NOTICE: This opinion is subject to
formal revision before publication in the preliminary print of the
United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter
of Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington,
D. C. 20543, of any typographical or other formal errors, in
order that corrections may be made before the preliminary print
goes to press.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 20–493
_________________
YSLETA DEL SUR PUEBLO, et al.,
PETITIONERS
v. TEXAS
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the fifth circuit
[June 15, 2022]
Justice Gorsuch delivered the opinion of the
Court.
Native American Tribes possess “inherent
sovereign authority over their members and territories.”
Oklahoma Tax Comm’n v.
Citizen Band Potawatomi Tribe of
Okla.,
498 U.S.
505, 509 (1991). Under our Constitution, treaties, and laws,
Congress too bears vital responsibilities in the field of tribal
affairs. See,
e.g.,
United States v.
Lara,
541 U.S.
193, 200 (2004). From time to time, Congress has exercised its
authority to allow state law to apply on tribal lands where it
otherwise would not. See
Santa Clara Pueblo v.
Martinez,
436 U.S.
49, 60 (1978);
Bryan v.
Itasca County,
426 U.S.
373, 392 (1976);
Rice v.
Olson,
324 U.S.
786, 789 (1945). In this case, Texas contends that Congress
expressly ordained that all of its gaming laws should be treated as
surrogate federal law enforceable on the Ysleta del Sur Pueblo
Reservation. In the end, however, we find no evidence Congress
endowed state law with anything like the power Texas claims.
I
A
The Ysleta del Sur Pueblo is one of three
federally recognized Indian Tribes in Texas. Its reservation lies
near El Paso, and the Tribe today includes over 4,000 enrolled
members. See About Us, Ysleta del Sur Pueblo (June 2022),
https://www.ysletadelsurpueblo.org/about-us. The Tribe traces its
roots back to the 1680 Pueblo Revolt against the Spanish in New
Mexico. In the revolt’s aftermath, the Spanish retreated from
Santa Fe to El Paso, and a large number of Ysleta Pueblo
Indians accompanied them. S. Rep. No. 100–90, p. 6 (1987)
(Senate Report); W. Timmons, El Paso 18 (1990) (Timmons). Soon,
tribal members built the Ysleta Mission, the oldest church in
Texas, and in 1751 Spain granted 23,000 acres to the Tribe for its
homeland. See Senate Report 6–7; Timmons 36.
Things changed for the Tribe after Texas gained
statehood in 1845. The State disregarded Spain’s land grant and
began incorporating a town on tribal lands and issuing land patents
to non-Indians. Senate Report 6–7. Over the years that followed,
the Tribe repeatedly lost lands “without recompense.” Timmons 181.
Yet some tribal members remained on parts of their homeland,
“determin[ed] to preserve [their] language, customs, and
traditions.”
Ibid. In the late 1890s, the Tribe adopted a
constitution to ensure “the survival of [its] ancient tribal
organization.”
Ibid. After years of struggle, the Tribe also
won formal recognition from Texas in 1967 and Congress the
following year.
Id., at 260–261. In its 1968 legislation,
Congress assigned its trust responsibilities for the Tribe to
Texas. 82Stat. 93. That trust relationship was important, as it
ensured the Tribe would retain the remaining 100 acres of land it
possessed and gain access to certain tribal funding programs. See
Timmons 261; see also R. Chambers, Judicial Enforcement of the
Federal Trust Responsibility to Indians, 27 Stan. L. Rev.
1213, 1233–1234 (1975) (discussing trust obligations).
This arrangement persisted until 1983. That
year, Texas renounced its trust responsibilities, asserting that
they were inconsistent with the State’s Constitution. See 2019 WL
639971, *1 (WD Tex., Feb. 14, 2019). The Tribe responded to this
development by seeking new congressional legislation to reestablish
its trust relationship with the federal government. But that effort
quickly became bogged down in a dispute. Of all things, it
concerned bingo. Texas, it seems, worried that allowing tribal
gaming would have a detrimental effect on “existing charitable
bingo operations in the State of Texas.” App. to Pet. for Cert.
121. And because Texas judged that its laws would be inapplicable
on tribal lands without federal approval, the State opposed any new
federal trust legislation unless it included a special provision
permitting it to apply its own gaming laws on the Tribe’s lands.
See
ibid.
B
Years of negotiations ensued. But one
development during this period turned out to have particular
salience even though it did not immediately concern either the
Tribe or Texas. In February 1987, this Court issued
California v.
Cabazon Band of Mission Indians,
480 U.S.
202. In it, the Court addressed Public Law 280, a statute
Congress had adopted in 1953 to allow a handful of States to
enforce some of their criminal—but not certain of their civil—laws
on particular tribal lands. See
Bryan, 426 U. S., at
383–385. Seeking to apply that statutory direction in the context
of Indian gaming, the Court held that, if a state law
prohibits a particular game, it falls within Public Law
280’s grant of criminal jurisdiction and a State may enforce its
ban on tribal lands.
Cabazon, 480 U. S., at 209–210.
But if state laws merely
regulate a game’s availability, the
Court ruled, Public Law 280 does not permit a State to enforce its
rules on tribal lands. See
id., at 210–211
.
The Court then turned to apply this
prohibitory/regulatory distinction to California’s bingo laws. Much
like Texas today, California in 1987 permitted bingo in various
circumstances (including for charitable purposes), but treated
deviations from its rules as criminal violations. See
id.,
at 205, 208–209. Because California allowed
some bingo to be
played, the Court reasoned, the State “regulate[d] rather than
prohibit[ed]” the game.
Id., at 211. From this, it followed
that Public Law 280 did not authorize the State to apply its own
bingo laws on tribal lands.
Id., at 210–211. In reaching
this conclusion, the Court rejected California’s suggestion that
its laws were prohibitory rather than regulatory because they were
enforceable by criminal sanctions, explaining that “an otherwise
regulatory law” is not enforceable under Public Law 280 merely
because a State labels it “criminal.”
Id., at 211.
“Otherwise,” the Court explained, Public Law 280’s “distinction”
between criminal and civil laws “could easily be avoided.”
Ibid.
It appears the Court’s decision helped catalyze
new legislation. After
Cabazon, “congressional efforts to
pass [Indian gaming] legislation . . . that had been
ongoing since 1983 gained momentum, with Indian tribes’ position
strengthened.” W. Wood, The (Potential) Legal History of Indian
Gaming, 63 Ariz. L. Rev. 969, 1027, and n. 353 (2021) (Wood). In
fact, just six months after the decision, in August 1987, Congress
finally adopted the Ysleta del Sur and Alabama and Coushatta Indian
Tribes of Texas Restoration Act, 101Stat. 666 (Restoration Act). In
that law, Congress restored the Tribe’s federal trust status. And
to resolve Texas’s gaming objections, Congress seemingly drew
straight from
Cabazon, employing its distinction between
prohibited and regulated gaming activity. The Restoration Act
“prohibited” as a matter of federal law “[a]ll gaming activities
which are prohibited by the laws of the State of Texas.” 101Stat.
668. But the Act also provided that it should not be “construed as
a grant of civil or criminal regulatory jurisdiction to the State
of Texas.”
Id., at 669.
That was not all Congress did. Because
Cabazon left certain States unable to apply their gaming
regulations on Indian reservations, some feared the Court’s
decision opened the door to a significant amount of new and
unregulated gaming on tribal lands. See R. Anderson, S. Krakoff,
& B. Berger, American Indian Law: Cases and Commentary 479–480
(4th ed. 2020) (Anderson). In 1988, Congress sought to fill that
perceived void by adopting its own comprehensive national
legislation: the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA), 102Stat.
2467, 25 U. S. C. § 2701
et seq.; Anderson
479–482. IGRA established rules for three separate classes of
games. Relevant here, the law permitted Tribes to offer so-called
class II games—like bingo—in States that “permi[t] such gaming for
any purpose by any person, organization or entity.”
§ 2710(b)(1)(A). Meanwhile, the statute allowed Tribes to
offer class III games—like blackjack and baccarat—but only pursuant
to tribal/state compacts. § 2703(8); Anderson 480. To ensure
compliance with the statute’s terms, IGRA created the National
Indian Gaming Commission. § 2704(a).
C
In the 1990s, the Tribe sought to negotiate a
compact with Texas to offer class III games pursuant to IGRA. But
Texas refused to come to the table. It argued that the Restoration
Act displaced IGRA and required the Tribe to follow all of the
State’s gaming laws on tribal lands.
That dispute quickly found its way to court.
Initially, a federal district court granted summary judgment for
the Tribe, holding that Texas violated IGRA by failing to negotiate
in good faith. On appeal, however, the Fifth Circuit reversed. That
court held that the Restoration Act’s directions superseded IGRA’s
and guaranteed that all of “Texas’ gaming laws and regulations”
would “operate as surrogate federal law on the Tribe’s
reservation.”
Ysleta del Sur Pueblo v.
Texas,
36 F.3d 1325, 1326, 1334 (1994) (
Ysleta I).
A quarter century of confusion and litigation
followed. Repeatedly, the Tribe sought to conduct gaming operations
within the confines of
Ysleta I at its Speaking Rock
Entertainment Center, which houses restaurants, bars, and concert
venues. Repeatedly, Texas argued that the Tribe’s activities
exceeded the Fifth Circuit’s mandate. Faced with these disputes,
lower courts experimented with a variety of approaches: enjoining
all on-reservation gaming, instructing the Tribe to seek licenses
from Texas regulators, and even requiring the Tribe to obtain
preapproval from a federal court before offering any new gaming
operations. One court described this process as having “transformed
[it] into a quasi-regulatory body overseeing and monitoring the
minutiae of the [Tribe’s] gaming-related conduct.”
Texas v.
Ysleta del Sur Pueblo, 2016 WL 3039991, *19 (WD Tex., May
27, 2016).
D
The current case represents just the latest in
this long line. In 2016, the Tribe began offering bingo. On its
view, it was free to offer at least this game because IGRA treats
bingo as a class II game for which no state permission is required
so long as the State permits the game to be played on some terms by
some persons. See 25 U. S. C. § 2710(b)(1)(A).
Citing IGRA, the Tribe did not just offer the sort of bingo played
in church halls across the country. It also offered “electronic
bingo,” a game in which patrons sit at “machines [that] look
similar to a traditional slot machine.” 2019 WL 639971, *5
(internal quotation marks omitted). Unlike typical slot machines,
however, “the underlying game is run using historical bingo draws.”
Ibid.
The State responded by seeking to shut down all
of the Tribe’s bingo operations. Whatever IGRA may allow, Texas
argued, the Fifth Circuit was clear in
Ysleta I that the
Restoration Act forbids the Tribe from defying any of the State’s
gaming regulations. And, Texas stressed, under its laws bingo
remains permissible today only for charitable purposes and only
subject to a broad array of regulations.
Finding itself bound by
Ysleta I, the
District Court sided with Texas and enjoined the Tribe’s bingo
operations
. But the court also chose to stay its injunction
pending appeal. The court did so because it thought that either the
Fifth Circuit or this Court might wish to reconsider
Ysleta
I. See 2019 WL 5589051, *1 (WD Tex., Mar. 28, 2019). After all,
the Restoration Act effectively federalizes only those state laws
that
prohibit gaming activities. The statute expressly
states that nothing in it may be read as authorizing Texas to
enforce criminal or civil
regulations on tribal lands. And
when it comes to bingo, the State permits at least some forms of
the game subject to regulation. In the District Court’s judgment,
“the Tribe [had] a sufficient likelihood of success on the merits”
under the terms of the Restoration Act “to support a stay.”
Ibid. The District Court further found that, without a stay,
the injury to the Tribe would be “truly irreparable.”
Id.,
at *2. Speaking Rock’s revenues account for 60 percent of the
Tribe’s operating budget, which supports “significant educational,
governmental, and charitable initiatives.”
Ibid; Brief for
Petitioners 17. And when Speaking Rock closed due to one of the
many previous disputes, tribal unemployment rose from 3 to 28
percent. See
id., at 18.
On appeal, the Fifth Circuit “re-reaffirm[ed]”
Ysleta I and held that the decision “resolve[d] this
dispute.” 955 F.3d 408, 414, 417 (2020).
Ysleta I
expressly held that all of “Texas’ gaming laws and regulations
. . . operate as surrogate federal law on the Tribe’s
reservation.” 955 F. 3d, at 414 (emphasis deleted). And
because the Tribe’s bingo operations did not conform to the State’s
bingo regulations, the court held, they were impermissible.
Ibid.
After the Tribe filed a petition for certiorari,
this Court called for the views of the Solicitor General. The
United States argued that the Fifth Circuit’s understanding of the
Restoration Act took a wrong turn in
Ysleta I and urged us
to correct the error. See Brief for United States as
Amicus
Curiae on Pet. for Cert. 1. Ultimately, we agreed to take up
this case to consider that question. 595 U. S. ___ (2021).
II
A
Before us, the parties offer two very
different accounts of the Restoration Act. The State, in its only
argument in support of regulatory jurisdiction over the Tribe’s
gaming activities, reads the Act as effectively subjecting the
Tribe to the entire body of Texas gaming laws and regulations, just
as the Fifth Circuit held in
Ysleta I. The Tribe understands
the Act to bar it from offering only those gaming activities the
State fully prohibits. Consistent with
Cabazon, the Tribe
submits, if Texas merely regulates a game like bingo, it may offer
that game—and it may do so subject only to the limits found in
federal law and its own law, not state law.
To resolve the parties’ disagreement, we turn to
§ 107 of the Restoration Act, where Congress directly addressed
gaming on the Tribe’s lands and said this:
“
SEC. 107. GAMING ACTIVITIES.
(a) In General.—All gaming activities which
are prohibited by the laws of the State of Texas are hereby
prohibited on the reservation and on lands of the tribe. Any
violation of the prohibition provided in this subsection shall be
subject to the same civil and criminal penalties that are provided
by the laws of the State of Texas. The provisions of this
subsection are enacted in accordance with the tribe’s request in
Tribal Resolution No. T.C.–02–86 which was approved and certified
on March 12, 1986.
(b) No State Regulatory Jurisdiction.—Nothing in
this section shall be construed as a grant of civil or criminal
regulatory jurisdiction to the State of Texas.
(c) Jurisdiction Over Enforcement Against
Members.— [T]he courts of the United States shall have exclusive
jurisdiction over any offense in violation of subsection (a) that
is committed by the tribe . . . .” 101Stat.
668–669.
Perhaps the most striking feature about this
language is its dichotomy between prohibition and regulation. On
the one hand, subsection (a) says that gaming activities
prohibited by state law are also prohibited as a matter of
federal law (using some variation of the word “prohibited” no fewer
than three times). On the other hand, subsection (b) insists that
the statute does not grant Texas civil or criminal
regulatory jurisdiction with respect to matters covered by
this “section,” a section concerned exclusively with gaming. The
implication that Congress drew from
Cabazon and meant for us
to apply its same prohibitory/regulatory framework here seems
almost impossible to ignore. See Part II–B,
infra.
But before getting to that, we start with a
careful look at the statute’s terms standing on their own. Often
enough in ordinary speech, to
prohibit something means to
“forbid,” “prevent,” or “effectively stop” it, or “make [it]
impossible.” Webster’s Third International Dictionary 1813 (1986)
(Webster’s Third); see 7 Oxford English Dictionary 596 (2d ed.
1989) (OED); Black’s Law Dictionary 1212 (6th ed. 1990) (Black’s).
Meanwhile, to
regulate something is usually understood to
mean to “fix the time, amount, degree, or rate” of an activity
“according to rule[s].” Webster’s Third 1913; see 8 OED 524;
Black’s 1286. Frequently, then, the two words are “not synonymous.”
Id., at 1212.
That fact presents Texas with a problem. The
State concedes that its laws do not forbid, prevent, effectively
stop, or make bingo impossible. Instead, the State admits that it
allows the game subject to fixed rules about the time, place, and
manner in which it may be conducted. See Brief for Respondent 5.
From this alone, it would seem to follow that Texas’s laws fall on
the regulatory rather than prohibitory side of the line—and thus
may not be applied on tribal lands under the terms of subsection
(b).
To be sure, Texas is not without a reply. It
observes that in everyday speech someone could describe its laws as
“prohibiting” bingo
unless the State’s time, place, and
manner regulations are followed. After all, conducting bingo or any
other game in defiance of state regulations can lead not just to a
civil citation, but to a criminal prosecution too. See Tex. Occ.
Code Ann. § 2001.551(c) (West 2019). In this sense, the State
submits, it seeks to do exactly what subsection (a)
allows—“prohibit” bingo that is not conducted for charitable
purposes and compliant with all its state gaming regulations.
That much we find hard to see. Maybe in
isolation or in another context, Texas’s understanding of the word
“prohibit” would make sense. But here it risks rendering the
Restoration Act a jumble. No one questions that Texas “regulates”
bingo by fixing the time, place, and manner in which the game may
be conducted. The State submits only that, in some sense, its laws
also “prohibit” bingo—when the game fails to comply with the
State’s time, place, and manner regulations. But on that reading,
the law’s dichotomy between prohibition and regulation collapses.
Laws regulating gaming activities
become laws prohibiting
gaming activities. It’s an interpretation that violates our usual
rule against “ascribing to one word a meaning so broad” that it
assumes the same meaning as another statutory term.
Gustafson v.
Alloyd Co.,
513
U.S. 561, 575 (1995). It’s a view that defies our usual
presumption that “differences in language like this convey
differences in meaning.”
Henson v.
Santander Consumer USA
Inc., 582 U. S. ___, ___ (2017) (slip op., at 6). And
perhaps most tellingly, it is a construction that renders state
gaming regulations simultaneously both (permissible) prohibitions
and (impermissible) regulations. Rather than supply coherent
guidance, Texas’s reading of the law renders it an indeterminate
mess.
The State’s interpretation of subsection (a)
presents another related problem. Suppose we could somehow overlook
the indeterminacy its interpretation yields and adopt the State’s
view that it may “prohibit” bingo under subsection (a) not
merely by outlawing bingo altogether but also by dictating the
time, place, and manner in which it is played. On that account,
subsection (b) would be left with no work to perform, its terms
dead letters all. Yes, subsection (b)
says that it does not
federalize Texas’s civil and criminal gaming regulations on tribal
land. But, the State effectively suggests, we should turn a blind
eye to all that. It’s a result that defies yet another of our
longstanding canons of statutory construction—this one, the rule
that we must normally seek to construe Congress’s work “so that
effect is given to all provisions, so that no part will be
inoperative or superfluous, void or insignificant.”
Corley
v.
United States,
556 U.S.
303, 314 (2009) (internal quotation marks omitted).
Seeking a way around these problems, Texas only
stumbles on another. The State submits that subsection (b) performs
real work even on its reading by denying its courts and gaming
commission “jurisdiction” to punish violations of subsection (a)
and sending disputes over “regulatory” violations to federal court
instead. The dissent also embraces this approach. See
post,
at 14–15. But this understanding of subsection (b) only serves to
render still
another portion of the statute—subsection (c)—a
nullity. Titled “Jurisdiction Over Enforcement Against Members,”
subsection (c) grants the federal courts “exclusive” jurisdiction
over violations of subsection (a), and it also permits Texas to
“brin[g] an action in [federal court] to enjoin violations of
[subsection (a)].” 101Stat. 669. Put differently, subsection (c)
already precludes state courts and state agencies from exercising
jurisdiction over violations of subsection (a). To make any sense
of the statute, subsection (b) must do something besides repeat
that work.
Stepping back, a full look at the statute’s
structure suggests a set of simple and coherent commands. In
subsection (a), Congress effectively federalized and applied
to tribal lands those state laws that prohibit or absolutely ban a
particular gaming activity. In subsection (b), Congress explained
that it was
not authorizing the application of Texas’s
gaming regulations on tribal lands. In subsection (c),
Congress granted federal courts jurisdiction to entertain claims by
Texas that the Tribe has violated subsection (a). Texas’s competing
interpretation of the law renders individual statutory terms
duplicative and whole provisions without work to perform.[
1]
B
Even if fair questions remain after a look at
the ordinary meaning of the statutory terms before us, important
contextual clues resolve them. Recall that Congress passed the Act
just six months after this Court handed down
Cabazon. See
Part I–B,
supra. In that decision, the Court interpreted
Public Law 280 to mean that only “prohibitory” state gaming laws
could be applied on the Indian lands in question, not state
“regulatory” gaming laws. The Court then proceeded to hold that
California bingo laws—laws materially identical to the Texas bingo
laws before us today—fell on the regulatory side of the ledger.
Just like Texas today, California heavily regulated bingo, allowing
it only in certain circumstances (usually for charity). Just like
Texas, California criminalized violations of its rules. Compare
Cabazon, 480 U. S., at 205, with Tex. Occ. Code Ann.
§ 2001.551. Still, because California permitted some forms of
bingo, the Court concluded that meant California did not prohibit,
but only regulated, the game.
Cabazon, 480 U. S., at
211.
For us, that clinches the case. This Court
generally assumes that, when Congress enacts statutes, it is aware
of this Court’s relevant precedents. See
Ryan v.
Valencia
Gonzales,
568 U.S.
57, 66 (2013). And at the time Congress adopted the Restoration
Act,
Cabazon was not only
a relevant precedent
concerning Indian gaming; it was
the precedent. See Part
I–B,
supra. In
Cabazon, the Court drew a sharp line
between the terms prohibitory and regulatory and held that state
bingo laws very much like the ones now before us qualified as
regulatory rather than prohibitory in nature. We do not see how we
might fairly read the terms of the Restoration Act except in the
same light. After all, “[w]hen the words of the Court are used in a
later statute governing the same subject matter, it is respectful
of Congress and of the Court’s own processes to give the words the
same meaning in the absence of specific direction to the contrary.”
Williams v.
Taylor,
529 U.S.
420, 434 (2000).
Even beyond that vital contextual clue lie
others. In the immediate aftermath of
Cabazon, Congress
adopted not just the Restoration Act; it also adopted other laws
governing tribal gaming activities. In these laws, Congress again
appeared to reference and employ
Cabazon’s distinction
between prohibition and regulation—and Congress did so in ways
demonstrating that it clearly understood how to grant a State
regulatory jurisdiction over a Tribe’s gaming activities when it
wished to do so. Cf.
Lagos v.
United States, 584
U. S. ___, ___–___ (2018) (slip op., at 6–7).
Consider two examples. On the same day it passed
the Restoration Act, Congress adopted a statute involving the
Wampanoag Tribe. But, contrary to its approach in the Restoration
Act, Congress subjected that Tribe’s lands to “those laws and
regulations which
prohibit or regulate the conduct of bingo
or any other game of chance.” Wampanoag Tribal Council of Gay Head,
Inc., Indian Claims Settlement Act of 1987, § 9, 101Stat. 709–710
(emphasis added). Shortly after the Restoration Act, Congress
adopted another statute, this one governing the Catawba Tribe’s
gaming activities. In it, Congress provided that “all laws,
ordinances,
and regulations of the State, and its political
subdivisions,
shall govern the regulation of . . .
gambling or wagering by the Tribe on and off the Reservation.”
Catawba Indian Tribe of South Carolina Land Claims Settlement Act
of 1993, § 14(b), 107Stat. 1136 (emphasis added).
That Congress chose to use the language of
Cabazon in different ways in three statutes closely related
in time and subject matter seems to us too much to ignore. See
State Farm Fire & Casualty Co. v.
United States
ex rel. Rigsby, 580 U.S. 26, 34 (2016) (explaining that
when Congress “use[s] . . . explicit language in one
provision,” that “cautions against inferring the same limitation in
another provision” (internal quotation marks omitted)). For two
Tribes, Congress did more than just prohibit on tribal lands those
gaming activities prohibited by state law. It said state
regulations should apply as a matter of federal law too. Yet for
this Tribe Congress did something different. It did not
subject the Tribe to all Texas laws that “prohibit or regulate”
gaming. It did not subject the Tribe to all laws that “govern the
regulation of gambling.” Instead, Congress banned on tribal lands
only those gaming activities “prohibited” by Texas, and it did not
provide for state “regulatory jurisdiction” over tribal
gaming.[
2]
None of this is to say that the Tribe may offer
any gaming activity on whatever terms it wishes. It is only to say
that the Fifth Circuit and Texas have erred in their understanding
of the Restoration Act. Under that law’s terms, if a gaming
activity is prohibited by Texas law it is also prohibited on tribal
land as a matter of federal law. Other gaming activities are
subject to tribal regulation and must conform with the terms and
conditions set forth in federal law, including IGRA to the extent
it is applicable. See Brief for United States as
Amicus
Curiae 31–33.[
3]
III
A
By this point, only two arguments remain for
us to consider. In the first, Texas and the dissent focus heavily
on the final sentence in subsection (a). See
post, at 9–10,
13. That sentence states that “[t]he provisions of this subsection
are enacted in accordance with the tribe’s request in Tribal
Resolution No. T.C.–02–86.” 101Stat. 668–669. In the referenced
1986 resolution, the Tribe announced its opposition to Texas’s
legislative efforts to have all its gaming laws apply on tribal
lands. Such a result, the resolution said, would represent “a
substantial infringement upon the Tribe[’s] power of
self-government . . . [ i]nconsistent with the
central purposes of restoration of the federal trust relationship.”
App. to Pet. for Cert. 122. At the same time, to prevent extension
of Texas law to its reservation and to avoid “jeopardiz[ing]” its
request for renewed federal trust status, the Tribe (1) announced
its own intention to prohibit gaming or bingo on its reservation,
and (2) authorized its negotiators in Washington to accept federal
legislation prohibiting gaming on tribal lands as an alternative to
state regulation.
Id., at 123. Before us, Texas does not
question that the Tribe was (and remains) free to change its own
laws after adopting that resolution. But, the State says, the fact
that Congress referenced the tribal resolution in subsection (a)
suggests that the Restoration Act should be read “broadly” to allow
Texas to apply its gaming regulations on tribal lands. Brief for
Respondent 22.
It’s an unsatisfying suggestion for at least a
few reasons. In the first place, while subsection (a) explains that
the Restoration Act was “enacted in accordance with” the Tribe’s
resolution, it does not purport to incorporate that resolution into
federal law. Congress knows exactly how to adopt into federal law
the terms of another writing or resolution when it wishes. It can
and has said, for example, that a tribal law or resolution “shall
have the same force and effect as if it were set out in full in
this subchapter.” 25 U. S. C. § 5396(b). But even
Texas does not suggest that Congress went that far in the
Restoration Act.
With that possibility shelved, it is hard to see
what’s left. Texas suggests that Congress’s reference to the tribal
resolution at least augurs in favor of a “broa[d]” reading of
subsection (a). Brief for Respondent 22; see also
post, at
9–10. But saying that tells us nothing about how much broader the
law should be read. And, as we have seen, the only “broader”
reading of subsection (a) Texas offers faces its challenges— it
requires us to believe that subsection (a) swallows subsection (b)
whole, makes a nullity of subsection (c), and defies Congress’s
apparent adoption of
Cabazon’s prohibitory/regulatory
distinction.
There is still another and maybe more
fundamental problem here. On our interpretation of the Restoration
Act, Congress
did legislate “in accordance with” the Tribe’s
resolution: It expressly granted the Tribe federal recognition and
chose not to apply Texas gaming regulations as surrogate federal
law on tribal land. Of course, Congress also sought to act in
accordance with at least some of Texas’s concerns by banning those
games fully barred by Texas law. In the end, it seems each got half
a loaf.
By contrast, adopting Texas’s alternative
interpretation of the Restoration Act would make a mockery of
Congress’s statement that it sought to act “in accordance with” the
Tribe’s resolution. On the State’s view,
all of its gaming
regulations serve as surrogate federal law applicable on tribal
lands. That’s a result few would dare to describe as “accord[ing]
with” the tribal resolution. In fact, it’s an outcome more nearly
the opposite of what the Tribe sought and closer to what it
described as a “wholly unsatisfactory . . . infringement
upon the Tribe[’s] power of self government” and “[i]nconsistent
with the central purposes of restoration of the federal trust
relationship.” App. to Pet. for Cert. 122.
To be sure and as Texas and the dissent both
highlight, the statutory terms Congress finally settled on were in
some respects more generous to the Tribe than those its resolution
authorized tribal negotiators in Washington to accept. Rather than
ban all gaming on tribal lands, Congress banned only those games
forbidden in Texas. But this development is hardly surprising
either. The Tribe adopted its resolution in 1986 in connection with
negotiations over a bill that eventually died in the Senate. See
Brief for United States as
Amicus Curiae 3–4, 30. As talks
continued the following year, this Court issued
Cabazon. And
after that, as we have seen, Tribes across the country saw their
negotiating “position strengthened.” Wood 1027, and n. 353; see
also Part I–B,
supra. The dissent omits these essential
details from its account of how the Restoration Act became law. See
post, at 3. That omission leads the dissent to overlook one
plausible explanation for why the Tribe got the deal it did. It may
be that, thanks to
Cabazon, the Tribe’s representatives were
able to persuade Congress to impose a less draconian ban—one that
paralleled the terms this Court in
Cabazon found applicable
to many other Tribes under Public Law 280. Surely, too, as we have
seen, if Congress had intended a more complete federal ban, it
could have easily said so. Not by obliquely referencing a tribal
resolution, but by saying so clearly, just as it did for both the
Wampanoag and Catawba Tribes. See Part II–B,
supra.[
4]
B
In the end, Texas retreats to the usual
redoubt of failing statutory interpretation arguments: an unadorned
appeal to public policy. Echoing arguments voiced by the
Cabazon dissent, the State argues that attempts to
distinguish between prohibition and regulation are sure to prove
“unworkable.” Brief for Respondent 29 (citing 480 U. S., at
224 (opinion of Stevens, J.)). Indeed, the State suggests that
problems are likely to arise in this very case. Under our reading,
Texas highlights, courts on remand might be called on to decide
whether “electronic bingo” qualifies as “bingo” and thus a gaming
activity merely regulated by Texas, or whether it constitutes an
entirely different sort of gaming activity absolutely banned by
Texas and thus forbidden as a matter of federal law. And, the State
worries, any attempt to answer that question may require evidence,
expert testimony, and further litigation.
We appreciate these concerns, but they do not
persuade us. Most fundamentally, they are irrelevant. It is not our
place to question whether Congress adopted the wisest or most
workable policy, only to discern and apply the policy it did adopt.
If Texas thinks good governance requires a different set of rules,
its appeals are better directed to those who make the laws than
those charged with following them.
Even on its own terms, we are not sure what to
make of Texas’s policy argument. We do not doubt that the
Restoration Act’s prohibitory/regulatory distinction can and will
generate borderline cases. See F. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian
Law 541–544 (N. Newton ed. 2012). It may even be that electronic
bingo will prove such a case. But if applying the Act’s terms poses
challenges, that hardly makes it unique among federal statutes. Nor
is the line the Restoration Act asks us to enforce quite as unusual
as Texas suggests. Courts have applied the same
prohibitory/regulatory framework elsewhere in this country under
Public Law 280 for decades. See
id., at 541–547. IGRA, too,
draws a similar line to assess the propriety of class II gaming on
Indian reservations nationwide. See 25 U. S. C.
§ 2710(b)(1)(A); see also K. Washburn, Federal Law, State
Policy, and Indian Gaming, 4 Nev. L. J. 285, 289–290 (2004).
In fact, Texas concedes that another Tribe within its borders—the
Kickapoo Traditional Tribe of Texas—is already subject to IGRA and
offers class II games. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 91; see also Brief for
United States as
Amicus Curiae 32. Why something like the
Cabazon test can work for one Tribe in Texas but not another
is not exactly obvious.
For that matter, Texas’s alternative
interpretation poses its own “workability” challenges. Under the
State’s reading, subsection (c) does not just charge federal courts
with enforcing on tribal lands a federal law banning gaming
activities also banned by state law. It also charges federal courts
with enforcing the minutiae of state gaming regulations governing
the conduct of permissible games—a role usually played by state
gaming commissions or the National Indian Gaming Commission. It’s a
highly unusual role for federal courts to assume. But on Texas’s
view, it’s a role federal courts
must assume, as indeed they
have sought to do since
Ysleta I. And far from yielding an
easily administrable regime, by almost anyone’s account that
project has engendered a quarter century of confusion and dispute.
See Part I–C,
supra.
*
Texas contends that Congress in the
Restoration Act has allowed all of its state gaming laws to act as
surrogate federal law on tribal lands. The Fifth Circuit took the
same view in
Ysleta I and in the proceedings below. That
understanding of the law is mistaken. The Restoration Act bans as a
matter of federal law on tribal lands only those gaming activities
also banned in Texas. To allow the Fifth Circuit to revise its
precedent and reconsider this case in the correct light, its
judgment is vacated, and the case is remanded for further
proceedings consistent with this opinion.
So ordered.