SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 19–292
_________________
ROXANNE TORRES, PETITIONER
v. JANICE
MADRID, et al.
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the tenth circuit
[March 25, 2021]
Justice Gorsuch, with whom Justice Thomas and
Justice Alito join, dissenting.
The majority holds that a criminal suspect can
be simultaneously seized and roaming at large. On the majority’s
account, a Fourth Amendment “seizure” takes place whenever an
officer “merely touches” a suspect. It’s a seizure even if the
suspect refuses to stop, evades capture, and rides off into the
sunset never to be seen again. That view is as mistaken as it is
novel.
Until today, a Fourth Amendment “seizure” has
required taking possession of someone or something. To reach its
contrary judgment, the majority must conflate a seizure with its
attempt and confuse an arrest with a battery. In the process, too,
the majority must disregard the Constitution’s original and
ordinary meaning, dispense with our conventional interpretive
rules, and bypass the main currents of the common law. Unable to
rely on any of these traditional sources of authority, the majority
is left to lean on (really, repurpose) an abusive and
long-abandoned English debt-collection practice. But there is a
reason why, in two centuries filled with litigation over the Fourth
Amendment’s meaning, this Court has never before adopted the
majority’s definition of a “seizure.” Neither the Constitution nor
common sense can sustain it.
I
A
This case began when two Albuquerque police
officers approached Roxanne Torres on foot. The officers thought
Ms. Torres was the subject of an arrest warrant and suspected of
involvement in murder and drug trafficking. As it turned out, they
had the wrong person; Ms. Torres was the subject of a
different arrest warrant. As she saw the officers walk
toward her, Ms. Torres responded by getting into her car and
hitting the gas. At the time, Ms. Torres admits, she was “tripping
out bad” on methamphetamine. Fearing the oncoming car was about to
hit them, the officers fired their duty weapons, and two bullets
struck Ms. Torres while others hit her car.
None of that stopped Ms. Torres. She continued
driving—over a curb, across some landscaping, and into a street,
eventually colliding with another vehicle. Abandoning her car, she
promptly stole a different one parked nearby. Ms. Torres then drove
over 75 miles to another city. When she eventually sought medical
treatment, doctors decided she needed to be airlifted back to
Albuquerque for more intensive care. Only at that point, a day
after her encounter with the officers, was Ms. Torres finally
identified and arrested. Ultimately, she pleaded no contest to
assault on a police officer, aggravated fleeing from an officer,
and the unlawful taking of a motor vehicle.
More than two years later, Ms. Torres sued the
officers for damages in federal court under 42 U. S. C.
§1983. She alleged that they had violated the Fourth Amendment by
unreasonably “seizing” her. After discovery, the officers moved for
summary judgment. The district court granted the motion, and the
court of appeals affirmed. Individuals like Ms. Torres are free to
sue officers under New Mexico state law for assault or battery.
They may also sue officers under the Fourteenth Amendment for
conduct that “shocks the conscience.” But under longstanding
circuit precedent, the courts explained, a Fourth Amendment
“seizure” occurs only when the government obtains “physical
control” over a person or object. Because Ms. Torres “managed to
elude the police for at least a full day after being shot,” the
courts reasoned, the officers’ bullets had not “seized” her; any
seizure took place only when she was finally arrested back in
Albuquerque the following day.
Torres v.
Madrid, 769
Fed. Appx. 654, 657 (CA10 2019).
B
Now before us, Ms. Torres argues that this
Court’s decision in
California v.
Hodari D.,
499 U.S.
621 (1991), “compel[s] reversal.” Brief for Petitioner 25. As
she reads it,
Hodari D. held that a Fourth Amendment seizure
takes place whenever an officer shoots or even “mere[ly] touch[es]”
an individual with the intent to restrain. Brief for Petitioner
15.
Whatever one thinks of Ms. Torres’s argument,
one thing is certain:
Hodari D. has generated considerable
confusion. There, officers chased a suspect on foot. 499
U. S., at 623. Later, the suspect argued that he was “seized”
for purposes of the Fourth Amendment the moment the chase began.
See
id., at 625. Though
he fled, the suspect argued,
a “reasonable person” would not have felt at liberty given the
officers’ “show of authority,” so a Fourth Amendment seizure had
occurred.
Id., at 627–628.
The Court rejected this argument. In doing so,
it explained that, “[f]rom the time of the founding to the present,
the word ‘seizure’ has meant a ‘taking possession.’ ”
Id., at 624. Because the defendant did not submit to the
officers’ show of authority, the Court reasoned, the officers’
conduct amounted at most to an attempted seizure. See
id.,
at 626, and n. 2. And “neither usage nor common-law tradition
makes an
attempted seizure a seizure.”
Ibid.
At the same time, and as Ms. Torres emphasizes,
the Court didn’t end its discussion there. It proceeded to imagine
a different and hypothetical case, one in which the officers not
only chased the suspect but also “appl[ied] physical force” to him.
In these circumstances, the Court suggested, “merely touching” a
suspect, even when officers fail to gain possession, might qualify
as a seizure.
Id., at 624–625.
Unsurprisingly, these dueling passages in
Hodari D. led to a circuit split. For the first time, some
lower courts began holding that a “mere touch” constitutes a Fourth
Amendment “seizure.” Others, however, continued to adhere to the
view, taken “[f]rom the time of the founding to the present,” that
the word “seizure” means “taking possession.”
Id., at 624
(internal quotation marks omitted). We took this case to sort out
the confusion.
II
As an initial matter, Ms. Torres is mistaken
that
Hodari D.’s discussion of “mere touch” seizures compels
a ruling in her favor. Under the doctrine of
stare decisis,
we normally afford prior holdings of this Court considerable
respect. But, in the course of issuing their holdings, judges
sometimes include a “witty opening paragraph, the background
information on how the law developed,” or “digressions speculating
on how similar hypothetical cases might be resolved.” B. Garner
et al., The Law of Judicial Precedent 44 (2016). Such asides
are dicta. The label is hardly an epithet: “Dicta may afford
litigants the benefit of a fuller understanding of the court’s
decisional path or related areas of concern.”
Id., at 65.
Dicta can also “be a source of advice to successors.”
Ibid.
But whatever utility it may have, dicta cannot bind future
courts.
This ancient rule serves important purposes. A
passage unnecessary to the outcome may not be fully considered.
Parties with little at stake in a hypothetical question may afford
it little or no adversarial testing. And, of course, federal courts
possess no authority to issue rulings beyond the cases and
controversies before them. If the respect we afford past holdings
under the doctrine of
stare decisis may be justified in part
as an act of judicial humility, respecting that doctrine’s limits
must be too. Fewer things could be less humble than insisting our
every passing surmise constitutes a rule forever binding a Nation
of over 300 million people. No judge can see around every corner,
predict the future, or fairly resolve matters not at issue. See,
e.g.,
Cohens v.
Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264,
399–400 (1821);
Central Va. Community College v.
Katz,
546 U.S.
356, 363 (2006).
On any account, the passage in
Hodari D.
Ms. Torres seeks to invoke was dicta. The only question presented
in that case was whether officers seize a defendant by a show of
authority
without touching him. The Court answered that
question in the negative. The separate question whether a “mere
touch”
also qualifies as a seizure was not presented by
facts of the case. No party briefed the issue. And the opinion
offered the matter only shallow consideration, resting on just
three sources: A state court opinion from the 1860s, a “comment” in
the 1934 Restatement of Torts, and a 1930s legal treatise. See 499
U. S., at 624–625.
Already some lower courts, including those
below, have recognized that
Hodari D.’s aside does not
constitute a binding holding. See
Brooks v.
Gaenzle,
614 F.3d 1213, 1220–1221 (CA10 2010);
Henson v.
United
States, 55 A.3d 859, 864–865 (D. C. 2012). Today’s
majority seems to accept the point too. It acknowledges that
Hodari D. “principally concerned a show of authority.”
Ante, at 4. And it says it intends to rule for Ms. Torres
“independently” of
Hodari D. Ante, at 4.
III
Seeking to carry that burden, the majority
picks up where
Hodari D.’s dicta left off. It contends that
an officer “seizes” a person by merely touching him with an “intent
to restrain.”
Ante, at 9. We are told that a touch is a
seizure even if the suspect never stops or slows down; it’s a
seizure even if he evades capture. In all the years before
Hodari D.’s dicta, this conclusion would have sounded more
than a little improbable to most lawyers and judges—as it should
still today. A mere touch may be a battery. It may even be part of
an attempted seizure. But the Fourth Amendment’s text, its history,
and our precedent all confirm that “seizing” something doesn’t mean
touching it; it means taking possession.
A
Start with the text. The Fourth Amendment
guarantees that “[t]he right of the people to be secure in their
persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures, shall not be violated.” As at least part of
Hodari
D. recognized, “[f ]rom the time of the founding to the
present,” the key term here—“seizure”—has always meant
“ ‘taking possession.’ ” 499 U. S., at 624.
Countless contemporary dictionaries define a
“seizure” or the act of “seizing” in terms of possession.[
1] This Court’s early cases reflect the
same understanding. Just sixteen years after the Fourth Amendment’s
adoption, Congress passed a statute regulating the “seizure” of
ships. See
The Josefa Segunda, 10 Wheat. 312, 322 (1825).
This Court interpreted the term to require “an open, visible
possession claimed,” so that those previously possessing the ship
“understand that they are dispossessed, and that they are no longer
at liberty to exercise any dominion on board of the ship.”
Id., at 325. Nor did the Court’s view change over time. In
Pelham v.
Rose, 9 Wall. 103, 106 (1870), the Court
likewise explained that “[t]o effect [a] seizure” of something, one
needed “to take” the thing “into his actual custody and control.”
Id., at 107.
Today’s majority disputes none of this. It
accepts that a seizure of the inanimate objects mentioned in the
Fourth Amendment (houses, papers, and effects) requires possession.
Ante, at 4. And when it comes to persons, the majority
agrees (as
Hodari D. held) that a seizure in response to a
“show of authority” takes place if and when the suspect submits to
an officer’s possession.
Ante, at 15. The majority insists
that a different rule should apply
only in cases where an
officer “touches” the suspect. Here—and here alone—possession is
not required. So, under the majority’s logic, we are quite
literally asked to believe the officers in this case “seized” Ms.
Torres’s person, but
not her car, when they shot both and
both continued speeding down the highway.
The majority’s need to resort to such a
schizophrenic reading of the word “seizure” should be a signal that
something has gone seriously wrong. The Fourth Amendment’s Search
and Seizure Clause uses the word “seizures” once in connection with
four objects (persons, houses, papers, and effects). The text thus
suggests parity, not disparity, in meaning. It is close to canon
that when a provision uses the same word multiple times, courts
must give it the same meaning each time.
Ratzlaf v.
United States,
510 U.S.
135, 143 (1994). And it
is canonical that courts cannot
give a single word different meanings depending on the happenstance
of “which object it is modifying.”
Reno v.
Bossier Parish
School Bd.,
528 U.S.
320, 329 (2000) (“[W]e refuse to adopt a construction that
would attribute different meanings to the same phrase in the same
sentence, depending on which object it is modifying”). To
“[a]scrib[e] various meanings” to a single word, we have observed,
is to “render meaning so malleable” that written laws risk
“becom[ing] susceptible to individuated interpretation.”
Ratzlaf, 510 U. S., at 143 (internal quotation marks
omitted). The majority’s conclusion that a single use of the word
“seizures” bears two different meanings at the same time—indeed, in
this very case—is truly novel. And when it comes to construing the
Constitution, that kind of innovation is no virtue.
If more textual evidence were needed, the Fourth
Amendment’s neighboring Warrant Clause would seem to provide it.
That Clause states that warrants must describe “the persons or
things to be seized.” Once more, the Amendment uses the same
verb—“seized”—for both persons and objects. Once more, it suggests
parity, not some hidden divergence between people and their
possessions. Nor does anyone dispute that a warrant for the
“seizure” of a person means a warrant authorizing officers to take
that person into their
possession.
Against all these adverse textual clues, the
majority offers little in reply. It
admits that its
interpretation defies this Court’s teachings in
Ratzlaf and
Reno by ascribing different meanings to the word “seizure”
depending on “the object being seized.”
Ante, at 16. It says
only that we should overlook the problem because “our cases” in the
Fourth Amendment context compel this remarkable construction.
Ibid. But it is unclear what cases the majority might have
in mind for it cites none.
Instead, the majority proceeds to reason that
the word “seizure”
must carry a different meaning for
persons and objects because persons alone are “capable of fleeing”
and have “an interest in doing so.”
Ibid. But that reasoning
faces trouble even from
Hodari D., which explained that “[a]
ship still fleeing, even though under attack, would not be
considered to have been seized as a war prize.” 499 U. S., at
624. Of course, as the majority observes, persons alone can possess
“an interest” in fleeing. But, as
Hodari D.’s example shows,
they can have as much (or more) interest in fleeing to prevent the
seizure of their possessions as they do their persons. Even today,
a suspect driving a car loaded with illegal drugs may be more
interested in fleeing to avoid the loss of her valuable cargo than
to prevent her own detention. Yet the majority offers no reasoned
explanation why the meaning of the word “seizure” changes when
officers hit the suspect and when they hit her drugs and car as all
three speed away.
Unable to muster any precedent or sound reason
for its reading, the majority finishes its textual analysis with a
selective snippet from Webster’s Dictionary and a hypothetical
about a purse snatching. The majority notes that Webster equated a
seizure with “ ‘the act of taking by warrant’ ” or
“ ‘laying hold on suddenly.’ ”
Ante, at 4. But
Webster used the warrant definition to describe “the seizure of
contraband goods”—a seizure the majority
agrees requires
possession. Meanwhile, the phrase “laying hold on” a person
connotes physical possession, as a look at the dictionary’s entire
definition demonstrates. A “seizure,” Webster continued, is the
“act of taking possession by force,” the “act of taking by
warrant,” “possession,” and “a catching.”[
2] Read in full, Webster thus lends no support to the
majority’s view.
The purse hypothetical, borrowed from
Hodari
D.’s dicta, turns out to be even less illuminating. It supposes
that “an ordinary user of the English language could remark: ‘She
seized the purse-snatcher, but he broke out of her grasp.’ ”
Ante, at 5 (quoting
Hodari D., 499 U. S., at
626). But what does that prove? The hypothetical contemplates a
woman who
takes possession of the purse-snatcher,
establishing a “grasp” for him to “break out of.” One doesn’t
“break out of ” a mere touch.
Really, the majority’s answer to the
Constitution’s text is to ignore it. The majority stands mute
before the consensus among founding-era dictionaries, this Court’s
early cases interpreting the word “seizure,” and the Warrant
Clause. It admits its interpretation spurns the canonical
interpretive principle that a single word in a legal text does not
change its meaning depending on what object it modifies. All we’re
offered is a curated snippet and an unhelpful hypothetical.
Ultimately, it’s hard not to wonder whether the majority says so
little about the Constitution’s terms because so little can be said
that might support its ruling.
B
Rather than focus on text, the majority turns
quickly to history. At common law, it insists, a “linkage” existed
between the “seizure” of a person and the concept of an “arrest.”
Ante, at 5. Thus, the majority contends, we must examine how
the common law defined
that term. But following the majority
down this path only leads to another dead end. Unsurprisingly, an
“arrest” at common law ordinarily required possession too.
1
Consider what some of our usual common law
guides say on the subject. Blackstone defined “an arrest” in the
criminal context as “the apprehending or restraining of one’s
person, in order to be forthcoming to answer an alleged or
suspected crime.” 4 Commentaries on the Laws of England 286 (1769).
Hale and Hawkins both equated an “arrest” with “apprehending,”
“taking,” and “detain[ing]” a person. See 1 M. Hale, Pleas of the
Crown 89, 93–94 (5th ed. 1716); 2 W. Hawkins, Pleas of the Crown
74–75, 77, 80–81, 86 (3d ed. 1739). And Hawkins stated that an
arrest required the officer to “actually have” the suspect “in his
Custody.”
Id., at 129. Any number of historical dictionaries
attest to a similar understanding—defining an “arrest” as a “stop,”
a “taking of a person,” and the act “by which a man becomes a
prisoner.”[
3]
Common law causes of action point to the same
common-sense conclusion. During the founding era, an individual who
was unlawfully arrested could seek redress through the tort of
false imprisonment. See 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws
of England 127 (1768); see also
Payton v.
New York,
445 U.S.
573, 592 (1980);
Wallace v.
Kato,
549 U.S.
384, 388–389 (2007) (describing “false arrest and false
imprisonment” as the “closest analogy” to an arrest without
probable cause). That cause of action aimed to remedy “the
violation of the right of personal liberty,” 3 Blackstone,
supra, at 127, which was “the power of loco-motion, of
changing situation, or removing one’s person to whatsoever place
one’s own inclination may direct,” 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on
the Laws of England 130 (1765). Thus, false imprisonment—the
violation of the right to move where one desired—required proof of
“[t]he detention of the person” and “[t]he unlawfulness of such
detention.” 3 Blackstone,
supra, at 127. That detention
could occur “in a gaol, house, stocks, or in the street,” but it
occurred only if a person was “
under the custody of
another.” 1 E. East, Pleas of the Crown 428 (1806) (emphasis
added).
Much the same held true in another related
field. At common law, an officer could be held criminally liable
for allowing an individual to escape after being arrested. And to
prove the existence of an arrest in an “Indictment for an Escape,”
a prosecutor had to “expressly shew” that “the Party was actually
in the
Defendant’s Custody for a Crime, Action, or
Commitment for it.” 2 Hawkins,
supra, at 132 (emphasis
added). In other words, to demonstrate an arrest, a prosecutor had
to prove the suspect had been “a Prisoner
in [the officer’s]
Custody.” 1 Hale,
supra, at 112 (emphasis added). Here,
too, an arrest required possession.
Once more, the majority’s primary answer to all
this countervailing evidence is to ignore it. And once more, the
majority’s own sources do more to hurt than help its cause. Lifting
a line from
Simpson v.
Hill, 1 Esp. 431, 170 Eng.
Rep. 409 (N. P. 1795), the majority suggests that the tort of
false imprisonment at common law required no more than a “tapping
on the shoulder.”
Ante, at 13 (citing 1 Esp., at 431–432,
170 Eng. Rep., at 409). But
Simpson could not have stated
the possession requirement more plainly: “[W]ithout any
taking
possession of the person,” there “is not, by law, a false
imprisonment.”
Id., at 432, 170 Eng. Rep., at 409 (emphasis
added). And the court proceeded to
reject the
plaintiff ’s claim for false imprisonment because the
“constable did never take her
into custody.”
Ibid.
(emphasis added). The majority offers no case finding the elements
of false imprisonment satisfied by the mere touch of a fleeing
person.
What remains of the majority’s response follows
the same course. The majority asserts that claims for escape only
required proof that the officer touched a suspect.
Ante, at
12. But to prove its point, the majority quotes a sentence from
Hale stating that
no liability for escape exists “ ‘if
the felon were not once in the hands of an officer.’ ”
Ibid. (quoting 2 Pleas of the Crown 93 (1736)). And as Hale
proceeded to make plain, a felon “in the hands of an officer” was
another way of saying the officer had “apprehended” or “taken” the
felon into his “custody.” See
id., at 89, 93–94 (5th ed.
1716).
Ultimately, the majority seeks to invoke Samuel
Johnson’s dictionary and
Payton, 445 U. S., at 585, to
confirm only the anodyne point that some sort of “linkage” existed
at common law between the concepts of “arrests” and “seizures.”
Ante, at 5. Yet, even here it turns out there is more to the
story. The majority neglects to mention that Johnson proceeded to
define an “arrest” as a “caption” of the person, “a stop or stay,”
a “restraint of a man’s person, depriving him of his own will,” and
“the beginning of imprisonment.” 1 S. Johnson, A Dictionary of the
English Language (6th ed. 1785). “To arrest,” Johnson said, was
“[t]o seize,” “to detain by power,” “[t]o withhold; to hinder,” and
“[t]o stop motion.”
Ibid. Meanwhile, the sentence fragment
the majority quotes from
Payton turns out to have originated
in Justice Powell’s concurrence in
United States v.
Watson,
423 U.S.
411, 428 (1976). And looking to that sentence in full, it is
plain Justice Powell, too, understood an arrest not as a touching,
but as “the taking hold of one’s person.”
Ibid. Thus, even
the majority’s best sources only wind up pointing us back to the
traditional possession rule.
2
Unable to identify anything helpful in the
main current of the common law, the majority is forced to retreat
to an obscure eddy. Starting from
Hodari D.’s three
references to “mere touch” arrests, the majority traces these
authorities back to their English origins. The tale that unfolds is
a curious one.
Before bankruptcy reforms in the 19th century,
creditors seeking to induce repayment of their loans could employ
bailiffs to civilly arrest delinquent debtors and haul them off to
debtors prison. See Cohen, The History of Imprisonment for Debt and
Its Relation to the Development of Discharge in Bankruptcy, 3 J.
Legal Hist. 153, 154–155 (1982). But the common law also offered
debtors some tools to avoid or delay that fate. Relevant here, the
common law treated the home as a “castle of defence and asylum” so
no bailiff could break into a debtor’s home to effect a civil
arrest. 3 Blackstone,
supra, at 288; see also Treiman,
Escaping the Creditor in the Middle Ages, 43 L. Q. Rev. 230,
233 (1927). Over time, the practice of “keeping house” became an
increasingly popular way for debtors to evade the bailiff.
Id., at 234. Naturally, too, creditors railed against this
“notorious” practice. See
ibid. And eventually Parliament
responded to their clamor. The English bankruptcy statutes of 1542
and 1570 imposed serious penalties on debtors who “kept house” to
avoid imprisonment. Cohen,
supra, at 157.
It was seemingly against this backdrop that the
strange cases
Hodari D.’s dicta briefly alluded to and the
majority has now dug up began to appear. Under their terms, a
bailiff who could manage to touch a person hiding in his home,
often through an open window or door, was deemed to have effected a
civil “arrest.” See
Genner v.
Sparks, 6 Mod. 173, 87
Eng. Rep. 928 (K. B. 1704). And because this mere touch was deemed
an “arrest,” the bailiff was then permitted by law to proceed to
“br[eak] the house . . . to seize upon” the person and
render him to prison.
Ibid., 87 Eng. Rep., at 929. Of course
it was farcical to call a tap through an open window an “arrest.”
But it proved a useful farce, at least for creditors.
One of the majority’s lead cases,
Sandon
v.
Jervis, El. Bl. & El. 935, 120 Eng. Rep. 758 (K. B.
1858), illustrates the absurdity of it all. There, a bailiff tried
and failed “on several occasions” to arrest a debtor.
Id.,
at 936, 120 Eng. Rep., at 758. Eventually, the bailiff spotted an
open window on “an upper story,” so he ordered an assistant to
fetch a ladder.
Ibid. But the debtor and his daughter
noticed the ploy and “ran to the window,” slamming it closed.
Ibid. Unfortunately, in the excitement a window pane broke.
Seeing the opportunity, the bailiff ’s assistant, while
perched atop the ladder, thrust his hand through the opening and
managed to touch the debtor.
Id., at 936–937, 120 Eng. Rep.,
at 758. According to the court, this “arrest” was sufficient to
justify the bailiff ’s later forcible entry into the home.
Id., at 946–948, 120 Eng. Rep., at 762–763.
By everyone’s account, however, the farce
extended only so far. Yes, the mere-touch arrest was a feature of
civil bankruptcy practice for an unfortunate period. But the
majority has not identified a
single founding-era case
extending the mere-touch arrest rule to the criminal context. The
majority points to two nineteenth-century treatises, but both
reference only a case about a debt-collection arrest. See
ante, at 11–12 (citing 1 J. Backus, A Digest of Laws
Relating to the Offices and Duties of Sheriff, Coroner and
Constable 115–116, n. (c) (1812) (citing
Genner v.
Sparks, 6 Mod. 173, 87 Eng. Rep. 928 (K. B. 1704)), and 1 R.
Burn, The Justice of the Peace 275 (28th ed. 1837) (citing the
same)). The majority nods to dicta from an 1854 Delaware state
trial court, but that came long after the founding and the majority
does not explain how it sheds light on the Fourth Amendment’s
original meaning. See
ante, at 12 (citing
State v.
Townsend, 5 Del. 487, 488)). And every remaining early
American case the majority cites for its “mere touch” rule—from the
founding through the Civil War—involved only civil debt-collection
arrests. See
ante, at 4 (citing
Whithead v.
Keyes, 85 Mass. 495 (1862));
ante, at 6 (citing
United States v.
Benner, 24 F. Cas. 1084 (No. 14,568)
(CC ED Pa. 1830));
ante, at 6 (citing
Butler v.
Washburn, 25 N. H. 251 (1852) (tax collection)). The
same goes for the majority’s primary English authorities. See
ante, at 7 (citing
Nicholl v.
Darley, 2 Y.
& J. 399, 400, 148 Eng. Rep. 974 (Exch. 1828);
Sandon,
El. Bl. & El., at 940, 120 Eng. Rep., at 760)).
So what relevance do these obscure and
long-abandoned civil debt-collection practices have for today’s
case concerning a criminal arrest and brought under the Fourth
Amendment? The answer seems to be not much, for at least three
reasons.
In the first place, the Amendment speaks of
“seizures,” not “arrests.” To the extent the common law of arrests
informs the Amendment’s meaning, we have already seen that an
arrest normally meant taking possession of an arrestee. Maybe in
one peculiar area, and for less than admirable reasons, the common
law deviated from this understanding. But this Court usually
presumes that those who wrote the Constitution used words in their
ordinary sense, not in some idiosyncratic way. See
District of
Columbia v.
Heller,
554 U.S.
570, 576 (2008). And today’s majority supplies no evidence that
anyone during the founding era understood the Fourth Amendment to
adopt the specialized definition of “arrest” from civil
debt-collection practice.
Second, even if we were to hypothesize that
people
did understand the Fourth Amendment to incorporate
this quirky rule, what would that tell us? Here, the officers tried
to arrest Ms. Torres in a parking lot on behalf of the State for
serious crimes, not break into her home on behalf of the local
credit union for missing a payment. So even if we were willing to
suppose that the founding generation understood the Constitution to
incorporate the majority’s civil debt-collection arrest rule,
nothing before us suggests they contemplated, let alone endorsed,
injecting it into the criminal law and overriding settled doctrine
equating arrests with possession.
Finally, even in the civil debt-collection
context, the majority cannot point to even a single case suggesting
that hitting a suspect with an object—an arrow, a bullet, a cudgel,
anything—as she flees amounted to an arrest. Instead, the
majority’s cases hold only that the “laying of hands” on an
arrestee constituted an arrest.
Ante, at 7. Thus, even if
the Fourth Amendment did transpose the “mere touch” rule from the
context of civil arrests into the criminal arena, it
still
would not reach this case.
How does the majority respond? Again, it does
little more than disregard the difficulties. The majority says
there is “no reason to suspect” the common law defined criminal
arrests of felons “any differently” than civil arrests of debtors.
Ante, at 13, 11. But the majority skips over all the
evidence canvassed above showing that a criminal arrest required
possession, not a mere touch. See Part III–B–1,
supra. It
sails past its failure to identify
any case holding that a
mere touch qualified as a criminal arrest. It ignores the fact
Blackstone defined criminal and civil arrests differently.[
4] And it claims to find support in
Hawkins’s statement that an officer could break into a house to
capture an arrestee who escaped after being “ ‘lawfully
arrested for
any Cause.’ ”
Ante, at 13–14
(quoting 2 Pleas of the Crown 87 (1721)). Yet, the question before
us isn’t what an officer might do
after making an arrest;
it’s what constitutes an arrest
in the first place.
Rather than confront shortcomings like these,
the majority asks us to glide past them. It suggests that importing
the mere-touch rule into the criminal context is permissible
because “no common law case” had occasion to reject that idea
expressly. See
ante, at 16. But this gets things backwards.
Today, for the first time, the majority seeks to equate seizures
and criminal arrests with mere touches, attempted seizures, and
batteries. It is for
the majority to show the Fourth
Amendment commands this result. No amount of rhetorical maneuvering
can obscure how flat it has fallen: Even its own authorities do
more to undermine than support its thesis. If common law courts
never contemplated the majority’s odd definition of a criminal
arrest—and this Court didn’t either for more than two
centuries—that can only be further proof of its implausibility.
The majority asks us to glide past another
problem too. It acknowledges that its debt-collection cases
required a “laying on of hands” to complete an arrest. But it says
we should overlook that rule as an accident of antiquity.
“Touchings” by “firearm,” we are told, were unknown to
“founding-era courts,” and no “officer used a gun to apprehend a
suspect” before 1850.
Ante, at 9. Never mind the shot heard
round the world in 1775 and the adoption of the Second Amendment.
Never mind that as early as 1592, when a bailiff “feared
resistance” and thus “brought with him” a gun “to arrest” someone,
a common law court deemed it lawful because “[t]he sheriff or any
of his ministers may for the better execution of justice carry with
them offensive or defensive weapons.”
Seint John’s Case, 5
Co. Rep. 71b, 77 Eng. Rep. 162, 162–163 (K. B. 1592). Never mind
that even tax collectors were carrying guns by the 1680s.
E.g.,
Dickenson v.
Watson, Jones, T. 205,
205–206, 84 Eng. Rep. 1218, 1218–1219 (K. B. 1682). And never
mind, too, that the majority’s problem isn’t limited to guns. It
fails to cite any case in which a touching by
any weapon was
deemed sufficient to effect an arrest. Seemingly, the majority
would have us believe that bailiffs wielding anything but their
fists were beyond the framers’ imagination.
Faced with all these problems, the majority
tacks. It scrambles to locate a case—any case—suggesting that
common law courts considered “touchings” by weapon enough to effect
an arrest in the debt-collection context. Ultimately, the majority
asks us to dwell at length on the Countess of Rutland’s case. In at
least that lone instance, the majority promises, we will find
bailiffs who arrested a debtor by touching her with an object (a
mace) rather than a laying on of hands. See
ante, at 7–8
(citing
Countess of Rutland’s Case, 6 Co. Rep. 52b, 54a, 77
Eng. Rep. 332 (Star Chamber 1605)). But it turns out the dispute
concerned whether a countess could be civilly arrested
at
all, not when or how the arrest was completed. The court had no
reason to (and did not) decide whether the bailiffs accomplished
their arrest when they “shewed her their mace,” “touch[ed]” her
with the mace, or “compelled the coachman to carry” her to jail.
Id., at 54a, 77 Eng. Rep., at 336. And no one questions that
these things together—a show of authority followed by compelled
detention—have always been enough to complete an arrest. Not even
minor royalty can rescue the majority.
So the majority tacks again. Now it asks us to
dispense with the common law’s “laying on of hands” requirement as
an “artificial” rule.
Ante, at 8. Distinguishing between
“touchings” by hand and by weapon, it says, “calls to mind the
unavailing defense of the person who ‘persistently denied that he
had laid hands upon a priest, for he had only cudgelled and kicked
him.’ ”
Ibid. But the quip exposes the majority’s bind.
To get where it wishes to go, the majority not only must rework the
rules found in the cases on which it relies, it must also abandon
their rationale. The debt-collection cases treated the “laying on
of hands” as a sign of
possession.[
5] Maybe the possession was more “constructive” or even
fictional than “actual.” See
ante, at 16. But the idea was
that someone who stood next to a debtor and laid hands on him could
theoretically exercise a degree of control over his person. Common
law courts never said the same of bailiffs who fired arrows at
debtors, shot them with firearms, or cudgeled them as they ran
away. Such conduct might have amounted to a
battery, but it
was never deemed sufficient to constitute an
arrest.
Doubtless that’s why when a tax collector shot a man in the eye
with a (supposedly unavailable) firearm in 1682, the man sued the
officer for “assault, battery, and wounding”—
not false
imprisonment. See
Dickenson, Jones, T., at 205, 84 Eng.
Rep., at 1218–1219.
The majority implores us to study the common law
history of arrests. But almost immediately, the majority realizes
it cannot find what it seeks in the history of criminal arrests. So
it is forced to disinter a long-abandoned mere-touch rule from
civil bankruptcy practice. Then it must import that rule into the
criminal law. And because even that isn’t enough to do the work it
wishes done, the majority must jettison both the laying on of hands
requirement and the rationale that sustained it. All of which
leaves us confusing seizures with their attempts and arrests with
batteries.
The common law offers a vast legal library. Like
any other, it must be used thoughtfully. We have no business
wandering about and randomly grabbing volumes off the shelf,
plucking out passages we like, scratching out bits we don’t, all
before pasting our own new pastiche into the U. S. Reports.
That does not respect legal history; it rewrites it.
C
If text and history pose challenges for the
majority, so do this Court’s precedents. The majority admits (as it
must) that the seizure of an object occurs only through taking
possession.
Ante, at 4. The majority also admits (as it
must) that the seizure of a person through a “show of authority”
occurs only if the suspect submits to an officer’s possession.
Ante, at 15. But the majority fails to acknowledge that this
Court has
also said the same principle governs the seizure
of persons effected through the use of force.
In
Terry v.
Ohio,
392 U.S. 1
(1968), the Court explained that “
[o]nly when the officer,
by means of physical force or show of authority, has in some way
restrained the liberty of a citizen may we conclude that a
‘seizure’ has occurred.”
Id., at 19, n. 16 (emphasis
added). The restraint of liberty
Terry referred to was
“interference” with a person’s “freedom of movement.”
United
States v.
Jacobsen,
466 U.S.
109, 113, n. 5 (1984). As the Court put it in
Brower v.
County of Inyo,
489
U.S. 593 (1989), a decision issued just two years before
Hodari D.: “It is clear, in other words, that a Fourth
Amendment seizure” occurs “only when there is a governmental
termination of freedom of movement through means intentionally
applied.” 489 U. S., at 597 (emphasis deleted).
Rather than follow these teachings, the majority
disparages them. After highlighting (multiple times) that Justice
Scalia authored
Hodari D.’s dicta, the majority turns about
and faults his opinion for the Court in
Brower for
“improperly eras[ing] the distinction between seizures by
control and seizures by
force.”
Ante, at 14.
The majority continues on to blame other of our decisions, too, for
“hav[ing] not always been attentive” to this supposedly fundamental
distinction.
Ibid. But this Court has not been
“[in]attentive” to a fundamental Fourth Amendment distinction for
over two centuries, let alone sought to “erase” it. In truth, the
majority’s “distinction” is a product of its own invention. This
Court has always recognized that
how seizures take place can
differ. Some may take place after a show of authority, others by
the application of force, still others after a polite request. But
to
be a “seizure,” the same result has always been required:
An officer must acquire possession.
IV
If text, history, and precedent cannot explain
today’s result, what can? The majority seems to offer a clue when
it promises its new rule will help us “avoi[d] . . .
line-drawing problems.”
Ante, at 15–16 (internal quotation
marks omitted). Any different standard, the majority worries, would
be “difficult to apply.”
Ante, at 15.
But if efficiency in judicial administration is
the explanation, it is a troubling one. Surely our role as
interpreters of the Constitution isn’t to make life easier for
ourselves. Cf. Calabresi & Lawson, The Rule of Law as a Law of
Law, 90 Notre Dame L. Rev. 483, 488 (2014). Nor, for that
matter, has the majority even tried to show that the traditional
possession rule—in use “[f]rom the time of the founding,”
Hodari
D., 499 U. S., at 624—has proven unreasonably difficult to
administer. Everyone agrees, too, that the possession rule will
continue to govern when it comes to the seizures of objects and
persons through a show of authority. So, rather than simplify
things, the majority’s new rule for “mere touch” seizures promises
only to add another layer of complexity to the law.
Even within its field of operation, the
majority’s rule seems destined to underdeliver on its predicted
efficiencies. The majority tells us that its new test requires an
“objective intent to restrain.”
Ante, at 10. But what
qualifies is far from clear. The majority assures us that a “tap on
the shoulder to get one’s attention will rarely exhibit such an
intent.”
Ibid. Suppose, though, the circumstances
“objectively” indicate that the tap was “intended” to secure a
person’s attention for a minute, a quarter hour, or longer. Would
that be enough?
Then there’s the question what kind of
“touching” will suffice. Imagine that, with an objective intent to
detain a suspect, officers deploy pepper spray that enters a
suspect’s lungs as he sprints away. Does the application of the
pepper spray count? Suppose that, intending to capture a fleeing
suspect, officers detonate flash-bang grenades that are so loud
they damage the suspect’s eardrum, even though he manages to run
off. Or imagine an officer shines a laser into a suspect’s eyes to
get him to stop, but the suspect is able to drive away with
now-damaged retinas. Are these “touchings”? What about an officer’s
bullet that shatters the driver’s windshield, a piece of which cuts
her as she speeds away? Maybe the officer didn’t touch the suspect,
but he set in motion a series of events that yielded a touching.
Does that count? While assuring us that its new rule will prove
easy to administer, the majority refuses to confront its certain
complications. Lower courts and law enforcement won’t have that
luxury.
If efficiency cannot explain today’s decision,
what’s left? Maybe it is an impulse that individuals like Ms.
Torres
should be able to sue for damages. Sometimes police
shootings are justified, but other times they cry out for a remedy.
The majority seems to give voice to this sentiment when it
disparages the traditional possession rule as “artificial” and
promotes its alternative as more sensitive to “personal security”
and “new” policing realities.
Ante, at 8–9. It takes pains
to explain, too, that its new rule will provide greater protection
for personal “privacy” interests, which we’re told make up the
“essence” of the Fourth Amendment.
Ante, at 16 (internal
quotation marks omitted).
But tasked only with applying the Constitution’s
terms, we have no authority to posit penumbras of “privacy” and
“personal security” and devise whatever rules we think might best
serve the Amendment’s “essence.” The Fourth Amendment allows this
Court to protect against specific governmental actions—unreasonable
searches and seizures of persons, houses, papers, and effects—and
that is the limit of our license. Besides, it’s hard to see why we
should stretch to invent a new remedy here. Ms. Torres had
ready-made claims for assault and battery under New Mexico law to
test the officers’ actions. See N. M. Stat. Ann §41–4–12
(2020). The only reason this case comes before us under §1983 and
the Fourth Amendment rather than before a New Mexico court under
state tort law seems to be that Ms. Torres (or her lawyers) missed
the State’s two-year statutory filing deadline. See Tr. of Oral
Arg. 16–17; Brief for Respondents 20, n. 4. That may be a
misfortune for her, but it is hardly a reason to upend a 230
year-old understanding of our Constitution.
Nor, if we are honest, does today’s decision
promise much help to anyone else. Like Ms. Torres, many seeking to
sue officers will be able to bring state tort claims. Even for
those whose only recourse is a federal lawsuit, the majority’s new
rule seems likely to accomplish little. This Court has already said
that a remedy lies under §1983 and the Fourteenth Amendment for
police conduct that “shocks the conscience.”
County of
Sacramento v.
Lewis,
523 U.S.
833, 840, 845–847 (1998). At the same time, qualified immunity
poses a daunting hurdle for those seeking to recover for less
egregious police behavior. In our own case, Ms. Torres has yet to
clear that bar and still faces it on remand. So, at the end of it
all, the majority’s new rule will help only those who (1) lack a
state-law remedy, (2) evade custody, (3) after some physical
contact by the police, (4) where the contact was sufficient to show
an objective intent to restrain, (5) and where the police acted
“unreasonably” in light of clearly established law, (6) but the
police conduct was
not “conscience shocking.” With
qualification heaped on qualification, that can describe only a
vanishingly small number of cases.
Even if its holding offers little practical
assistance to anyone, perhaps the majority at least hopes to be
seen as trying to vindicate “personal security” and the “essence”
of “privacy” when it derides the traditional possession rule as
“artificial.” But an attractive narrative cannot obscure the hard
truth. Not only does the majority’s “mere touch” rule allow a new
cause of action in exceedingly few cases
(non-conscience-shocking-but-still-unreasonable batteries intended
to result in possession that don’t achieve it). It supplies no path
to relief for otherwise identical near-misses (assaults). A fleeing
suspect briefly touched by pursuing officers may have a claim. But
a suspect who evades a hail of bullets unscathed, or one who
endures a series of flash-bang grenades untouched, is out of luck.
That distinction is no less “artificial” than the one the law has
recognized for centuries. And the majority’s new rule promises such
scarce relief that it can hardly claim more sensitivity to
“personal security” than the rule the Constitution has long
enshrined.
In the face of these concerns, the majority
replies by denying their relevance. It says there is “no call” to
“surmise” that its decision rests on anything beyond an “analysis
of the common law of arrest.”
Ante, at 17. But there is no
surmise about it. The majority itself tells us that its decision is
also justified by the need to “avoi[d] . . .
line-drawing problems,” protect “personal security,” and advance
the “privacy” interests that form the “essence” of the Fourth
Amendment. Having invoked these sundry considerations, it’s hard to
see how the majority might disown them.
*
To rule as it does, the majority must endow
the term “seizure” with two different meanings at the same time. It
must disregard the dominant rule of the common law. It must
disparage this Court’s existing case law for erasing distinctions
that never existed. It cannot even guarantee that its new rule will
offer great efficiencies or meaningfully vindicate the penumbral
promises it supposes. Instead, we are asked to skip from one
snippet to another, finally landing on a long-abandoned
debt-collection practice that must be reengineered to do the work
the majority wishes done. Our final destination confuses a battery
for a seizure and an attempted seizure with its completion. All
this is miles from where the standard principles of interpretation
lead and just as far from the Constitution’s original meaning. And
for what? A new rule that may seem tempting at first blush, but
that offers those like Ms. Torres little more than false hope in
the end.
Respectfully, I dissent.