SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 17–1011
_________________
BUDHA ISMAIL JAM, et al., PETITIONERS
v. INTERNATIONAL FINANCE CORPORATION
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the district of columbia circuit
[February 27, 2019]
Justice Breyer, dissenting.
The International Organizations Immunities Act
of 1945 extends to international organizations “the same immu-nity
from suit and every form of judicial process as is en- joyed by
foreign governments.” 22 U. S. C. §288a(b). The majority,
resting primarily upon the statute’s language and canons of
interpretation, holds that the statute’s reference to “immunity”
moves with the times. As a consequence, the statute no longer
allows international organizations immunity from lawsuits arising
from their commercial activities. In my view, the statute grants
international organizations that immunity—just as foreign
governments possessed that immunity when Congress enacted the
statute in 1945. In reaching this conclusion, I rest more heavily
than does the majority upon the statute’s history, its context, its
purposes, and its consequences. And I write in part to show that,
in difficult cases like this one, purpose-based methods of
interpretation can often shine a useful light upon opaque statutory
language, leading to a result that reflects greater legal coherence
and is, as a practical matter, more sound.
I
The general question before us is familiar: Do
the words of a statute refer to their subject matter “statically,”
as it was when the statute was written? Or is their reference to
that subject matter “dynamic,” changing in scope as the subject
matter changes over time? It is hardly surprising, given the
thousands of different statutes containing an untold number of
different words, that there is no single, universally applicable
answer to this question.
Fairly recent cases from this Court make that
clear. Compare
New Prime Inc. v.
Oliveira, 586
U. S. ___, ___ (2019) (slip op., at 7) (adopting the
interpretation of “ ‘contracts of employment’ ” that
prevailed at the time of the statute’s adoption in 1925);
Wisconsin Central Ltd. v.
United States, 585
U. S. ___, ___ (2018) (slip op., at 2) (adopting the meaning
of “ ‘money’ ” that prevailed at the time of the
statute’s enactment in 1937);
Carcieri v.
Salazar,
555 U.S.
379, 388 (2009) (interpreting the statutory phrase “ ‘now
under Federal jurisdiction’ ” to cover only those tribes that
were under federal jurisdiction at the time of the statute’s
adoption in 1934); and
Republic of Argentina v.
Weltover,
Inc.,
504 U.S.
607, 612–613 (1992) (adopting the meaning of
“ ‘commercial’ ” that was “attached to that term under
the restrictive theory” when the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act
was enacted in 1976), with
Kimble v.
Marvel
Entertainment,
LLC, 576 U. S. ___, ___ (2015) (slip
op., at 14) (noting that the words “ ‘restraint of
trade’ ” in the Sherman Act have been interpreted
dynamically);
West v.
Gibson,
527
U.S. 212, 218 (1999) (interpreting the term
“ ‘appropriate’ ” in Title VII’s remedies provision
dynamically); and
Allied-Bruce Terminix Cos. v.
Dobson,
513 U.S.
265, 275–276 (1995) (interpreting the term “ ‘involving
commerce’ ” in the Federal Arbitration Act dynamically).
The Court, like petitioners, believes that the
language of the statute itself helps significantly to answer the
static/dynamic question. See
ante, at 7–9. I doubt that the
language itself helps in this case. Petitioners point to the words
“as is” in the phrase that grants the international organizations
the “same immunity from suit . . .
as is enjoyed
by foreign governments.” Brief for Petitioners 23–24. They invoke
the Dictionary Act, which states that “words used in the present
tense include the future” “unless the context indicates otherwise.”
1 U. S. C. §1. But that provision creates only a
presumption. And it did not even appear in the statute until 1948,
after Congress had passed the Immunities Act. Compare §1,
61Stat. 633, with §6, 62Stat. 859.
More fundamentally, the words “as is enjoyed” do
not conclusively tell us
when enjoyed. Do they mean “as is
enjoyed” at the time of the statute’s enactment? Or “as is enjoyed”
at the time a plaintiff brings a lawsuit? If the former,
international organizations enjoy immunity from lawsuits based upon
their commercial activities, for that was the scope of immunity
that foreign governments enjoyed in 1945 when the Immunities Act
became law. If the latter, international organizations do not enjoy
that immunity, for foreign governments can no longer claim immunity
from lawsuits based upon certain commercial activities. See 28
U. S. C. §1605(a)(2).
Linguistics does not answer the temporal
question. Nor do our cases, which are not perfectly consistent on
the matter. Compare
McNeill v.
United States,
563 U.S.
816, 821 (2011) (present-tense verb in the Armed Career
Criminal Act requires applying the law at the time of previous
conviction, not the later time when the Act is applied), with
Dole Food Co. v.
Patrickson,
538
U.S. 468, 478 (2003) (present-tense verb requires applying the
law “at the time suit is filed”). The problem is simple: “Without
knowing the point in time at which the law speaks, it is impossible
to tell what is past and what is present or future.”
Carr v.
United States,
560 U.S.
438, 463 (2010) (Alito, J., dissenting). It is
purpose,
not linguistics, that can help us here.
The words “same . . . as,” in the
phrase “same immunity . . . as,” provide no greater help.
The majority finds support for its dynamic interpretation in the
Civil Rights Act of 1866, which gives all citizens the “
same
right” to make and enforce contracts and to buy and sell property
“
as is enjoyed by white citizens.” 42 U. S. C.
§§1981(a), 1982 (emphasis added). But it is
purpose, not
words, that read-ily resolves any temporal linguistic ambiguity in
that statute. The Act’s objective, like that of the Fourteenth
Amendment itself, was a Nation that treated its citizens equally.
Its purpose—revealed by its title, historical context, and other
language in the statute—was “to guarantee the then newly freed
slaves the same legal rights that other citizens enjoy.”
CBOCS
West,
Inc. v.
Humphries,
553
U.S. 442, 448 (2008). Given this purpose, its dynamic nature is
obvious.
Similarly, judges interpreting the words “same
. . . as” have long resolved ambiguity not by looking at
the words alone, but by examining the statute’s purpose as well.
Compare,
e.g.,
Kugler’s Appeal, 55 Pa. 123, 123–125
(1867) (adopting a dynamic interpretation of “same as” statute in
light of “plain” and “manifest” statutory purpose); and
Gaston v.
Lamkin, 115 Mo. 20, 34, 21 S.W. 1100, 1104
(1893) (adopting a dynamic interpretation of “same as” election
statute given the legislature’s intent to achieve “simplicity and
uniformity in the conduct of elections”), with
O’Flynn v.
East Rochester, 292 N.Y. 156, 162, 54 N.E.2d 343, 346 (1944)
(adopting a static interpretation of “same as” statute given that
the legislature “did not contemplate” that subsequent changes to a
referenced statute would apply (interpreting N. Y. Gen. Mun.
Law Ann. §360(5) (West 1934))). There is no hard-and-fast rule that
the statutory words “as is” or the statutory words “same as”
require applying the law as it stands today.
The majority wrongly believes that it can solve
the temporal problem by bringing statutory canons into play. It
relies on what it calls the “reference canon.” That canon, as it
appeared more than 75 years ago in Sutherland’s book on statutory
construction, says that “when a statute refers to a general
subject, the statute adopts the law on that subject as it exists
whenever a question under the statute arises.” Ante,
at 9 (citing 2 J. Sutherland, Statu-tory Construction §§5207–5208
(3d ed. 1943); emphasis added).
But a canon is at most a rule of thumb. Indeed,
Sutherland himself says that “[n]o single canon of interpretation
can purport to give a certain and unerring answer.” 2 Sutherland,
supra, §4501, p. 316. And hornbooks, summarizing case
law, have long explained that whether a reference statute adopts
the law as it stands on the date of enactment or includes
subsequent changes in the law to which it refers is “fundamentally
a question of legislative intent and purpose.” Fox, Effect of
Modification or Repeal of Constitutional or Statutory Provision
Adopted by Reference in Another Provision, 168 A. L. R.
627, 628 (1947); see also 82 C. J. S., Statutes §485,
p. 637 (2009) (“The question of whether a statute which has
adopted another statute by reference will be affected by amendments
made to the adopted statute is one of legislative intent and
purpose”);
id., at 638 (statute that refers generally to
another body of law will ordinarily include subsequent changes in
the adopted law only “as far as the changes are consistent with the
purpose of the adopting statute”).
Thus, all interpretive roads here lead us to the
same place, namely, to context, to history, to purpose, and to
consequences. Language alone cannot resolve the statute’s
linguistic ambiguity.
II
“Statutory interpretation,” however, “is not a
game of blind man’s bluff.”
Dole Food Co., 538 U. S.,
at 484 (Breyer, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). We
are “free to consider statutory language in light of a statute’s
basic purposes,”
ibid., as well as “ ‘the history of
the times when it was passed,’ ”
Leo Sheep Co. v.
United States,
440 U.S.
668, 669 (1979) (quoting
United States v.
Union
Pacific R. Co.,
91 U.S.
72, 79 (1875)). In this case, historical context, purpose, and
related consequences tell us a great deal about the proper
interpretation of the Immunities Act.
Congressional reports explain that Congress,
acting in the immediate aftermath of World War II, intended the
Immunities Act to serve two related purposes. First, it would
“enabl[e] this country to fulfill its commitments in connection
with its membership in international organizations.” S. Rep.
No. 861, 79th Cong., 1st Sess., 3 (1945); see also
id., at
2–3 (explaining that the Immunities Act was “basic legislation”
expected to “satisfy in full the requirements of . . .
international organizations conducting activities in the United
States”); H. R. Rep. No. 1203, 79th Cong., 1st
Sess., 3 (1945) (similar). And second, it would “facilitate
fully the functioning of international organizations in this
country.” S. Rep. No. 861, at 3.
A
I first examine the international commitments
that Congress sought to fulfill. By 1945, the United States had
entered into agreements creating several important multilateral
organizations, including the United Nations (UN), the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the UN Relief and
Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), and the Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO). See
id., at 2.
The founding agreements for several of these
organizations required member states to grant them broad immunity
from suit. The Bretton Woods Agreements, for example, provided that
the IMF “shall enjoy immunity from every form of judicial process
except to the extent that it expressly waives its immunity.”
Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund, Art. IX,
§3, Dec. 27, 1945, 60Stat. 1413, T. I. A. S. No.
1501. UNRRA required members, absent waiver, to accord the
organization “the facilities, privileges, immunities, and
exemptions which they accord to each other, including
. . . [i]mmunity from suit and legal process.” 2 UNRRA, A
Compilation of the Resolutions on Policy: First and Second Sessions
of the UNRRA Council, Res. No. 32, p. 51 (1944). And the UN
Charter required member states to accord the UN “such privileges
and immunities as are necessary for the fulfillment of its
purposes.” Charter of the United Nations, Art. 105, 59Stat. 1053,
June 26, 1945, T. S. No. 993.
These international organizations expected the
United States to provide them with essentially full immunity. And
at the time the treaties were written, Congress understood that
foreign governments normally enjoyed immunity with respect to their
commercial, as well as their noncommercial, activities. Thus, by
granting international organizations “the same immunity from suit”
that foreign governments enjoyed, Congress expected that
international organizations would similarly have immu- nity in both
commercial and noncommercial suits.
More than that, Congress likely recognized that
immu-nity in the commercial area was even more important for many
international organizations than it was for most foreign
governments. Unlike foreign governments, international
organizations are
not sovereign entities engaged in a host
of different activities. See R. Higgins, Problems & Process:
International Law and How We Use It 93 (1994) (organizations do not
act with “ ‘sovereign author- ity,’ ” and “to assimilate
them to states . . . is not correct”). Rather, many
organizations (including four of the five I mentioned above) have
specific missions that often require them to engage in what
U. S. law may well consider to be commercial activities. See
infra, at 12.
Nonetheless, under the majority’s view, the
immunity of many organizations contracted in scope in 1952, when
the State Department modified foreign government immunity to
exclude commercial activities. Most organizations could not rely on
the treaty provisions quoted above to supply the necessary
immunity. That is because, unless the treaty provision granting
immunity is “self-executing,”
i.e., automatically
applicable, the immunity will not be effective in U. S. courts
until Congress enacts additional legislation to implement it. See
Medellin v.
Texas,
552 U.S.
491, 504–505 (2008); but see
id., at 546–547 (Breyer,
J., dissenting). And many treaties are not self-executing. Thus, in
the ordinary case, not even a treaty can guarantee immunity in
cases arising from commercial activities.
The UN provides a good example. As noted, the UN
Charter required the United States to grant the UN all “necessary”
immunities, but it was not self-executing. In 1946, the UN made
clear that it needed absolute immu- nity from suit, including in
lawsuits based upon its commer- cial activities. See Convention on
Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, Art. II, §2,
Feb. 13, 1946, 21 U. S. T. 1422,
T. I. A. S. No. 6900 (entered into force Apr. 29,
1970); see also App. to S. Exec. Rep. No. 91–17, p. 14
(1970) (“The U. N.’s immunity from legal process extends to
matters arising out its commercial dealings . . . ”).
But, until Congress ratified that comprehensive immunity provision
in 1970, no U. S. law provided that immunity
but for
the Immunities Act.
Id., at 1. Both the UN and the United
States found this circumstance satisfactory because they apparently
assumed the Immunities Act extended immunity in cases involving
both commercial and noncommercial activities: When Congress
eventually (in 1970) ratified the UN’s comprehensive immunity
provision, the Senate reported that the long delay in ratification
“appears to have been the result of the executive branch being
content to operate under the provisions of the” Immunities Act.
Id., at 2.
In light of this history, how likely is it that
Congress, seeking to “satisfy
in full the requirements of
. . . international organizations conducting activities
in the United States,” S. Rep. No. 861, at 2–3 (emphasis added),
would have understood the statute to take from many international
organizations with one hand the immunity it had given them with the
other? If Congress wished the Act to carry out one of its core
purposes—fulfilling the country’s international
commitments—Congress would not have wanted the statute to change
over time, taking on a meaning that would fail to grant not only
full, but even partial, immunity to many of those
organizations.
B
Congress also intended to facilitate
international organizations’ ability to pursue their missions in
the United States. To illustrate why that purpose is better served
by a static interpretation, consider in greater detail the work of
the organizations to which Congress wished to provide broad
immunity. Put the IMF to the side, for Congress enacted a separate
statute providing it with immunity (absent waiver) in all cases.
See 22 U. S. C. §286h. But UNRRA, the World Bank, the
FAO, and the UN itself all originally depended upon the Immunities
Act for the immunity they sought.
Consider, for example, the mission of UNRRA. The
United States and other nations created that organization in 1943,
as the end of World War II seemed in sight. Its objective was, in
the words of President Roosevelt, to “ ‘assure a fair
distribution of available supplies among’ ” those liberated in
World War II, and “ ‘to ward off death by starvation or
exposure among these peoples.’ ” 1 G. Woodbridge, UNRRA: The
History of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration 3 (1950). By the time Congress passed the Immunities
Act in 1945, UNRRA had obtained and shipped billions of pounds of
food, clothing, and other relief supplies to children freed from
Nazi concentration camps and to others in serious need. 3
id., at 429; see generally L. Nicholas, Cruel World: The
Children of Europe in the Nazi Web 442–513 (2005).
These activities involved contracts, often made
in the United States, for transportation and for numerous
commercial goods. See B. Shephard, The Long Road Home: The
Aftermath of the Second World War 54, 57–58 (2012). Indeed, the
United States conditioned its participation on UNRRA’s spending
what amounted to 67% of its budget on purchases of goods and
services in the United States.
Id., at 57–58; see also
Sawyer, Achievements of UNRRA as an International Health
Organization, 37 Am. J. Pub. Health 41, 57 (1947) (describing UNRRA
training programs for foreign doctors within the United States,
which presumably required entering into contracts);
International Refugee Org. v.
Republic S. S. Corp.,
189 F.2d 858, 860 (CA4 1951) (describing successor organization’s
transportation of displaced persons, presumably also under
contract). Would Congress, believing that it had provided the
absolute immunity that UNRRA sought and expected, also have
intended that the statute be interpreted “dynamic- ally,” thereby
removing most of the immunity that it had then provided—not only
potentially from UNRRA itself but also from other future
international organizations with UNRRA-like objectives and
tasks?
C
This history makes clear that Congress enacted
the Immunities Act as part of an effort to encourage international
organizations to locate their headquarters and carry on their
missions in the United States. It also makes clear that Congress
intended to enact “basic legislation” that would fulfill its broad
immunity-based commitments to the UN, UNRRA, and other nascent
organizations. S. Rep. No. 861, at 2. And those commitments,
of neces- sity, included immunity from suit in commercial areas,
since organizations were buying goods and making contracts in the
United States.
To achieve these purposes, Congress enacted
legislation that granted necessarily broad immunity. And that fact
strongly suggests that Congress would not have wanted the statute
to reduce significantly the scope of immunity that international
organizations enjoyed, particularly organizations engaged in
development finance, refugee assistance, or other tasks that
U. S. law could well decide were “commercial” in nature. See
infra, at 12.
To that extent, an examination of the statute’s
purpose supports a static, not a dynamic, interpretation of its
cross-reference to the immunity of foreign governments. Unlike the
purpose of the Civil Rights Act, the purpose here was not to ensure
parity of treatment for international organizations and foreign
governments. Instead, as the Court of Appeals for the D. C.
Circuit pointed out years ago, the statute’s reference to the
immunities of “foreign governments” was a “shorthand” for the
immunities those foreign governments enjoyed at the time the Act
was passed.
Atkinson v.
Inter-American Development
Bank,
156 F.3d 1335, 1340, 1341 (1998).
III
Now consider the consequences that the
majority’s reading of the statute will likely produce—consequences
that run counter to the statute’s basic purposes. Although the UN
itself is no longer dependent upon the Immunities Act, many other
organizations, such as the FAO and several multilateral development
banks, continue to rely upon that Act to secure immunity, for the
United States has never ratified treaties nor enacted statutes that
might extend the necessary immunity, commercial and noncommercial
alike.
A
The “commercial activity” exception to the
sovereign immunity of foreign nations is broad. We have said that a
foreign state engages in “commercial activity” when it exercises
“ ‘powers that can also be exercised by private
citizens.’ ”
Republic of Argentina, 504 U. S., at
614. Thus, “a contract to buy army boots or even bullets is a
‘commercial’ activity,” even if the government enters into the
contract to “fulfil[l] uniquely sovereign objectives.”
Ibid.; see also H. R. Rep. No. 94–1487, p. 16
(1976) (“[A] transaction to obtain goods or services from private
parties would not lose its otherwise commercial character because
it was entered into in connection with an [Agency for International
Development] program”).
As a result of the majority’s interpretation,
many of the international organizations to which the United States
belongs will discover that they are now exposed to civil lawsuits
based on their (U. S.-law-defined) commercial activity. And
because “commercial activity” may well have a broad definition,
today’s holding will at the very least create uncertainty for
organizations involved in finance, such as the World Bank, the
Inter-American Development Bank, and the Multilateral Investment
Guarantee Agency. The core functions of these organizations are at
least arguably “commercial” in nature; the organizations exist to
promote international development by investing in foreign companies
and projects across the world. See Brief for International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development et al. as
Amici Curiae
1–4; Brief for Member Countries and the Multilateral Investment
Guarantee Agency as
Amici Curiae 13–15. The World Bank, for
example, encourages development either by guaranteeing private
loans or by providing financing from its own funds if private
capital is not available. See Articles of Agreement of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Art. I,
Dec. 27, 1945, 60Stat. 1440, T. I. A. S. No.
1502.
Some of these organizations, including the
International Finance Corporation (IFC), themselves believe they do
not need broad immunity in commercial areas, and they have waived
it. See,
e.g., Articles of Agreement of the International
Finance Corporation, Art. 6, §3, Dec. 5, 1955, 7 U. S. T.
2214, 264 U. N. T. S. 118 (implemented by 22 U. S. C.
§282g); see also 860 F.3d 703, 706 (CADC 2017). But today’s
decision will affect them nonetheless. That is because courts have
long interpreted their waivers in a manner that protects their core
objectives. See,
e.g.,
Mendaro v.
World Bank,
717 F.2d 610, 614–615 (CADC 1983). (This very case provides a good
example. The D. C. Circuit held below that the IFC’s waiver
provision does not cover petitioners’ claims because they “threaten
the [IFC’s] policy discretion.” See 860 F. 3d, at 708.) But
today’s decision exposes these organizations to potential liability
in
all cases arising from their commercial activities,
without regard to the scope of their waivers.
Under the majority’s interpretation, that broad
exposure to liability is at least a reasonable possibility. And
that being so, the interpretation undercuts Congress’ original
objectives and the expectations that it had when it enacted the
Immunities Act in 1945.
B
The majority’s opinion will have a further
important consequence—one that more clearly contradicts the
statute’s objectives and overall scheme. It concerns the important
goal of weeding out lawsuits that are likely bad or harmful—those
likely to produce rules of law that interfere with an international
organization’s public interest tasks.
To understand its importance, consider again
that international organizations, unlike foreign nations, are
multilateral, with members from many different nations. See
H. R. Rep. No. 1203, at 1. That multilateralism is
threatened if one nation alone, through application of its own
liability rules (by nonexpert judges), can shape the policy choices
or actions that an international organization believes it must take
or refrain from taking. Yet that is the effect of the majority’s
interpretation. By restricting the immunity that international
organizations enjoy, it “opens the door to divided decisions of the
courts of different member states,” including U. S. courts,
“passing judgment on the rules, regulations, and decisions of the
international bodies.”
Broadbent v.
Organization of Am.
States, 628 F.2d 27, 35 (CADC 1980); cf. Singer, Jurisdictional
Immunity of International Organizations: Human Rights and
Functional Necessity Concerns, 36 Va. J. Int’l L. 53, 63–64 (1995)
(recognizing that “[i]t would be inappropriate for municipal courts
to cut deep into the region of autonomous decision-making authority
of institutions such as the World Bank”).
Many international organizations, fully aware of
their moral (if not legal) obligations to prevent harm to others
and to compensate individuals when they do cause harm, have sought
to fulfill those obligations without compromising their ability to
operate effectively. Some, as I have said, waive their immunity in
U. S. courts at least in part. And the D. C. Circuit, for
nearly 40 years, has interpreted those waivers in a way that
protects the organization against interference by any single state.
See,
e.g.,
Mendaro, 717 F. 2d, at 615. The
D. C. Circuit allows a lawsuit to proceed when “insistence on
immunity would actually prevent or hinder the organization from
conducting its activities.”
Id., at 617. Thus, a direct
beneficiary of a World Bank loan can generally sue the Bank,
because “the commercial reliability of the Bank’s direct loans
. . . would be significantly vitiated” if “beneficiaries
were required to accept the Bank’s obligations without recourse to
judicial process.”
Id., at 618. Where, however, allowing a
suit would lead to “disruptive interference” with the
organization’s functions, the waiver does not apply.
Ibid.
Other organizations have attempted to solve the
liability/immunity problem by turning to multilateral, not
single-nation, solutions. The UN, for instance, has agreed to “make
provisions for appropriate modes of settlement of . . .
[d]isputes arising out of contracts or other disputes of a private
law character.” Convention on Privileges and Immunities of the
United Nations, Art. VIII, §29, 21 U. S. T. 1438,
T. I. A. S. No. 6900. It generally does so by
agreeing to submit commercial disputes to arbitration. See
Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law of the United States
§467, Reporters’ Note 7 (1987). Other organizations, including the
IFC, have set up alternative accountability schemes to resolve
disputes that might otherwise end up in court. See World Bank,
Inspection Panel: About Us (describing World Bank’s three-member
“independent complaints mechanism” for those “who believe that they
have been . . . adversely affected by a World Bank-funded
project”), https://inspectionpanel.org/
about-us/about-inspection-panel (as last visited Feb. 25, 2019);
Compliance Advisor Ombudsman, How We Work: CAO Dispute Resolution
(describing IFC and Multi- lateral Investment Guarantee Agency
dispute-resolution process, the main objective of which is to help
resolve issues raised about the “social and environmental impacts
of IFC/MIGA projects”), www.cao-ombudsman.org/howwework/
ombudsman.
These alternatives may sometimes prove
inadequate. And, if so, the Immunities Act itself offers a way for
America’s Executive Branch to set aside an organization’s immunity
and to allow a lawsuit to proceed in U. S. courts. The Act
grants to the President the authority to “withhold,” to “withdraw,”
to “condition,” or to “limit” any of the Act’s “immunities” in
“light of the functions performed by any such international
organization.” 22 U. S. C. §288.
Were we to interpret the statute statically,
then, the default rule would be immunity in suits arising from an
organization’s commercial activities. But the Executive Branch
would have the power to withdraw immunity where immunity is not
warranted, as the Act itself provides. And in making that
determination, it could con- sider whether allowing the lawsuit
would jeopardize the organization’s ability to carry out its public
interest tasks. In a word, the Executive Branch, under a static
interpretation, would have the authority needed to separate lawsuit
sheep from lawsuit goats.
Under the majority’s interpretation, by
contrast, there is no such flexibility. The Executive does not have
the power to tailor immunity by taking into account the risk of a
lawsuit’s unjustified interference with institutional objectives or
other institutional needs. Rather, the majority’s holding takes
away an international organization’s immunity (in cases arising
from “commercial” activities) across the board. And without a new
statute, there is no way to restore it, in whole or in part.
Nothing in the present statute gives the Executive, the courts, or
the organization the power to restore immunity, or to tailor any
resulting potential liability, where a lawsuit threatens seriously
to interfere with an organization’s legitimate needs and goals.
Thus, the static interpretation comes equipped
with flexibility. It comes equipped with a means to withdraw
immunity where justified. But the dynamic interpretation freezes
potential liability into law. It withdraws immunity automatically
and irretrievably, irrespective of institutional harm. It seems
highly unlikely that Congress would have wanted this result.
* * *
At the end of World War II, many in this
Nation saw international cooperation through international
organization as one way both to diminish the risk of conflict and
to promote economic development and commercial prosper- ity.
Congress at that time and at the request of many of those
organizations enacted the Immunities Act. Given the differences
between international organizations and nation states, along with
the Act’s purposes and the risk of untoward consequences, I would
leave the Immunities Act where we found it—as providing for
immunity in both commercial and noncommercial suits.
My decision rests primarily not upon linguistic
analysis, but upon basic statutory purposes. Linguistic methods
alone, however artfully employed, too often can be used to justify
opposite conclusions. Purposes, derived from context, informed by
history, and tested by recognition of related consequences, will
more often lead us to legally sound, workable interpretations—as
they have consistently done in the past. These methods of
interpretation can help voters hold officials accountable for their
decisions and permit citizens of our diverse democracy to live
together productively and in peace—basic objectives in America of
the rule of law itself.
With respect, I dissent.