeas relief in whatever form available and appropriate,
including, but not limited to, release.
* * *
Fairly characterized, respondent’s claims
allege legal error (for violations of governing asylum law and for
violations of procedural due process) and an open-ended request for
habeas relief. It is “uncontroversial” that the writ encompasses
such claims. See
Boumediene v.
Bush,
553
U.S. 723, 779 (2008) (concluding that release is but one form
of relief available); see also
St. Cyr., 533 U. S., at
302, 304–308 (citing cases predating the founding to show that the
writ could challenge “the erroneous application or interpretation”
of relevant law); see also Part II–D,
infra.
II
Only by recasting respondent’s claims and
precedents does the Court reach its decision on the merits. By its
account, none of our governing cases, recent or centuries old,
recognize that the Suspension Clause guards a habeas right to the
type of release that respondent allegedly seeks.[
1]
Ante, at 13, n. 14 (finding no
evidence that the writ was understood in 1789 to grant relief that
would amount to “gaining a right to remain in this country”);
ante, at 13 (characterizing a “ ‘meaningful
opportunity’ ” for review of asylum claims as falling outside
of traditional notions of release from custody). An overview of
cases starting from the colonial period to the present reveals that
the Court is incorrect, even accepting its improper framing of
respondent’s claims.
A
The critical inquiry, the Court contends, is
whether respondent’s specific requests for relief (namely,
admission into the United States or additional asylum procedures
allowing for admission into the United States) fall within the
scope of the kind of release afforded by the writ as it existed in
1789.
Ante, at 11, 12; see also
ante, at 10
(criticizing the court below for holding §1252(e)(2)
unconstitutional “without citing any pre-1789 case about the scope
of the writ”). This scope, it explains, is what the Suspension
Clause protects “at a minimum.”
Ante, at 11. But as the
Court implicitly acknowledges, its inquiry is impossible. The
inquiry also runs headlong into precedent, which has never demanded
the kind of precise factual match with pre-1789 case law that
today’s Court demands.
To start, the Court recognizes the pitfalls of
relying on pre-1789 cases to establish principles relevant to
immigration and asylum: “At the time, England had nothing like
modern immigration restrictions.”
Ante, at 18–19 (“As late
as 1816, the word ‘deportation’ apparently ‘was not to be found in
any English dictionary’ ”). It notes, too, that our cases have
repeatedly observed the relative novelty of immigration laws in the
early days of this country.
Ante, at 20 (citing
Harisiades v.
Shaughnessy,
342
U.S. 580, 588, n. 15 (1952) (“An open door to the immigrant was
the early federal policy”);
St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at 305
(remarking that the first immigration regulation was enacted in
1875)); see also
Demore v.
Kim,
538 U.S.
510, 539 (2003) (O’Connor, J., concurring in part and
concurring in judgment) (“Because colonial America imposed few
restrictions on immigration, there is little case law prior to that
time about the availability of habeas review to challenge temporary
detention pending exclusion or deportation”).
The Court nevertheless seems to require
respondent to engage in an exercise in futility. It demands that
respondent unearth cases predating comprehensive federal
immigration regulation showing that noncitizens obtained release
from federal custody onto national soil. But no federal statutes at
that time spoke to the permissibility of their entry in the first
instance; the United States lacked a comprehensive asylum regime
until the latter half of the 20th century. Despite the limitations
inherent in this exercise, the Court appears to insist on a wealth
of cases mirroring the precise relief requested at a granular
level; nothing short of that, in the Court’s view, would
demonstrate that a noncitizen in respondent’s position is entitled
to the writ. See
ante, at 18, n. 18 (dismissing
respondent’s cited cases on the ground that “[w]hether the founding
generation understood habeas relief more broadly than described by
Blackstone, Justice Story, and our prior cases . . .
cannot be settled by a single case or even a few obscure and
possibly aberrant cases”); see also Neuman, Habeas Corpus,
Executive Detention, and the Removal of Aliens, 98 Colum.
L. Rev. 961 (1998) (noting the inherent difficulties of a
strict originalist approach in the habeas context because of, among
other things, the dearth of reasoned habeas decisions at the
founding).
But this Court has never rigidly demanded a
one-to-one match between a habeas petition and a common-law habeas
analog. In
St. Cyr, for example, the Court considered
whether a noncitizen with a controlled substance conviction could
challenge on habeas the denial of a discretionary waiver of his
deportation order. 533 U. S., at 293. In doing so, the Court
did not search high and low for founding-era parallels to waivers
of deportation for criminal noncitizens. It simply asked, at a far
more general level, whether habeas jurisdiction was historically
“invoked on behalf of noncitizens . . . in the
immigration context” to “challenge Executive . . .
detention in civil cases.”
Id., at 302, 305. That included
determining whether “[h]abeas courts . . . answered
questions of law that arose in the context of discretionary
relief ” (including questions regarding the allegedly
“erroneous application or interpretation of statutes”).
Id.,
at 302, and n. 18, 307.
Boumediene is even clearer that the
Suspension Clause inquiry does not require a close (much less
precise) factual match with historical habeas precedent. There, the
Court concluded that the writ applied to noncitizen detainees held
in Guantanamo, 553 U. S., at 771, despite frankly admitting
that a “[d]iligent search by all parties reveal[ed] no certain
conclusions” about the relevant scope of the common-law writ in
1789,
id., at 746. Indeed, the Court reasoned that none of
the cited cases illustrated whether a “common-law court would or
would not have granted . . . a petition for a writ of
habeas corpus” like that brought by the noncitizen-detainee
petitioners, and candidly acknowledged that “the common-law courts
simply may not have confronted cases with close parallels.”
Id., at 746, 752. But crucially, the Court declined to
“infer too much, one way or the other, from the lack of historical
evidence on point.”
Id., at 752. Instead, it sought to find
comparable common-law habeas cases by “analogy.”
Id., at
748–752.
There is no squaring the Court’s methodology
today with
St. Cyr or
Boumediene. As those cases
show, requiring near-complete equivalence between common-law habeas
cases and respondent’s habeas claim is out of step with this
Court’s longstanding approach in immigration cases.
B
1
Applying the correct (and commonsense)
approach to defining the Great Writ’s historic scope reveals that
respondent’s claims have long been recognized in habeas.
Respondent cites
Somerset v.
Stewart, Lofft. 1, 98 Eng. Rep. 499 (K. B. 1772), as an
example on point. There, Lord Mansfield issued a writ ordering
release of a slave bound for Jamaica, holding that there was no
basis in English law for “sending . . . him over” to another
country.
Id., at 17–19, 98 Eng. Rep., at 509–510. Thus, the
writ issued even though it “did not free [the] slave so much as it
protected him from deportation.” P. Halliday, Habeas Corpus: From
England to Empire 175 (2010).
Somerset establishes the
longstanding availability of the writ to challenge the legality of
removal and to secure release into a country in which a petitioner
sought shelter. Scholarly discussions of
Murray’s Case
suggest much of the same. There, the King’s Bench granted habeas to
allow a nonnative to remain in England and to prevent his removal
to Scotland for trial. Halliday, Habeas Corpus, at 236.
The Court dismisses these examples outright. It
acknowledges that the petitioner in
Somerset may have been
allowed to remain in England because of his release on habeas, yet
declares that this was “due not to the wri[t] ordering [his]
release” but rather to the existing state of the law.
Ante,
at 20. But the writ clearly did more than permit the petitioner to
disembark from a vessel; it prevented him from being “sen[t]
. . . over” to Jamaica. Lofft., at 17, 98 Eng. Rep., at
509. What England’s immigration laws might have prescribed after
the writ’s issuance did not bear on the availability of the writ as
a means to remain in the country in the first instance.
The Court also casts aside the facts of
Murray’s Case, even though they, too, reveal that habeas was
used to permit a nonnative detainee to remain in a country.
Ante, at 18, n. 18. The Court minimizes the decision as
“obscure and possibly aberrant.”
Ibid. But given the
relative paucity of habeas cases from this era, it is telling that
the case serves as another example of the writ being used to allow
a noncitizen to remain in England.[
2]
The reasoning of
Somerset and
Murray’s
Case carried over to the Colonies, where colonial governments
presumed habeas available to noncitizens to secure their residence
in a territory. See generally Oldham & Wishnie, The Historical
Scope of Habeas Corpus and
INS v.
St. Cyr, 16 Geo.
Immigration L. J. 485 (2002). For example, in 1755, British
authorities sought to deport French Acadian settlers from Nova
Scotia, then under the control of Great Britain, to the American
Colonies.
Id., at 497. The Governor and Assembly of South
Carolina resisted the migrants’ arrival and detained them in ships
off the coast of Charleston. They recognized, however, that the
exclusion could not persist because the migrants would be entitled
to avail themselves of habeas corpus.
Id., at 498.
Ultimately, the Governor released most of the Acadian migrants for
resettlement throughout the Colony.
Ibid.
Founding era courts accepted this view of the
writ’s scope. Rather than credit these decisions, the Court marches
through an assorted selection of cases and throws up its hands,
contending that the case law merely reflects a wide range of
circumstances for which individuals were deprived of their liberty.
See
ante, at 16–17. Thus, the Court concludes, the common
law simply did not speak to whether individuals could seek
“release” that would allow them to enter a country (as opposed to
being expelled from it).
At the same time, notwithstanding its professed
keen interest in precedent, the Court seems to discount decisions
supporting respondent’s view that habeas permitted release from
custody into the country. At least two other classes of cases
demonstrate that the writ was available from around the founding
onward to noncitizens who were detained, and wanted to remain,
including those who were prevented from entering the United States
at all.
First, common-law courts historically granted
the writ to discharge deserting foreign sailors found and
imprisoned in the United States. In
Commonwealth v.
Holloway, 1 Serg. & Rawle 392 (1815), the Pennsylvania
Supreme Court granted a writ of habeas corpus to a Danish sailor
who had deserted his vessel in violation of both an employment
contract and Danish law. The court explained that the desertion did
not violate any domestic law or treaty, and thus imprisonment was
inappropriate.
Id., at 396 (opinion of Tilghman,
C. J.). By ordering an unconditional discharge and declining
to return the noncitizen sailor to the custody of any foreign
power, the court used the writ to order a release that authorized a
noncitizen to remain in the United States, a country “other than
his own.”
Ante, at 16. The same was true in similar cases
that even the Court cites. See
ante, at 19 (citing
Case
of the Deserters from the British Frigate L’Africaine, 3 Am. L.
J. & Misc. Repertory 132 (Md. 1810) (reporting on a decision
discharging deserters);
Case of Hippolyte Dumas, 2 Am. L. J.
& Misc. Repertory 86 (Pa. 1809) (same)).
Curiously, the Court does not contest that the
writs in these cases were used to secure the liberty of foreign
sailors, and consequently their right to enter the
country.[
3] Rather, it remarks
that judges at the time “chafed at having to order even release,”
ante, at 19, which some saw as inconsistent with principles
of comity,
Holloway, 1 Serg. & Rawle, at 394. But
reluctance is not inability. That those judges followed the law’s
dictates despite their distaste for the result should give today’s
Court pause.
The Court seizes on one case where a court
ordered a deserting sailor to be returned to his foreign
vessel-master. See
ante, at 14, 19 (citing
Ex parte
D’Olivera, 7 F. Cas. 853, 854 (No. 3,967) (CC Mass. 1813)). But
it reads too much into this one decision. In
D’Olivera, the
court held that deserting sailors were unlawfully confined and
granted a writ of habeas corpus, but directed that they be
discharged to their vessel-master out of “a desire not to encourage
desertion among foreign seamen.”
Id., at 854. As illustrated
by other deserter cases
supra, the kind of results-oriented
decisionmaking in
D’Olivera does not seem to be the norm.
The Court’s proclamation about how the scope of common-law habeas
cannot hinge on a “single case” should have equal force here.
Ante, at 18, n. 18.
Next, courts routinely granted the writ to
release wrongfully detained noncitizens into Territories other than
the detainees’ “own.” Many involved the release of fugitive or
former slaves outside their home State. In these cases, courts
decided legal questions as to the status of these petitioners. In
Arabas v.
Ivers, 1 Root 92 (Conn. Super. Ct. 1784),
for example, a Connecticut court determined that a former slave
from New York held in local jail on his alleged master’s
instructions had, in fact, been freed through his service in the
Continental Army. The court ordered him discharged “upon the ground
that he was a freeman, absolutely manumitted from his master by
enlisting and serving in the army.”
Id., at 93. See also
In re Belt, 7 N. Y. Leg. Obs. 80 (1848) (granting
habeas to discharge an imprisoned fugitive slave whose owner did
not timely apply for his return to Maryland);
In re
Ralph, 1 Morris 1 (Iowa 1839) (discharging person from custody
on the grounds that he was not a fugitive slave subject to return
to Missouri when he had been allowed to travel to the Iowa
Territory by his former master);
Commonwealth v.
Holloway, 2 Serg. & Rawle 305 (Pa. 1816) (holding on
habeas corpus that a child born in a free State to a slave was
free);
In re Richardson’s Case, 20 F. Cas. 703 (No.
11,778) (CC DC 1837) (ordering prisoner to be discharged in the
District of Columbia because warrant was insufficient to establish
that he was a runaway slave from Maryland);
Commonwealth v.
Griffith, 19 Mass. 11 (1823) (contemplating that the status
of a freeman seized in Massachusetts as an alleged fugitive from
Virginia could be determined on habeas corpus).
The weight of historical evidence demonstrates
that common-law courts at and near the founding granted habeas to
noncitizen detainees to enter Territories not considered their own,
and thus ordered the kind of release that the Court claims falls
outside the purview of the common-law writ.
The Court argues that none of this evidence is
persuasive because the writ could not be used to compel
authorization to enter the United States.
Ante, at 20. But
that analogy is inapt. Perhaps if respondent here sought to use the
writ to grant naturalization, the comparison would be closer. But
respondent sought only the proper interpretation and application of
asylum law (which statutorily permits him to remain if he shows a
credible fear of persecution), or in the alternative, release
pursuant to the writ (despite being cognizant that he could be
denied asylum or rearrested upon release if he were found within
the country without legal authorization). But that consequence does
not deprive respondent of the ability to invoke the writ in the
first instance. See,
e.g.,
Lewis v.
Fullerton,
22 Va. 15 (1821) (affirming that a judgment on habeas corpus in
favor of a slave was not conclusive of her rights but merely
permitted release from custody on the record before the court and
did not prohibit recapture by a master);
Ralph, 1 Morris, at
1 (noting that an adjudication that petitioner was not a fugitive
only exempted him from fugitive-slave laws but did not prohibit
master from entering Territory to reclaim him on his own
accord).
For these reasons, the Court is wrong to dispute
that common-law habeas practice encompassed the kind of release
respondent seeks here.
2
The Court also appears to contend that
respondent sought merely additional procedures in his habeas
adjudication and that this kind of relief does not fall within the
traditional scope of the writ. That reflects a misunderstanding of
the writ. Habeas courts regularly afforded the state additional
opportunities to show that a detention was lawful before ordering
what the Court now considers a release outright.
The common-law writ of
habeas corpus ad
subjiciendum evolved into what we know and hail as the “Great
Writ.” See 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 131
(1768). That writ, at bottom, allowed a court to elicit the cause
for an individual’s imprisonment and to ensure that he be released,
granted bail, or promptly tried. See Oaks, Habeas Corpus in the
States
—1776–1865, 32 U. Chi. L. Rev. 243, 244 (1965).
From its origins, the writ did not require immediate release, but
contained procedures that would allow the state to proceed against
a detainee. Under the English Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, jailers
were ordered to make a “return” to a writ within a designated time
period and certify the true causes of imprisonment.
Id., at
252–253. Justices of the King’s Bench obtained returns that
provided full legal accounts justifying detention. Halliday &
White, The Suspension Clause: English Text, Imperial Contexts, and
American Implications, 94 Va. L. Rev. 575, 599–600 (2008)
(Halliday & White). They also examined and were guided by
depositions upon which a detention was founded to determine whether
to admit a petitioner to bail. Oaks, 32 U. Chi. L. Rev., at
258. Indeed, the King’s Bench routinely considered facts not
asserted in the return to assist scrutiny of detentions. Halliday
& White 610; see also
id., at 611 (documenting instances
where the court would consider affidavits of testimony beyond what
was included in the return).
Moreover, early practice showed that common-law
habeas courts routinely held proceedings to determine whether
detainees should be discharged immediately or whether the state
could subject them to further proceedings, including trial in
compliance with proper procedures. See
Ex parte Bollman, 4
Cranch 75, 125 (1807) (taking testimony in conjunction with an
“inquiry” to determine whether “the accused shall be discharged or
held to trial”). In
Ex parte Kaine, 14 F. Cas. 78 (No.
7,597) (CC SDNY 1853), for example, a federal court analyzed
whether a petitioner, who had been found guilty of an offense by a
commissioner, was subject to extradition. The court passed on
questions of law concerning whether the commissioner had the power
to adjudicate petitioner’s criminality.
Id., at 80.
Ultimately, the court found that petitioner was “entitled to be
discharged from imprisonment” due to defects in the proceedings
before the commissioner, but entertained further evidence on
whether he could nevertheless be extradited.
Id., at 82.
Only after finding no additional evidence that would permit
extradition did the court order release.
Ibid.
Similarly, in
Coleman v.
Tennessee, 97 U.S.
509 (1879), the petitioner had been convicted of a capital
offense by a state court, even though he had committed the offense
while a soldier in the United States Army.
Id., at 510–511.
This Court granted habeas on the grounds that the state-court
judgment was void but, because the petitioner had also been found
guilty of murder by a military court, nevertheless turned the
prisoner over to the custody of the military for appropriate
punishment.
Id., at 518–520. Not surprisingly, then, the
Court has found that habeas courts may discharge detainees in a
manner that would allow defects in a proceeding below to be
corrected.
In re Bonner,
151 U.S.
242, 261 (1894).
These examples confirm that outright habeas
release was not always immediately awarded. But they also show that
common-law courts understood that relief short of release, such as
ordering officials to comply with the law and to correct underlying
errors, nevertheless fell within the scope of a request for habeas
corpus.[
4]
3
Despite exalting the value of pre-1789
precedent, the Court’s key rationale for why respondent does not
seek “release” in the so-called traditional sense rests on an
inapposite, contemporary case:
Munaf v.
Geren,
553 U.S.
674 (2008).[
5]
Ante,
at 14.
Munaf, the Court claims, shows that habeas is not
available to seek an order to be brought into this country.
Ante, at 14. But that case is in a category of its own and
has no bearing on respondent’s claims here.
Munaf addressed
a one-of-a-kind scenario involving the transfer of individuals
between different sovereigns. There, two United States citizens in
Iraq filed habeas petitions seeking to block their transfer to
Iraqi authorities after being accused of committing crimes and
detained by American-led coalition forces pending investigation and
prosecution in Iraqi courts. 553 U. S., at 679–680, 692. The
central question, this Court repeatedly stated, was “whether United
States district courts may exercise their habeas jurisdiction to
enjoin our Armed Forces from transferring individuals detained
within another sovereign’s territory to that sovereign’s government
for criminal prosecution.”
Id., at 689; see also
id.,
at 704.
In concluding that habeas did not extend to the
relief sought by the citizens detained in Iraq, the
Munaf
Court relied on cases involving habeas petitions filed to avoid
extradition.
Id., at 695–696 (citing
Wilson v.
Girard,
354 U.S.
524 (1957) (
per curiam), and
Neely v.
Henkel,
180 U.S.
109 (1901)). These decisions, the Court concluded, established
that American courts lack habeas jurisdiction to enjoin an
extradition or similar transfer to a foreign sovereign exercising a
right to prosecution. 553 U. S., at 696–697. These
circumstances, which today’s Court overlooks, mean that
Munaf is more like the extradition cases that the Court
deems not “pertinent.”
Ante, at 20.[
6]
In any event, respondent is not similarly
situated to the petitioners in
Munaf, who sought habeas to
thwart removal from the United States in the face of a competing
sovereign’s interests. Mindful that the case implicated “sensitive
foreign policy issues in the context of ongoing military
operations,” the
Munaf Court observed that granting habeas
relief would “interfere with Iraq’s sovereign right to punish
offenses against its laws committed within its borders.” 553
U. S., at 692 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also
id., at 689, 694, 700. For that reason, it proceeded
“ ‘with the circumspection appropriate when this Court is
adjudicating issues inevitably entangled in the conduct of
. . . international relations.’ ”
Id., at
689, 692. Here, of course, no foreign sovereign is exercising a
similar claim to custody over respondent during an ongoing conflict
that would trigger the comity concerns that animated
Munaf.
C
Next, the Court casually dismisses nearly 70
years of precedent from the finality era, the most relevant
historic period for examining judicial review of immigration
decisions. It concludes that, in case after case, this Court
exercised habeas review over legal questions arising in immigration
cases akin to those at issue here, not because the Constitution
required it but only because a statute permitted it.
Ante,
at 23–24. That conclusion is both wrong in its own right and
repeats arguments this Court rejected a half century ago when
reviewing this same body of cases.
At the turn of the 20th century, immigration to
the United States was relatively unrestricted. Public sentiment,
however, grew hostile toward many recent entrants, particularly
migrant laborers from China. In response, Congress enacted the
so-called Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, ch. 126, 22Stat. 58, which
prohibited the entry of Chinese laborers to the United States. The
Scott Act, ch. 1064, 25Stat. 504, enacted in 1888, forbade reentry
of Chinese laborers who had left after previously residing in this
country. Although immigration officials routinely denied entry to
arriving migrants on the basis of these laws, many of these
decisions were overturned by federal courts on habeas review. See,
e.g.,
United States v.
Jung Ah Lung,
124 U.S.
621 (1888).
This did not escape Congress’ attention. See
Select Committee on Immigration & Naturalization, H. R.
Rep. No. 4048, 51st Cong., 2d Sess., 273–275 (1891) (documenting
rate of reversal of immigration exclusion orders by Federal
District Court in San Francisco). Congress responded by enacting
the Immigration Act of 1891, which stripped federal courts of their
power to review immigration denials: “All decisions made by the
inspection officers or their assistants touching the right of any
alien to land, when adverse to such right, shall be final unless
appeal be taken to the superintendent of immigration, whose action
shall be subject to review by the Secretary of the Treasury.” Act
of Mar. 3, 1891, §8, 26Stat. 1085. By its terms, that restriction
on federal judicial power was not limited to review of some
undefined subset of issues, such as questions of law or fact; it
made executive immigration decisions final in all respects.
The Court, however, quickly construed the
statute in
Nishimura Ekiu v.
United States,
142 U.S.
651 (1892) (
Ekiu), to preclude only review of executive
factfinding. Having so construed the statute, the Court in
Ekiu, and in case after case following
Ekiu,
recognized the availability of habeas to review a range of legal
and constitutional questions arising in immigration decisions. The
crucial question here is whether the finality-era Courts adopted
that construction of jurisdiction-stripping statutes because it was
simply the correct interpretation of the statute’s terms and
nothing more or because that construction was constitutionally
compelled to ensure the availability of habeas review. The better
view is that
Ekiu’s construction of the 1891 statute was
constitutionally compelled.
In
Ekiu, the Court recognized that a
Japanese national was entitled to seek a writ of habeas corpus to
review an exclusion decision issued almost immediately upon her
arrival to the United States. As the Court notes,
ante, at
26, the relevant issue in that case was whether the 1891 Act, “if
construed as vesting . . . exclusive authority” in the
Executive to determine a noncitizen’s right to enter the United
States, violated petitioner’s constitutional “right to the writ of
habeas corpus, which carried with it the right to a
determination by the court as to the legality of her detention,”
142 U. S., at 656 (statement of the case). That is, the
Ekiu Court confronted whether construing the 1891 Act as
precluding all judicial review of immigration decisions like the
exclusion order at issue would violate the constitutional guarantee
to habeas.
The Court answered that question by construing
the 1891 Act as precluding judicial review only of questions of
fact. “An alien immigrant,” the Court first held, who is “prevented
from landing [in the United States] by any [executive] officer
. . . and thereby restrained of his liberty, is doubtless
entitled to a writ of
habeas corpus to ascertain whether the
restraint is lawful.”
Id., at 660
. The Court then
explained that it had authority to hear the case (despite Congress’
clear elimination of judicial review) because it interpreted the
1891 Act as meaning only that an immigration official’s
determination of “facts” was final and unreviewable.
Ibid.
(explaining that Congress could entrust the final determination of
facts to executive officers).
After so articulating the 1891 Act’s limits on
judicial review, the Court analyzed two challenges to the integrity
of the proceedings, neither of which raised questions of historical
fact. See
id., at 662–663 (considering whether immigration
officer’s appointment was unconstitutional such that his actions
were invalid);
id., at 663 (determining whether proceedings
were unlawful because the officer failed to take sworn testimony or
make a record of the decision).[
7] Although the Court ultimately concluded that those
legal and constitutional challenges lacked merit,
id., at
662–664, what matters is that the Court evaluated the arguments and
recognized them as possible grounds for habeas relief.
What, then, can
Ekiu tell us? Today’s
Court finds significant that the brief opinion makes no explicit
mention of the Suspension Clause.
Ante, at 28. This
omission, it concludes, can only mean that the
Ekiu Court
did not think that (or had no occasion to consider whether) the
Suspension Clause “imposed any limitations on the authority of
Congress to restrict the issuance of writs of habeas corpus in
immigration matters.”
Ante, at 27. According to this theory,
Ekiu concluded that the plain terms of the1891 Act
prohibited judicial review of executive factfinding alone, and
nothing more can be said.
But this myopic interpretation ignores many
salient facts. To start, the 1891 Act was enacted for the purpose
of limiting all judicial review of immigration decisions, not just
a subset of factual issues that may arise in those decisions.
Further, the plain terms of the statute did not cabin the
limitation on judicial review to historical facts found by an
immigration officer.
Ekiu, moreover, evaluated the Act’s
constitutionality in view of the petitioner’s argument that the
limitation on judicial review violated the constitutional “right to
the writ of
habeas corpus.” 142 U. S., at 656
(statement of the case). These considerations all point in one
direction: Even if the
Ekiu Court did not explicitly hold
that the Suspension Clause prohibits Congress from broadly limiting
all judicial review in immigration proceedings, it certainly
decided the case in a manner that avoided raising this
constitutional question. Indeed, faced with a
jurisdiction-stripping statute, the only review left for the
Ekiu Court was that required by the Constitution and, by
extension, protected by the guarantee of habeas corpus.
The Court also maintains that
Ekiu
concluded that “ ‘the act of 1891 is constitutional’ ” in
full, not “only in part.”
Ante, at 27 (quoting
Ekiu,
142 U. S., at 664). Yet as the Court acknowledges, it was only
“after interpreting the 1891 Act” as precluding judicial review of
questions of fact alone that the
Ekiu Court deemed it
constitutional.
Ante, at 26; see also
Ekiu, 142 U.
S., at 664 (concluding that “[t]he result” of its construction is
that the 1891 Act “is constitutional”). That cannot mean that
Ekiu found the 1891 Act constitutional even to the extent
that it prevented all judicial review of immigration decisions,
even those brought on habeas. What it can only mean, instead, is
that
Ekiu’s construction of the 1891 Act was an answer to
the constitutional question posed by the case: whether and to what
extent denying judicial review under the 1891 Act would violate the
constitutional “right to the writ of
habeas corpus.” 142
U. S., at 656 (statement of the case).[
8]
Bolstering this interpretation is that the Court
has repeatedly reached the same result when interpreting subsequent
statutes purporting to strip federal courts of all jurisdiction
over immigration decisions. In
Gegiow v.
Uhl,
239 U.S. 3
(1915), for example, the Court observed that
Ekiu decided
that “[t]he conclusiveness of the decisions of immigration officers
under [the 1891 Act]” referred only to “conclusiveness upon matters
of fact.” 239 U. S., at 9. It relied heavily on
Ekiu to
support its determination that the Immigration Act of 1907, 34Stat.
898, which also rendered decisions of immigration officers to be
“final,” §25,
id., at 907, similarly only barred judicial
review of questions of fact, 239 U. S., at 9. Indeed, time and
again, against a backdrop of statutes purporting to bar all
judicial review of executive immigration decisions, this Court has
entertained habeas petitions raising a host of issues other than
historic facts found by immigration authorities.[
9]
To be sure, this entrenched line of cases does
not directly state that habeas review of immigration decisions is
constitutionally compelled. But an alternate understanding of those
cases rests on an assumption that is farfetched at best: that, year
after year, and in case after case, this Court simply ignored the
unambiguous texts of the serial Immigration Acts limiting judicial
review altogether. The Court’s pattern of hearing habeas cases
despite those statutes’ contrary mandate reflects that the Court
understood habeas review in those cases as not statutorily
permitted but constitutionally compelled.
In any event, we need not speculate now about
whether the
Ekiu Court, or the Courts that followed, had the
constitutional right to habeas corpus in mind when they interpreted
jurisdiction-stripping statutes only to preclude review of historic
facts. This Court has already identified which view is correct. In
Heikkila v.
Barber,
345 U.S.
229 (1953), the Court explained that
Ekiu and its
progeny had, in fact, construed the finality statutes to avoid
serious constitutional questions about Congress’ ability to strip
federal courts of their habeas power. As
Heikkila
reiterated, the key question in
Ekiu (and in later cases
analyzing finality statutes) was the extent to which the
Constitution allowed Congress to make administrative decisions
unreviewable. 345 U. S., at 234. And it concluded that the
jurisdiction-stripping immigration statute in that case, a
successor to the 1891 Act, “preclud[ed] judicial intervention in
deportation cases except insofar as it was required by the
Constitution.”
Id., at 234–235.
Heikkila thus settles the matter; during
the finality era, this Court either believed that the Constitution
required judicial review on habeas of constitutional and legal
questions arising in immigration decisions or, at the very least,
thought that there was a serious question about whether the
Constitution so required. Although the Court tries to minimize that
conclusion as not dispositive of the question presented,
ante, at 29, such a conclusion undoubtedly weighs against
finding §1252(e)(2) constitutional in spite of its broad
prohibition on reviewing constitutional and legal questions.
The Court dismisses
Heikkila and its
explanation of the finality-era cases outright
. It fixates
on the fact that
Heikkila was not itself a habeas case and
instead analyzed whether judicial review of immigration orders was
available under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA).
Ante, at 31–32.
Heikkila’s discussion of the APA does
not detract from its affirmation that when the language of a
jurisdiction-stripping statute precludes all judicial review, the
only review that is left is that required by the constitutional
guarantee of habeas corpus. 345 U. S., at 235.[
10] Most importantly,
Heikkila
concluded that APA review was not equivalent to that judicial
review. Second, the Court also states that
Heikkila never
interpreted
Ekiu as having found the 1891 Act “partly
unconstitutional.”
Ante, at 32. But there was no need for
the
Ekiu Court to find the 1891 Act unconstitutional in part
to construe it as prohibiting only review of historic facts.
Instead, as
Heikkila explained,
Ekiu reached its
decision by exercising constitutional avoidance.
By disregarding
Heikkila, the Court
ignores principles of
stare decisis to stir up a settled
debate. Cf.
Ramos v.
Louisiana, 590 U. S. ___,
___, ___ (2020) (Alito, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 1, 12).
Perhaps its view is tinted by the fact that it doubts the
Suspension Clause could limit Congress’ ability to eliminate habeas
jurisdiction at all. The Court scoffs at the notion that a
limitation on judicial review would have been understood as an
unconstitutional suspension of habeas, noting and distinguishing
the limited number of occasions that this Court has found a
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. See
ante, at 28–29;
but see
ante, at 7, n. 4 (Thomas, J., concurring)
(noting that historically, suspensions of habeas did not
necessarily mention the availability of the writ). The references
to those major historic moments where this Court has identified a
suspension only establish the outer bounds of Congress’ suspension
powers; it says nothing about whether, and to what extent, more
limited restrictions on judicial review might also be found
unconstitutional.
Indeed, the Court acknowledges that some thought
it an open question during the finality era whether the Suspension
Clause imposes limits on Congress’ ability to limit judicial
review. See
ante, at 31, n. 25 (quoting Justice Brewer’s
concurring opinion in
United States ex rel. Turner v.
Williams,
194
U.S. 279, 295 (1904), raising the question). That this question
remained unsettled, see n. 1,
supra, suffices to
support the Court’s conclusion in
Heikkila: The finality-era
Courts endeavored to construe jurisdiction-stripping statutes to
avoid serious constitutional questions about the extent of
congressional power to limit judicial review.
At bottom, the better view of the finality-era
cases is that they understood the habeas right they sustained to
be, or at least likely to be, constitutionally compelled. Certainly
the cases do not establish the Court’s simplistic view to the
contrary: That the finality-era Court entertained habeas petitions
only because no statute limited its ability to do so, and no
Constitutional provision required otherwise. That reading of
precedent disregards significant indications that this Court
persistently construed immigration statutes stripping courts of
judicial review to avoid depriving noncitizens of constitutional
habeas guarantees. Ignoring how past courts wrestled with this
issue may make it easier for the Court to announce that there is no
unconstitutional suspension today. But by sweeping aside most of
our immigration history in service of its conclusion, the Court
reopens a question that this Court put to rest decades ago, and now
decides it differently. The cost of doing so is enormous. The
Court, on its own volition, limits a constitutional protection so
respected by our Founding Fathers that they forbade its suspension
except in the direst of circumstances.
D
Not only does the Court cast to one side our
finality-era jurisprudence, it skims over recent habeas precedent.
Perhaps that is because these cases undermine today’s decision.
Indeed, both
INS v.
St. Cyr,
533
U.S. 289 (2001), and
Boumediene v.
Bush,
553 U.S.
723 (2008), instruct that eliminating judicial review of legal
and constitutional questions associated with executive detention,
like the expedited-removal statute at issue here does, is
unconstitutional.
The Court acknowledges
St. Cyr’s holding
but does not heed it.
St. Cyr concluded that
“ ‘[b]ecause of [the Suspension] Clause some “judicial
intervention in deportation cases” is unquestionably “required by
the Constitution.” ’ ”
Ante, at 33 (quoting 533
U. S., at 300). This statement affirms what the finality-era
cases long suggested: that the Suspension Clause limits Congress’
power to restrict judicial review in immigration cases. Nor did
St. Cyr arrive at this conclusion simply based on canons of
statutory construction. The Court spoke of deeper historical
principles, affirming repeatedly that “[a]t its historical core,
the writ of habeas corpus has served as a means of reviewing the
legality of Executive detention, and it is in that context that its
protections have been strongest.”
Id., at 301; see also
id., at 305 (“The writ of habeas corpus has always been
available to review the legality of Executive detention”). The
Court looked to founding era cases to establish that the scope of
this guarantee extended to both the “interpretation” and
“application” of governing law, including law that guided the
exercise of executive discretion.
Id., at 302.
Based on that history, the Court also concluded
that “a serious Suspension Clause issue would be presented” by
precluding habeas review in the removal context,
id., at
305, even where there was “no dispute” that the Government had the
legal authority to detain a noncitizen like St. Cyr,
id.,
at 303. Thus based on the same principles
that the Court purports to apply in this case, the
St. Cyr
Court reached the opposite conclusion: The Suspension Clause likely
prevents Congress from eliminating judicial review of discretionary
executive action in the deportation context, even when the writ is
used to challenge more than the fact of detention itself.
Boumediene reprised many of the rules
articulated in
St. Cyr. It first confirmed that the
Suspension Clause applied to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay,
repeating the “uncontroversial” proposition that “the privilege of
habeas corpus entitles” an executive detainee to a “meaningful
opportunity to demonstrate that he is being held pursuant to ‘the
erroneous application or interpretation’ of relevant law.” 553
U. S., at 779 (quoting
St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at
302). Then the Court detailed the writ’s remedial scope. It
affirmed that one of the “easily identified attributes of any
constitutionally adequate habeas corpus proceeding” is that “the
habeas court must have the power to order the conditional release
of an individual unlawfully detained.” 553 U. S., at 779.
Notably, the Court explained that release “need not be the
exclusive remedy,” reasoning that “common-law habeas corpus was,
above all, an adaptable remedy” whose “precise application and
scope changed depending upon the circumstances.”
Ibid.
(citing 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *131). The Court noted that
any habeas remedy might be tempered based on the traditional test
for procedural adequacy in the due process context and thus could
accommodate the “rigor of any earlier proceedings.” 553 U. S.,
at 781 (citing
Mathews v.
Eldridge,
424 U.S.
319, 335 (1976)).
The Court discounts these cases because it
objects to the perceived direction of respondent’s requested
release.
Ante, at 32 (explaining that
Boumediene did
not suggest that the enemy combatant petitioners were entitled to
enter the United States upon release). It similarly contends that
respondent’s attempted use of the writ is “very
different” from that at issue in
St. Cyr. Ante,
at 33.
Neither rejoinder is sound.
St. Cyr and
Boumediene confirm that at minimum, the historic scope of
the habeas power guaranteed judicial review of constitutional and
legal challenges to executive action. They do not require release
as an exclusive remedy, let alone a particular direction of
release. Rather, both cases built on the legacy of the finality era
where the Court, concerned about the constitutionality of limiting
judicial review, unquestionably entertained habeas petitions from
arriving migrants who raised the same types of questions respondent
poses here. See,
e.g., St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at 307
(citing
United States ex rel. Accardi v.
Shaughnessy,
347 U.S.
260 (1954) (habeas case attacking the denial of an application
for suspension of deportation); see also
id., at 268 (“[W]e
object to the Board’s alleged failure to exercise its own
discretion, contrary to existing valid regulations” (emphasis
deleted))).
As discussed above, respondent requests review
of immigration officials’ allegedly unlawful interpretation of
governing asylum law, and seeks to test the constitutional adequacy
of expedited removal procedures. As a remedy, he requests
procedures affording a conditional release, but certainly did not
so limit his prayer for relief. His constitutional and legal
challenges fall within the heartland of what
St. Cyr said
the common-law writ encompassed, and
Boumediene confirms he
is entitled to additional procedures as a form of conditional
habeas relief. These precedents themselves resolve this case.
* * *
The Court wrongly declares that §1252(e)(2)
can preclude habeas review of respondent’s constitutional and legal
challenges to his asylum proceedings. So too the Court errs in
concluding that Congress need not provide a substitute mechanism to
supply that review. In so holding, the Court manages to flout
precedents governing habeas jurisprudence from three separate eras.
Each one shows that respondent is entitled to judicial review of
his constitutional and legal claims. Because §1252(e)(2) excludes
his challenges from habeas proceedings, and because the INA does
not otherwise provide for meaningful judicial review of the
Executive’s removal determination, respondent has no effective
means of vindicating his right to habeas relief. Quite simply, the
Constitution requires more.
III
Although the Court concludes that habeas
relief is not available because of the particular kind of release
that it thinks respondent requests, it also suggests that
respondent’s unlawful status independently prohibits him from
challenging the constitutionality of the expedited removal
proceedings. By determining that respondent, a recent unlawful
entrant who was apprehended close in time and place to his
unauthorized border crossing, has no procedural due process rights
to vindicate through his habeas challenge, the Court unnecessarily
addresses a constitutional question in a manner contrary to the
text of the Constitution and to our precedents.
The Court stretches to reach the issue whether a
noncitizen like respondent is entitled to due process protections
in relation to removal proceedings, which the court below mentioned
only in a footnote and as an aside. See
ante, at 34 (quoting
917 F. 3d, at 1111, n. 15). In so doing, the Court opines on a
matter neither necessary to its holding nor seriously in dispute
below.[
11]
The Court is no more correct on the merits. To
be sure, our cases have long held that foreigners who had never
come into the United States—those “on the threshold of initial
entry”—are not entitled to any due process with respect to their
admission.
Shaughnessy v.
United States ex rel.
Mezei,
345 U.S.
206, 212 (1953) (citing
Ekiu, 142 U. S., at 660);
see also
Landon v.
Plasencia,
459 U.S.
21, 32 (1982). That follows from this Courts’ holdings that the
political branches of Government have “plenary” sovereign power
over regulating the admission of noncitizens to the United States.
Ante, at 35; see also
Ekiu, 142 U. S., at
659.
Noncitizens in this country, however, undeniably
have due process rights. In
Yick Wo v.
Hopkins,
118 U.S.
356 (1886), the Court explained that “[t]he Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution is not confined to the protection of
citizens” but rather applies “to all persons within the territorial
jurisdiction, without regard to any differences of race, of color,
or of nationality.”
Id., at 369;
Zadvydas v.
Davis,
533 U.S.
678, 693 (2001) (reiterating that “once an alien enters the
country,” he is entitled to due process in his removal proceedings
because “the Due Process Clause applies to all ‘persons’ within the
United States, including aliens, whether their presence here is
lawful, unlawful, temporary, or permanent”).
In its early cases, the Court speculated whether
a noncitizen could invoke due process protections when he entered
the country without permission or had resided here for too brief a
period to “have become, in any real sense, a part of our
population.”
The Japanese Immigrant Case,
189 U.S.
86, 100 (1903); see also
ante, at 34 (quoting
Ekiu, 142 U. S., at 660 (remarking that for those not
“ ‘admitted into the country pursuant to law,’ ” the
procedures afforded by the political branches are all that are
due)). But the Court has since determined that presence in the
country is the touchstone for at least some level of due process
protections. See
Mezei, 345 U. S., at 212 (explaining
that “aliens who have once passed through our gates, even
illegally,” possess constitutional rights);
Mathews v.
Diaz,
426 U.S.
67, 77 (1976) (“There are literally millions of aliens within
the jurisdiction of the United States. The Fifth Amendment
. . . protects every one of these persons . . . . Even
one whose presence in this country is unlawful, involuntary, or
transitory is entitled to that constitutional protection”). As a
noncitizen within the territory of the United States, respondent is
entitled to invoke the protections of the Due Process Clause.
In order to reach a contrary conclusion, the
Court assumes that those who do not enter the country legally have
the same due process rights as those who do not enter the country
at all. The Court deems that respondent possesses only the rights
of noncitizens on the “threshold of initial entry,” skirting
binding precedent by assuming that individuals like respondent have
“ ‘assimilated to [the] status’ ” of an arriving
noncitizen for purposes of the constitutional analysis.
Mezei, 345 U. S., at 212, 214. But that relies on a
legal fiction. Respondent, of course, was actually within the
territorial limits of the United States.
More broadly, by drawing the line for due
process at legal admission rather than physical entry, the Court
tethers constitutional protections to a noncitizen’s legal status
as determined under contemporary asylum and immigration law. But
the Fifth Amendment, which of course long predated any admissions
program, does not contain limits based on immigration status or
duration in the country: It applies to “persons” without
qualification.
Yick Wo, 118 U. S., at 369. The Court
has repeatedly affirmed as much long after Congress began
regulating entry to the country.
Mathews, 426 U. S., at
77;
Zadvydas, 533 U. S., at 693–694. The Court lacks
any textual basis to craft an exception to this rule, let alone one
hinging on dynamic immigration laws that may be amended at any
time, to redefine when an “entry” occurs. Fundamentally, it is out
of step with how this Court has conceived the scope of the Due
Process Clause for over a century: Congressional policy in the
immigration context does not dictate the scope of the
Constitution.
In addition to creating an atextual gap in the
Constitution’s coverage, the Court’s rule lacks any limiting
principle. This is not because our case law does not supply one.
After all, this Court has long affirmed that noncitizens have due
process protections in proceedings to remove them from the country
once they have entered. See
id., at 693–694;
Mezei,
345 U. S., at 212.
Perhaps recognizing the tension between its
opinion today and those cases, the Court cabins its holding to
individuals who are “in respondent’s position.”
Ante, at 36.
Presumably the rule applies to—and only to—individuals found within
25 feet of the border who have entered within the past 24 hours of
their apprehension. Where its logic must stop, however, is hard to
say. Taken to its extreme, a rule conditioning due process rights
on lawful entry would permit Congress to constitutionally eliminate
all procedural protections for any noncitizen the Government deems
unlawfully admitted and summarily deport them no matter how many
decades they have lived here, how settled and integrated they are
in their communities, or how many members of their family are
U. S. citizens or residents.
This judicially fashioned line-drawing is not
administrable, threatens to create arbitrary divisions between
noncitizens in this country subject to removal proceedings, and,
most important, lacks any basis in the Constitution. Both the
Constitution and this Court’s cases plainly guarantee due process
protections to all “persons” regardless of their immigration
status, a guarantee independent of the whims of the political
branches. This contrary proclamation by the Court unnecessarily
decides a constitutional question in a manner contrary to governing
law.[
12]
IV
The Court reaches its decision only by
downplaying the nature of respondent’s claims, ignoring a plethora
of common-law immigration cases from a time of relatively open
borders, and mischaracterizing the most relevant precedents from
this Court. Perhaps to shore up this unstable foundation, the Court
justifies its decision by pointing to perceived vulnerabilities and
abuses in the asylum system. I address the Court’s policy concerns
briefly.
In some ways, this country’s asylum laws have
represented the best of our Nation. Unrestricted migration at the
founding and later, formal asylum statutes, have served as a beacon
to the world, broadcasting the vitality of our institutions and our
collective potential. For many who come here fleeing religious,
political, or ideological persecution, and for many more who have
preceded them, asylum has provided both a form of shelter and a
start to a better life. That is not to say that this country’s
asylum policy has always, or ever, had overwhelming support.
Indeed, many times in our past, particularly when the Nation’s
future has appeared uncertain or bleak, members of this country
have sought to close our borders rather than open them. See S.
Legomsky & C. Rodriguez, Immigration and Refugee Law and Policy
875–876 (5th ed. 2009) (explaining that restrictionist sentiments
in the 1930s were fueled in part by the Great Depression). Yet this
country has time and again reaffirmed its commitment to providing
sanctuary to those escaping oppression and persecution. Congress
and the Executive have repeatedly affirmed that choice in response
to serial waves of migration from other countries by enacting and
amending asylum laws and regulations. In fact, a centerpiece of
respondent’s claim is that officials were not following these
statutorily enacted procedures.
The volume of asylum claims submitted, pending,
and granted has varied over the years, due to factors like changing
international migration patterns, the level of resources devoted to
processing and adjudicating asylum applications, and amendments to
governing immigration laws. See Congressional Research Service,
Immigration: U. S. Asylum Policy 25 (Feb. 19, 2019); see also
Dept. of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2018
Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 43 (2019) (Table 16)
(“Individuals Granted Asylum Affirmatively or Defensively: Fiscal
Years 1990 to 2018” (quotation modified)). For the past few years,
both new asylum applications and pending applications have steadily
increased. Immigration: U. S. Asylum Policy, at 25.
It is universally acknowledged that the asylum
regime is under strain. It is also clear that, while the reasons
for the large pending caseload are complicated,[
13] delays in adjudications are undesirable
for a number of reasons. At bottom, when asylum claims are not
resolved in a timely fashion, the protracted decisionmaking harms
those eligible for protection and undermines the integrity of the
regime as a whole. D. Meissner, F. Hipsman, & T. Aleinikoff,
Migration Policy Institute, The U. S. Asylum System in Crisis:
Charting a Way Forward 4 (Sept. 2018).
But the political branches have numerous tools
at their disposal to reform the asylum system, and debates over the
best methods of doing so are legion in the Government, in the
academy, and in the public sphere.[
14] Congress and the Executive are thus well equipped to
enact a range of measures to reform asylum in a number of ways and
routinely do so.[
15] Indeed,
as the Court notes, the expedited removal process at issue here was
created by law as one such measure to ease pressures on the
immigration system.
Ante, at 4.
In the face of these policy choices, the role of
the Judiciary is minimal, yet crucial: to ensure that laws passed
by Congress are consistent with the limits of the Constitution. The
Court today ignores its obligation, going out of its way to
restrict the scope of the Great Writ and the reach of the Due
Process Clause. This may accommodate congressional policy concerns
by easing the burdens under which the immigration system currently
labors. But it is nothing short of a self-imposed injury to the
Judiciary, to the separation of powers, and to the values embodied
in the promise of the Great Writ.
Because I disagree with the Court’s
interpretation of the reach of our Constitution’s protections, I
respectfully dissent.