In Nos. 573 and 691, Unions waged organizational campaigns,
obtained authorization cards from a majority of employees in the
appropriate bargaining units, and demanded recognition by the
employers. The employers refused to bargain on the ground that the
cards were inherently unreliable, and carried out vigorous
anti-union campaigns. In one instance, the Union did not seek a
representation election, but filed unfair labor practice charges
against the employer; in a second, an election sought by the Union
was not held, because of unfair labor practice charges filed by the
Union as a result of the employer's anti-union campaign, and, in
the third, an election petitioned by the Union and won by the
employer was set aside by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)
because of the employer's pre-election unfair labor practices. In
each instance, the NLRB found that the Union had obtained valid
authorization cards from a majority of the employees in the
bargaining unit, and was thus entitled to represent the employees
for bargaining purposes, and that the employer's refusal to
bargain, in violation of § 8(a)(5) of the National Labor Relations
Act, was motivated not by a "good faith" doubt of the Union's
majority status, but by a desire to gain time to dissipate that
status. The NLRB ordered the employers to stop their unfair labor
practices, offer reinstatement and back pay to employees
discriminatorily discharged, and to bargain with the Unions on
request. The Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit upheld the
NLRB's findings as to violations of §§ 8(a)(1) and (3), but
declined to enforce the orders to bargain, holding that the
Taft-Hartley amendments to the Act withdrew the NLRB's
Page 395 U. S. 576
authority to order an employer to bargain under § 8(a)(5) on the
basis of cards, in the absence of NLRB certification, unless the
employer knows, independently of the cards, that there is, in fact,
no representation dispute. The court held that the cards were so
inherently unreliable that their use gave the employer an
automatic, good faith claim that such a dispute existed, for which
an election was necessary. In No. 585, after the Union announced to
the employer that it held authorization cards from a majority of
the bargaining unit, and the employer claimed it had a good faith
doubt of majority status, the Union petitioned for an election.
From the time the employer first learned of the Union's drive until
the election, the company's president talked and wrote to the
employees. The NLRB stated that the communications
"reasonably tended to convey . . . the belief or impression that
selection of the Union in the forthcoming election could lead [the
Company] to close its plant, or to the transfer of the weaving
production, with the resultant loss of jobs to the wire
weavers,"
and constituted a violation of § 8(a)(1). The NLRB set aside the
election because the employer "interfered with the exercise of a
free and untrammeled choice in the election," found that the Union
had a valid card majority when it demanded recognition and that the
employer declined recognition in order to gain time to dissipate
that majority status in violation of § 8(a)(5). The employer was
ordered to bargain on request. The Court of Appeals for the First
Circuit sustained the NLRB's findings and enforced its order.
Held:
1. To obtain recognition as the exclusive bargaining
representative under the Act, a union has not been required, prior
to or since the Taft-Hartley amendments, to obtain certification as
a winner of an NLRB election; it can establish majority status by
possession of cards signed by a majority of the employees
authorizing the union to represent them for bargaining purposes.
Pp.
395 U. S.
595-600.
2. Authorization cards can adequately reflect employee desires
for representation, and the NLRB's rules for controlling card
solicitation are adequate safeguards against union
misrepresentation and coercion where the cards are clear and
unambiguous on their face. Pp.
395 U. S.
601-610.
(a) The NLRB's rule set forth in
Cumberland Shoe Corp.,
144 N.L.R.B. 1268, that an unambiguous authorization card will be
counted unless it is proved that the employee was told that the
card was to be used solely to obtain an election, should not be
applied mechanically. Pp.
395 U. S.
607-609.
Page 395 U. S. 577
(b) An employer is not obligated to accept a card check as proof
of majority status under the NLRB's current practice, and he is not
required to justify his insistence on an election by making his own
investigation of employee sentiment and showing affirmative reasons
for doubting the majority status. Not every employer unfair labor
practice will necessarily support a bargaining order. Pp.
395 U. S.
609-610.
3. The issuance of a bargaining order is an appropriate remedy
where an employer who has rejected a card majority has committed
unfair labor practices which have made the holding of a fair
election unlikely, or which have undermined a union's majority,
caused an election to be set aside, and made the holding of a fair
rerun election unlikely. Pp.
395 U. S.
610-616.
(a) In fashioning a remedy, the NLRB can consider the
extensiveness of an employer's unfair practices in terms of their
past effect on election conditions and the likelihood of their
recurrence in the future, and, if it finds that the possibility of
erasing the effects of past practices and of ensuring a fair
election (or a fair rerun) by the use of traditional remedies is
slight, and that employee sentiment once expressed through cards
would be better protected by a bargaining order, such order should
issue. Pp.
395 U. S.
614-615.
(b) Because the NLRB's findings in Nos. 573 and 691 were based
on its former practice of phrasing its findings in terms of an
employer's good or bad faith doubts of a union's majority status,
these cases are remanded for proper findings. Pp.
395 U. S.
615-616.
4. An employer's free speech right to communicate with his
employees is firmly established, and cannot be infringed by a union
or by the NLRB, and 8(c) merely implements the First Amendment by
requiring that the expression of "any views, argument or opinion"
shall not be "evidence of an unfair labor practice," so long as
such expression contains "no threat of reprisal or force or promise
of benefit" in violation of § 8(a)(1). Pp.
395 U. S.
616-620.
(a) An assessment of the precise scope of employer expression
must be made in the context of its labor relations setting, and an
employer's rights cannot outweigh the equal rights of the employees
to associate freely, as those rights are embodied and protected in
the Act. Pp.
395 U. S.
617-618.
(b) An employer may communicate to his employees any of his
general views on unionism and his specific views about a particular
union, as long as there is no "threat of reprisal or force or
promise of benefit." He may predict the precise effects he
Page 395 U. S. 578
believes unionization will have on his company if the prediction
is based on objective fact to convey his belief as to demonstrably
probable consequences beyond his control or to convey a management
decision already arrived at to close the plant in case of
unionization. Pp.
395 U. S.
618-619.
(c) In No. 585, the NLRB correctly found that the communications
were cast as threat of retaliatory action, and not as a prediction
of "demonstrable economic consequences." P.
395 U. S.
619.
No. 585, 397 F.2d 157, affirmed; Nos. 573 and 691, 398 F.2d 336,
337, and 339, reversed and remanded.
Page 395 U. S. 579
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN delivered the opinion of the Court.
These cases involve the extent of an employer's duty under the
National Labor Relations Act to recognize a union that bases its
claim to representative status solely on the possession of union
authorization cards, and the steps an employer may take,
particularly with regard to the scope and content of statements he
may make, in legitimately resisting such card-based recognition.
The specific questions facing us here are whether the duty to
bargain can arise without a Board election under the Act; whether
union authorization cards, if obtained from a majority of employees
without misrepresentation or coercion, are reliable enough
generally to provide a valid, alternate route to majority status;
whether a bargaining order is an appropriate and authorized remedy
where an employer rejects a card majority while at the same time
committing unfair labor practices that tend to undermine the
union's majority and make a fair election an unlikely possibility,
and whether certain specific statements made by an employer to his
employees constituted such an election-voiding unfair labor
practice, and thus fell outside the protection of the First
Amendment and § 8(c) of the Act, 49 Stat. 452, as amended, 29
U.S.C. 158(c). For reasons given below, we answer each of these
questions in the affirmative.
I
Of the four cases before us, three --
Gissel Packing Co.,
Heck's Inc., and
General Steel Products, Inc. -- were
consolidated following separate decisions in the Court of Appeals
for the Fourth Circuit and brought here by the National Labor
Relations Board in No. 573.
Food Store Employees Union, Local
No. 347, the petitioning Union in
Gissel, brought
that case here in a separate petition in No. 691. All three cases
present the same legal issues
Page 395 U. S. 580
in similar, uncomplicated factual settings that can be briefly
described together. The fourth case, No. 585 (
Sinclair
Company), brought here from the Court of Appeals for the First
Circuit and argued separately, presents many of the same questions,
and will thus be disposed of in this opinion; but, because the
validity of some of the Board's factual findings are under attack
on First Amendment grounds, detailed attention must be paid to the
factual setting of that case.
Nos. 57 and 691
In each of the cases from the Fourth Circuit, the course of
action followed by the Union and the employer and the Board's
response were similar. In each case, the Union waged an
organizational campaign, obtained authorization cards from a
majority of employees in the appropriate bargaining unit, and then,
on the basis of the cards, demanded recognition by the employer.
All three employers refused to bargain on the ground that
authorization cards were inherently unreliable indicators of
employee desires, and they either embarked on, or continued,
vigorous anti-union campaigns that gave rise to numerous unfair
labor practice charges. In
Gissel, where the employer's
campaign began almost at the outset of the Union's organizational
drive, the Union (petitioner in No. 691), did not seek an election,
but instead filed three unfair labor practice charges against the
employer for refusing to bargain in violation of § 8(a)(5), for
coercion and intimidation of employees in violation of § 8(a)(1),
and for discharge of Union adherents in violation of § 8(a)(3).
[
Footnote 1] In
Heck's, an election
Page 395 U. S. 581
sought by the Union was never held because of nearly identical
unfair labor practice charges later filed by the Union as a result
of the employer's anti-union campaign, initiated after the Union's
recognition demand. [
Footnote
2]
Page 395 U. S. 582
And in
General Steel, an election petitioned for by the
Union and won by the employer was set aside by the Board because of
the unfair labor practices committed by the employer in the
pre-election period. [
Footnote
3]
In each case, the Board's primary response was an order to
bargain directed at the employers, despite the absence of an
election in
Gissel and
Heck's and the employer's
victory in
General Steel. More specifically, the Board
found in each case (1) that the Union had obtained
Page 395 U. S. 583
valid authorization cards [
Footnote 4] from a majority of the employees in the
bargaining unit, and was thus entitled to represent the employees
for collective bargaining purposes, and (2) that the employer's
refusal to bargain with the Union in violation of § 8(a)(5) was
motivated not by a "good faith" doubt of the Union's majority
status, but by a desire to gain time to dissipate that status. The
Board based its conclusion as to the lack of good faith doubt on
the fact that the employers had committed substantial unfair labor
practices during their anti-union campaign efforts to resist
recognition. Thus, the Board found that all three employers had
engaged in restraint and coercion of employees in violation of §
8(a)(1) -- in
Gissel for coercively interrogating
employees about Union activities, threatening them with discharge,
and promising them benefits; in
Heck's for coercively
interrogating employees, threatening reprisals, creating the
appearance of surveillance, and offering benefits for opposing the
Union, and in
General Steel for coercive interrogation and
threats of reprisals, including discharge. In addition, the Board
found that the employers in
Gissel and
Heck's had
wrongfully discharged employees for engaging in Union activities in
violation of § 8(a)(3). And, because the employers had rejected
Page 395 U. S. 584
the card-based bargaining demand in bad faith, the Board found
that all three had refused to recognize the Unions in violation of
§ 8(a)(5).
Only in
General Steel was there any objection by an
employer to the validity of the cards and the manner in which they
had been solicited, and the doubt raised by the evidence was
resolved in the following manner. The customary approach of the
Board in dealing with allegations of misrepresentation by the Union
and misunderstanding by the employees of the purpose for which the
cards were being solicited has been set out in
Cumberland Shoe
Corp., 144 N.L.R.B. 1268 (1963) and reaffirmed in
Levi
Strauss & Co., 172 N.L.R.B. No. 57, 68 L.R.R.M. 1338
(1968). Under the
Cumberland Shoe doctrine, if the card
itself is unambiguous (
i.e., states on its face that the
signer authorizes the Union to represent the employee for
collective bargaining purposes and not to seek an election), it
will be counted unless it is proved that the employee was told that
the card was to be used solely for the purpose of obtaining an
election. In
General Steel, the trial examiner considered
the allegations of misrepresentation at length, and, applying the
Board's customary analysis, rejected the claims with findings that
were adopted by the Board and are reprinted in the margin.
[
Footnote 5]
Page 395 U. S. 585
Consequently, the Board ordered the companies to cease and
desist from their unfair labor practices, to offer reinstatement
and back pay to the employees who had been discriminatorily
discharged, to bargain with the Unions on request, and to post the
appropriate notices.
On appeal, the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, in per
curiam opinions in each of the three cases (398 F.2d 336, 337,
339), sustained the Board's findings as to the §§ 8(a)(1) and (3)
violations, but rejected the Board's findings that the employers'
refusal to bargain violated § 8(a)(5) and declined to enforce those
portions of the Board's orders directing the respondent companies
to bargain in good faith. The court based its § 8(a)(5) rulings on
its 1967 decisions raising the same fundamental issues,
Crawford Mfg. Co. v. NLRB, 386 F.2d 367,
cert.
denied, 390 U.S. 1028 (1968);
NLRB v. Logan Packing
Co., 386 F.2d 562;
NLRB v. Sehon Stevenson Co., Inc.,
386 F.2d 551. The court in those cases held that the 1947
Taft-Hartley amendments to the Act, which permitted the Board to
resolve representation disputes by certification under § 9(c) only
by secret ballot election, withdrew from the Board the authority to
order an employer to bargain under § 8(a)(5) on the basis of cards,
in the absence of NLRB certification, unless the employer knows
independently of the cards that there is, in fact, no
representation dispute. The court held that the cards themselves
were so inherently unreliable that their use gave an employer
virtually an automatic, good faith claim
Page 395 U. S. 586
that such a dispute existed, for which a secret election was
necessary. Thus, these rulings established that a company could not
be ordered to bargain unless (1) there was no question about a
Union's majority status (either because the employer agreed the
cards were valid or had conducted his own poll so indicating), or
(2) the employer's §§ 8(a)(1) and (3) unfair labor practices
committed during the representation campaign were so extensive and
pervasive that a bargaining order was the only available Board
remedy, irrespective of a card majority.
Thus, based on the earlier decisions, the court's reasoning in
these cases was brief, as indicated by the representative holding
in
Heck's:
"We have recently discussed the unreliability of the cards, in
the usual case, in determining whether or not a union has attained
a majority status, and have concluded that an employer is justified
in entertaining a good faith doubt of the union's claims when
confronted with a demand for recognition based solely upon union
authorization cards. We have also noted that the National Labor
Relations Act, after the Taft-Hartley amendments, provides for an
election as the sole basis of a certification, and restricts the
Board to the use of secret ballots for the resolution of
representation questions. This is not one of those extraordinary
cases in which a bargaining order might be an appropriate remedy
for pervasive violations of § 8(a)(1). It is controlled by our
recent decisions and their reasoning. . . . There was not
substantial evidence to support the findings of the Board that
Heck's, Inc. had no good faith doubt of the unions' claims of
majorities."
398 F.2d at 338-339.
Page 395 U. S. 587
No. 686
In No. 585, the factual pattern was quite similar. The
petitioner, a producer of mill rolls, wire, and related products at
two plants in Holyoke, Massachusetts, was shut down for some three
months in 1952 as the result of a strike over contract negotiations
with the American Wire Weavers Protective Association, the
representative of petitioner's journeymen and apprentice wire
weavers from 1933 to 1952. The Company subsequently reopened
without a union contract, and its employees remained unrepresented
through 1964, when the Company was acquired by an Ohio corporation,
with the Company's former president continuing as head of the
Holyoke, Massachusetts, division. In July, 1965, the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters, Local Union No. 404, began an organizing
campaign among petitioner's Holyoke employees, and, by the end of
the summer, had obtained authorization cards from 11 of the
Company's 14 journeymen wire weavers choosing the Union as their
bargaining agent. On September 20, the Union notified petitioner
that it represented a majority of its wire weavers, requested that
the Company bargain with it, and offered to submit the signed cards
to a neutral third party for authentication. After petitioner's
president declined the Union's request a week later, claiming,
inter alia, that he had a good faith doubt of majority
status because of the cards' inherent unreliability, the Union
petitioned, on November 8, for an election that was ultimately set
for December 9.
When petitioner's president first learned of the Union's drive
in July, he talked with all of his employees in an effort to
dissuade them from joining a union. He particularly emphasized the
results of the long 1952 strike, which he claimed "almost put our
company out of business,"
Page 395 U. S. 588
and expressed worry that the employees were forgetting the
"lessons of the past." He emphasized, secondly, that the Company
was still on "thin ice" financially, that the Union's "only weapon
is to strike," and that a strike "could lead to the closing of the
plant," since the parent company had ample manufacturing facilities
elsewhere. He noted, thirdly, that, because of their age and the
limited usefulness of their skills outside their craft, the
employees might not be able to find reemployment if they lost their
jobs as a result of a strike. Finally, he warned those who did not
believe that the plant could go out of business to "look around
Holyoke and see a lot of them out of business." The president sent
letters to the same effect to the employees in early November,
emphasizing that the parent company had no reason to stay in
Massachusetts if profits went down.
During the two or three weeks immediately prior to the election
on December 9, the president sent the employees a pamphlet
captioned: "Do you want another 13-week strike?" stating,
inter
alia, that:
"We have no doubt that the Teamsters Union can again close the
Wire Weaving Department and the entire plant by a strike. We have
no hopes that the Teamsters Union Bosses will not call a strike. .
. . The Teamsters Union is a strike-happy outfit."
Similar communications followed in late November, including one
stressing the Teamsters' "hoodlum control." Two days before the
election, the Company sent out another pamphlet that was entitled:
"Let's Look at the Record," and that purported to be an obituary of
companies in the Holyoke-Springfield, Massachusetts, area that had
allegedly gone out of business because of union demands,
eliminating some 3,500 jobs; the first page carried a large cartoon
showing the preparation of a grave for the Sinclair Company and
other headstones containing the names of other plants allegedly
victimized by the unions. Finally, on the day before
Page 395 U. S. 589
the election, the president made another personal appeal to his
employees to reject the Union. He repeated that the Company's
financial condition was precarious; that a possible strike would
jeopardize the continued operation of the plant, and that age and
lack of education would make reemployment difficult. The Union lost
the election 7-6, and then filed both objections to the election
and unfair labor practice charges which were consolidated for
hearing before the trial examiner.
The Board agreed with the trial examiner that the president's
communications with his employees, when considered as a whole,
"reasonably tended to convey to the employees the belief or
impression that selection of the Union in the forthcoming election
could lead [the Company] to close its plant, or to the transfer of
the weaving production, with the resultant loss of jobs to the wire
weavers."
Thus, the Board found that, under the "totality of the
circumstances," petitioner's activities constituted a violation of
§ 8(a)(1) of the Act. The Board further agreed with the trial
examiner that petitioner's activities, because they "also
interfered with the exercise of a free and untrammeled choice in
the election" and "tended to foreclose the possibility" of holding
a fair election, required that the election be set aside. The Board
also found that the Union had a valid card majority (the
unambiguous cards,
see n 4,
supra, went unchallenged) when it demanded
recognition initially, and that the Company declined recognition
not because of a good faith doubt as to the majority status, but,
as the § 8(a)(1) violations indicated, in order to gain time to
dissipate that status -- in violation of § 8(a)(5). Consequently,
the Board set the election aside, entered a cease and desist order,
and ordered the Company to bargain on request.
On appeal, the Court of Appeals for the First Circuit sustained
the Board's findings and conclusions and enforced
Page 395 U. S. 590
its order in full. 397 F.2d 157. The court rejected the
Company's proposition that the inherent unreliability of
authorization cards entitled an employer automatically to insist on
an election, noting that the representative status of a union may
be shown by means other than an election; the court thus reaffirmed
its stance among those circuits disavowing the Fourth Circuit's
approach to authorization cards. [
Footnote 6] Because of the conflict among the circuits on
the card issues, and because of the alleged conflict between First
Amendment freedoms and the restrictions placed on employer speech
by § 8(a)(1) in
Sinclair, No. 585, we granted certiorari
to consider both questions. 393 U.S. 997 (1968). For reasons given
below, we reverse the decisions of the Court of Appeals for the
Fourth Circuit and affirm the ruling of the Court of Appeals for
the First Circuit.
II
In urging us to reverse the Fourth Circuit and to affirm the
First Circuit, the National Labor Relations
Page 395 U. S. 591
Board contends that we should approve its interpretation and
administration of the duties and obligations imposed by the Act in
authorization card cases. The Board argues (1) that unions have
never been limited under § 9(c) of either the Wagner Act or the
1947 amendments to certified elections as the sole route to
attaining representative status. Unions may, the Board contends,
impose a duty to bargain on the employer under § 8(a)(5) by
reliance on other evidence of majority employee support, such as
authorization cards. Contrary to the Fourth Circuit's holding, the
Board asserts, the 1947 amendments did not eliminate the
alternative routes to majority status. The Board contends (2) that
the cards themselves, when solicited in accordance with Board
standards which adequately insure against union misrepresentation,
are sufficiently reliable indicators of employee desires to support
a bargaining order against an employer who refuses to recognize ea
card majority in violation of § 8(a)(5). The Board argues (3) that
a bargaining order is the appropriate remedy for the § 8(a)(5)
violation where the employer commits other unfair labor practices
that tend to undermine union support and render a fair election
improbable.
Relying on these three assertions, the Board asks us to approve
its current practice, which is, briefly, as follows. When
confronted by a recognition demand based on possession of cards
allegedly signed by a majority of his employees, an employer need
not grant recognition immediately, but may, unless he has knowledge
independently of the cards that the union has a majority, decline
the union's request and insist on an election, either by requesting
the union to file an election petition or by filing such a petition
himself under § 9(c)(1)(b). If, however, the employer commits
independent and substantial unfair labor practices disruptive of
election conditions, the Board may withhold the election or set it
aside, and issue instead a bargaining order as a remedy
Page 395 U. S. 592
for the various violations. A bargaining order will not issue,
of course, if the union obtained the cards through
misrepresentation or coercion or if the employer's unfair labor
practices are unrelated generally to the representation campaign.
Conversely, the employers in these cases urge us to adopt the views
of the Fourth Circuit.
There is more at issue in these cases than the dispute outlined
above between the Board and the four employers, however, for the
Union, petitioner in No. 691, argues that we should accord a far
greater role to cards in the bargaining area than the Board itself
seeks in this litigation. In order to understand the differences
between the Union and the Board, it is necessary to trace the
evolution of the Board's approach to authorization cards from its
early practice to the position it takes on oral argument before
this Court. Such an analysis requires viewing the Board's treatment
of authorization cards in three separate phases: (1) under the
Joy Silk doctrine, (2) under the rules of the
Aaron
Brothers case, and (3) under the approach announced at oral
argument before this Court.
The traditional approach utilized by the Board for many years
has been known as the
Joy Silk doctrine. Joy Silk
Mills, Inc., 85 N.L.R.B. 1263 (1949),
enforced, 87
U.S.App.D.C. 360, 185 F.2d 732 (1950). Under that rule, an employer
could lawfully refuse to bargain with a union claiming
representative status through possession of authorization cards if
he had a "good faith doubt" as to the union's majority status;
instead of bargaining, he could insist that the union seek an
election in order to test out his doubts. The Board, then, could
find a lack of good faith doubt and enter a bargaining order in one
of two ways. It could find (1) that the employer's independent
unfair labor practices were evidence of bad faith, showing that the
employer was seeking time to dissipate the union's
Page 395 U. S. 593
majority. Or the Board could find (2) that the employer had come
forward with no reasons for entertaining any doubt, and therefore
that he must have rejected the bargaining demand in bad faith. An
example of the second category was
Snow & Sons, 134
N.L.R.B. 709 (1961),
enforced, 308 F.2d 687 (C.A. 9th
Cir.1962), where the employer reneged on his agreement to bargain
after a third party checked the validity of the card signatures and
insisted on an election because he doubted that the employees truly
desired representation. The Board entered a bargaining order with
very broad language to the effect that an employer could not refuse
a bargaining demand and seek an election instead "without a valid
ground therefor," 134 N.L.R.B. at 710-711.
See also Dixon Ford
Shoe Co., Inc., 150 N.L.R.B. 861 (1965);
Kellogg
Mills, 147 N.L.R.B. 342, 346 (1964),
enforced, 347
F.2d 219 (C.A. 9th Cir.1965).
The leading case codifying modifications to the
Joy
Silk doctrine was
Aaron Brothers, 158 N.L.R.B. 1077
(1966). There, the Board made it clear that it had shifted the
burden to the General Counsel to show bad faith, and that an
employer
"will not be held to have violated his bargaining obligation . .
. simply because he refuses to rely upon cards, rather than an
election, as the method for determining the union's majority."
158 N.L.R.B. at 1078. Two significant consequences were
emphasized. The Board noted (1) that not every unfair labor
practice would automatically result in a finding of bad faith, and
therefore a bargaining order; the Board implied that it would find
bad faith only if the unfair labor practice was serious enough to
have the tendency to dissipate the union's majority. The Board
noted (2) that an employer no longer needed to come forward with
reasons for rejecting a bargaining demand. The Board pointed out,
however, that a bargaining order would issue if it could prove that
an employer's "course of conduct"
Page 395 U. S. 594
gave indications as to the employer's bad faith. As examples of
such a "course of conduct," the Board cited
Snow & Sons,
supra; Dixon Ford Shoe Co. Inc., supra, and
Kellogg Mills,
supra, thereby reaffirming
John P. Serpa, Inc., 15
N.L.R.B. 99 (1965), where the Board had limited
Snow Sons
to its facts.
Although the Board's brief before this Court generally followed
the approach as set out in
Aaron Brothers, supra, the
Board announced at oral argument that it had virtually abandoned
the
Joy Silk doctrine altogether. Under the Board's
current practice, an employer's good faith doubt is largely
irrelevant, and the key to the issuance of a bargaining order is
the commission of serious unfair labor practices that interfere
with the election processes and tend to preclude the holding of a
fair election. Thus, an employer can insist that a union go to an
election, regardless of his subjective motivation, so long as he is
not guilty of misconduct; he need give no affirmative reasons for
rejecting a recognition request, and he can demand an election with
a simple "no comment" to the union. The Board pointed out, however,
(1) that an employer could not refuse to bargain if he
knew, through a personal poll for instance, that a
majority of his employees supported the union, and (2) that an
employer could not refuse recognition initially because of
questions as to the appropriateness of the unit and then later
claim, as an afterthought, that he doubted the union's
strength.
The Union argues here that an employer's right to insist on an
election in the absence of unfair labor practices should be more
circumscribed, and a union's right to rely on cards correspondingly
more expanded, than the Board would have us rule. The Union's
contention is that an employer, when confronted with a card-based
bargaining demand, can insist on an election only by filing the
election petition himself immediately under
Page 395 U. S. 595
§ 9(c)(1)(B), and not by insisting that the Union file the
election petition, whereby the election can be subjected to
considerable delay. If the employer does not himself petition for
an election, the Union argues, he must recognize the Union
regardless of his good or bad faith and regardless of his other
unfair labor practices, and should be ordered to bargain if the
cards were, in fact, validly obtained. And if this Court should
continue to utilize the good faith doubt rule, the Union contends
that, at the least, we should put the burden on the employer to
make an affirmative showing of his reasons for entertaining such
doubt.
Because the employers' refusal to bargain in each of these cases
was accompanied by independent unfair labor practices which tend to
preclude the holding of a fair election, we need not decide whether
a bargaining order is ever appropriate in cases where there is no
interference with the election processes.
With the Union's arguments aside, the points of difference
between the employers and the Board will be considered in the
following manner. The validity of the cards under the Act, their
intrinsic reliability, and the appropriateness of a bargaining
order as a response to violations of § 8(a)(5) as well as §§
8(a)(1) and (3) will be discussed in the next section. The nature
of an employer's reaction to an organizational campaign, and
particularly the Board's conclusion that the employer's statements
in No. 585 contained threats of reprisal, and thus constituted
restraint and coercion in violation of § 8(a)(1), and not protected
speech, will be covered in the final section.
III
A
The first issue facing us is whether a union can establish a
bargaining obligation by means other than a Board election, and
whether the validity of alternate routes to
Page 395 U. S. 596
majority status, such as cards, was affected by the 1947
Taft-Hartley amendments. The most commonly traveled [
Footnote 7] route for a union to obtain
recognition as the exclusive bargaining representative of an
unorganized group of employees is through the Board's election and
certification procedures under § 9(c) of the Act (29 U.S. C. §
159(c)); it is also, from the Board's point of view, the preferred
route. [
Footnote 8] A union is
not limited to a Board election, however, for, in addition to § 9,
the present Act provides in § 8(a)(5) (29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(5)), as
did the Wagner Act in § 8(5), that
"[i]t shall be an unfair labor practice for an employer . . . to
refuse to bargain collectively with the representatives of his
employees, subject to the provisions of section 9(a)."
Since § 9(a), in both the Wagner Act and the present Act, refers
to the representative as the one "designated or selected" by a
majority of the employees without specifying precisely how that
representative is to be chosen, it was early recognized that an
employer had a duty to bargain whenever the union representative
presented "convincing evidence of majority support." [
Footnote 9] Almost from the inception of the
Act,
Page 395 U. S. 597
then, it was recognized that a union did not have to be
certified as the winner of a Board election to invoke a bargaining
obligation; it could establish majority status by other means under
the unfair labor practice provision of § 8(a)(5) -- by showing
convincing support, for instance, by a union-called strike or
strike vote, [
Footnote 10]
or, as here, by possession of cards signed by a majority of the
employees authorizing the union to represent them for collective
bargaining purposes. [
Footnote
11]
We have consistently accepted this interpretation of the Wagner
Act and the present Act, particularly as to the use of
authorization cards.
See, e.g., NLRB v. Bradford Dyeing
Assn., 310 U. S. 318,
310 U. S.
339-340 (1940);
Franks Bros. Co. v. NLRB,
321 U. S. 702
(1944);
United Mine Workers v. Arkansas Flooring Co.,
351 U. S. 62
(1956). Thus, in
United Mine Workers, supra, we noted that
a "Board election is not the only method by which an employer may
satisfy itself as to the union's majority status," 351 U.S. at
351 U. S. 72, n.
8, since § 9(a), "which deals expressly with employee
representation, says nothing as to how the employees'
representative shall be chosen," 351 U.S. at
351 U. S. 71. We
therefore pointed out in that case, where the union had obtained
signed authorization cards from a majority of the employees,
that,
"[i]n the absence of any
bona fide dispute [
Footnote 12] as to the existence of
the required majority of eligible employees, the employer's denial
of recognition of the union would have violated
Page 395 U. S. 598
§ 8(a)(5) of the Act."
351 U.S. at
351 U. S. 69. We
see no reason to reject this approach to bargaining obligations
now, and we find unpersuasive the Fourth Circuit's view that the
1947 Taft-Hartley amendments, enacted some nine years before our
decision in
United Mine Workers, supra, require us to
disregard that case. Indeed, the 1947 amendments weaken, rather
than strengthen, the position taken by the employers here and the
Fourth Circuit below. An early version of the bill in the House
would have amended § 8(5) of the Wagner Act to permit the Board to
find a "refusal to bargain" violation only where an employer had
failed to bargain with a union "currently recognized by the
employer or certified as such [through an election] under section
9." Section 8(a)(5) of H.R. 3020, 80th Cong., 1st Sess. (1947). The
proposed change, which would have eliminated the use of cards, was
rejected in Conference (H.R.Conf.Rep. No. 510, 80th Cong., 1st
Sess., 41 (1947)), however, and we cannot make a similar change in
the Act simply because, as the employers assert, Congress did not
expressly approve the use of cards in rejecting the House
amendment. Nor can we accept the Fourth Circuit's conclusion that
the change was wrought when Congress amended § 9(c) to make
election the sole basis for
certification by eliminating
the phrase "any other suitable method to ascertain such
representatives," [
Footnote
13] under which the Board had occasionally used cards as a
certification basis. A certified union has the benefit of numerous
special privileges
Page 395 U. S. 599
which are not accorded unions recognized voluntarily or under a
bargaining order [
Footnote
14] and which, Congress could determine, should not be
dispensed unless a union has survived the crucible of a secret
ballot election.
The employers rely finally on the addition to § 9(c) of
subparagraph (b), which allows an employer to petition for an
election whenever
"one or more individuals or labor organizations have presented
to him a claim [
Footnote 15]
to be recognized as the representative defined in section
9(a)."
That provision was not added, as the employers assert, to give
them an absolute right to an election at any time; rather, it was
intended. as the legislative history indicates, to allow them,
after being asked to bargain, to test out their doubts as to a
union's majority in a secret election which they would then
presumably not cause to be set aside by illegal anti-union
activity. [
Footnote 16]
We
Page 395 U. S. 600
agree with the Board's assertion here that there is no
suggestion that Congress intended § 9(c)(1)(B) to relieve any
employer of his § 8(a)(5) bargaining obligation where, without good
faith, he engaged in unfair labor practices disruptive of the
Board's election machinery. And we agree that the policies
reflected in § 9(c)(1)(B) fully support the Board's present
administration of the Act (
see supra at
395 U. S.
591-592); for an employer can insist on a secret ballot
election unless, in the words of the Board, he engages "in
contemporaneous unfair labor practices likely to destroy the
union's majority and seriously impede the election." Brief for
Petitioner, the Board, in No. 573, p. 36.
In short, we hold that the 1947 amendments did not restrict an
employer's duty to bargain under § 8(a)(5) solely to those unions
whose representative status is certified after a Board election.
[
Footnote 17]
Page 395 U. S. 601
B
We next consider the question whether authorization cards are
such inherently unreliable indicators of employee desires that,
whatever the validity of other alternate routes to representative
status, the cards themselves may never be used to determine a
union's majority and to support an order to bargain. In this
context, the employers urge us to take the step the 1947 amendments
and their legislative history indicate Congress did not take,
namely, to rule out completely the use of cards in the bargaining
arena. Even if we do not unhesitatingly accept the Fourth Circuit's
view in the matter, the employers argue, at the very least, we
should overrule the
Cumberland Shoe doctrine (
see
supra at
395 U. S. 584)
and establish stricter controls over the solicitation of the cards
by union representatives. [
Footnote 18]
Page 395 U. S. 602
The objections to the use of cards voiced by the employers and
the Fourth Circuit boil down to two contentions: [
Footnote 19] (1) that, as contrasted with
the election procedure, [
Footnote 20] the cards cannot accurately reflect an
employee's wishes, either because an employer has not had a chance
to present his views, and thus a chance to insure that the employee
choice was an informed one, or because the choice was the result of
group pressures, and not individual decision made in the privacy of
a voting booth, and (2) that, quite apart from the election
comparison, the cards are too often obtained through
misrepresentation and coercion which compound the cards' inherent
inferiority to the election process. Neither contention is
persuasive, and each proves too much. The Board itself has
recognized, and continues to do so here, that secret elections are
generally the most satisfactory -- indeed the preferred -- method
of ascertaining whether a union has majority support. [
Footnote 21] The acknowledged
superiority of the election process, however, does not mean that
cards are thereby rendered totally invalid, for, where an employer
engages in conduct disruptive of the election process, cards may be
the most effective -- perhaps the only -- way of assuring employee
choice. As for misrepresentation, in any specific case of
Page 395 U. S. 603
alleged irregularity in the solicitation of the cards, the
proper course is to apply the Board's customary standards (to be
discussed more fully below) and rule that there was no majority if
the standards were not satisfied. It does not follow that, because
there are some instances of irregularity, the cards can never be
used; otherwise, an employer could put off his bargaining
obligation indefinitely through continuing interference with
elections.
That the cards, though admittedly inferior to the election
process, can adequately reflect employee sentiment when that
process has been impeded needs no extended discussion, for the
employers' contentions cannot withstand close examination. The
employers argue that their employees cannot make an informed choice
because the card drive will be over before the employer has had a
chance to present his side of the unionization issues. Normally,
however, the union will inform the employer of its organization
drive early in order to subject the employer to the unfair labor
practice provisions of the Act; the union must be able to show the
employer's awareness of the drive in order to prove that his
contemporaneous conduct constituted unfair labor practices on which
a bargaining order can be based if the drive is ultimately
successful.
See, e.g., Hunt Oil Co., 157 N.L.R.B. 282
(1966);
Don Swart Trucking Co., 164 N.L.R.B. 1345 (1965).
Thus, in all of the cases here but the Charleston campaign in
Heck's, the employer, whether informed by the union or
not, was aware of the union's organizing drive almost at the
outset, and began its anti-union campaign at that time, and even in
the
Heck's Charleston case, where the recognition demand
came about a week after the solicitation began, the employer was
able to deliver a speech before the union obtained a majority.
Further, the employers argue that, without a secret ballot, an
employee may, in
Page 395 U. S. 604
a card drive, succumb to group pressures or sign simply to get
the union "off his back," and then be unable to change his mind as
he would be free to do once inside a voting booth. But the same
pressures are likely to be equally present in an election, for
election cases arise most often with small bargaining units,
[
Footnote 22] where
virtually every voter's sentiments can be carefully and
individually canvassed. And no voter, of course, can change his
mind after casting a ballot in an election, even though he may
think better of his choice shortly thereafter.
The employers' second complaint, that the cards are too often
obtained through misrepresentation and coercion, must be rejected
also in view of the Board's present rules for controlling card
solicitation, which we view as adequate to the task where the cards
involved state their purpose clearly and unambiguously on their
face. We would be closing our eyes to obvious difficulties, of
course, if we did not recognize that there have been abuses,
primarily arising out of misrepresentations by union organizers as
to whether the effect of signing a card was to designate the union
to represent the employee for collective bargaining purposes or
merely to authorize it to seek an election to determine that issue.
And we would be equally blind if we did not recognize that various
courts of appeals and commentators [
Footnote 23] have differed significantly as to the
effectiveness of the Board's
Cumberland Shoe doctrine
(
see supra at
395 U. S. 584)
to cure such abuses.
Thus, even where the cards are unambiguous on their face, both
the Second Circuit (
NLRB v. S.E. Nichols Co., 380 F.2d 438
(1967)) and the Fifth Circuit (
Engineers & Fabricators,
Inc. v. NLRB, 376 F.2d 482 (1967)) have joined the Fourth
Circuit below
Page 395 U. S. 605
in rejecting the Board's rule that the cards will be counted
unless the solicitor's statements amounted under the circumstances
to an assurance that the cards would be used only for an election,
or for no other purpose than an election. And even those circuits
which have adopted the Board's approach have criticized the Board
for tending too often to apply the
Cumberland rule too
mechanically, declining occasionally to uphold the Board's
application of its own rule in a given case.
See, e.g., NLRB v.
Southbride Sheet Metal Works, Inc., 380 F.2d 851 (C.A. 1st
Cir.1967);
NLRB v. Sandy's Stores, Inc., 398 F.2d 268
(C.A. 1st Cir.1968);
NLRB v. Swan Super Cleaners, Inc.,
384 F.2d 609 (C.A. 6th Cir.1967);
NLRB v. Dan Howard Mfg.
Co., 390 F.2d 304 (C.A. 7th Cir.1968);
Furr's, Inc. v.
NLRB, 381 F.2d 562 (C.A. 10th Cir.1967);
UAW v. NLRB,
129 U.S.App.D.C.196, 392 F.2d 801 (1967). Among those which reject
the
Cumberland rule, the Fifth Circuit agrees with the
Second Circuit (
see S.E. Nichols Co., supra), that a card
will be vitiated if an employee was left with the impression that
he would be able to resolve any lingering doubts and make a final
decision in an election, and further requires that the Board probe
the subjective intent of each signer, an inquiry expressly avoided
by
Cumberland. See NLRB v. Southland Paint Co.,
394 F.2d 717, 728, 730 (C.A. 5th Cir.1968);
Engineers &
Fabricators, Inc. v. NLRB, supra. Where the cards are
ambiguous on their face, the Fifth Circuit, joined by the Eighth
Circuit (
see, e.g., NLRB v. Peterson Bros., 342 F.2d 221
(C.A. 5th Cir.1965), and
Bauer Welding & Metal Fabricators,
Inc. v. NLRB, 358 F.2d 766 (C.A. 8th Cir.1966)), departs still
further from the Board rule. And there is a conflict among those
courts which otherwise follow the Board as to single-purpose cards
(
compare NLRB v. Lenz Co., 396 F.2d 905, 908 (C.A. 6th
Cir.1968),
with NLRB v. C.J. Glasgow Co., 356 F.2d 476,
478 (C.A. 7th Cir.1966)).
Page 395 U. S. 606
We need make no decision as to the conflicting approaches used
with regard to dual-purpose cards, for in each of the five
organization campaigns in the four cases before us, the cards used
were single-purpose cards, stating clearly and unambiguously on
their face that the signer designated the union as his
representative. And even the view forcefully voiced by the Fourth
Circuit below that unambiguous cards as well present too many
opportunities for misrepresentation comes before us somewhat
weakened in view of the fact that there were no allegations of
irregularities in four of those five campaigns (
Gissel,
the two
Heck's campaigns, [
Footnote 24] and
Sinclair). Only in
General
Steel did the employer challenge the cards on the basis of
misrepresentations. There, the trial examiner, after hearing
testimony from over 100 employees and applying the traditional
Board approach (
see n
5,
supra), concluded that "all of these employees not only
intended, but were fully aware, that they were thereby designating
the Union as their representative." Thus, the sole question before
us, raised in only one of the four cases here, is whether the
Cumberland Shoe doctrine is an adequate rule under the Act
for assuring employee free choice.
In resolving the conflict among the circuits in favor of
approving the Board's
Cumberland rule, we think it
sufficient to point out that employees should be bound by the clear
language of what they sign unless that language is deliberately and
clearly canceled by a union adherent with words calculated to
direct the signer to disregard and forget the language above his
signature. There is nothing inconsistent in handing an employee
Page 395 U. S. 607
a card that says the signer authorizes the union to represent
him and then telling him that the card will probably be used first
to get an election. Elections have been, after all, and will
continue to be, held in the vast majority of cases; the union will
still have to have the signatures Of 30% [
Footnote 25] Of the employees when an employer rejects
a bargaining demand and insists that the union seek an election. We
cannot agree with the employer here that employees, as a rule, are
too unsophisticated to be bound by what they sign unless expressly
told that their act of signing represents something else. In
addition to approving the use of cards, of course, Congress has
expressly authorized reliance on employee signatures alone in other
areas of labor relations, even where criminal sanctions hang in the
balance, [
Footnote 26] and
we should not act hastily in disregarding congressional judgments
that employees can be counted on to take responsibility for their
acts.
We agree, however, with the Board's own warnings in
Levi
Strauss & Co., 172 N.L.R.B. No. 57, 68 L.R.R.M. 1338,
1341, and n. 7 (1968), that, in hearing testimony concerning a card
challenge, trial examiners should not neglect their obligation to
ensure employee free choice by
Page 395 U. S. 608
a too-easy mechanical application of the
Cumberland
rule. [
Footnote 27] We also
accept the observation that employees are more likely than not,
many months after a card drive and in response to questions by
company counsel, to give testimony damaging to the union,
particularly where company officials have previously threatened
reprisals for union activity in violation of § 8(a) (1). [
Footnote 28] We therefore reject any
rule that requires a probe of an employee's subjective motivations
as involving an endless and unreliable inquiry. We nevertheless
feel that the trial examiner's findings in
General Steel
(
see n 5,
supra) represent the limits of the
Cumberland
rule's application. We emphasize that the Board should be careful
to guard
Page 395 U. S. 609
against an approach any more rigid than that in
General
Steel. And we reiterate that nothing we say here indicates our
approval of the
Cumberland Shoe rule when applied to
ambiguous dual-purpose cards.
The employers argue as a final reason for rejecting the use of
the cards that they are faced with a Hobson's choice [
Footnote 29] under current Board
rules, and will almost inevitably come out the loser. They contend
that, if they do not make an immediate personal investigation into
possible solicitation irregularities to determine whether, in fact,
the union represents an uncoerced majority, they will have
unlawfully refused to bargain for failure to have a good faith
doubt of the union's majority, and, if they do make such an
investigation, their efforts at polling and interrogation will
constitute an unfair labor practice in violation of § 8(a)(1), and
they will again be ordered to bargain. As we have pointed out,
however, an employer is not obligated to accept a card check as
proof of majority status, under the Board's current practice, and
he is not required to justify his insistence on an election by
making his own investigation of employee sentiment and showing
affirmative reasons for doubting the majority status.
See Aaron
Brothers, 158 N.L.R.B. 1077, 1078. If he does make an
investigation, the Board's recent cases indicate that reasonable
polling in this regard will not always be termed violative of §
8(a)(1) if conducted in accordance with the requirements set out in
Struksnes Construction Co., 165 N.L.R.B. No. 102, 65
L.R.R.M. 1385 (1967). And even if an employer's limited
interrogation is found violative of the Act, it might not be
serious enough to call for a bargaining order.
See Aaron
Brothers, supra; Hammond & Irving, Inc., 154 N.L.R.B.
1071
Page 395 U. S. 610
(1966). As noted above, the Board has emphasized that not "any
employer conduct found violative of Section 8(a)(1) of the Act,
regardless of its nature or gravity, will necessarily support a
"refusal to bargain" finding,"
Aaron Brothers, supra, at
1079.
C
Remaining before us is the propriety of a bargaining order as a
remedy for a § 8(a)(5) refusal to bargain where an employer has
committed independent unfair labor practices which have made the
holding of a fair election unlikely or which have, in fact,
undermined a union's majority and caused an election to be set
aside. We have long held that the Board is not limited to a cease
and desist order in such cases, but has the authority to issue a
bargaining order without first requiring the union to show that it
has been able to maintain its majority status.
See NLRB v.
Katz, 369 U. S. 736,
369 U. S. 748,
n. 16 (1962);
NLRB v. P. Lorillard Co., 314 U.
S. 512 (1942). And we have held that the Board has the
same authority even where it is clear that the union, which once
had possession of cards from a majority of the employees,
represents only a minority when the bargaining order is entered.
Franks Bros. Co. v. NLRB, 321 U.
S. 702 (1944). We see no reason now to withdraw this
authority from the Board. If the Board could enter only a cease and
desist order and direct an election or a rerun, it would, in
effect, be rewarding the employer and allowing him "to profit from
[his] own wrongful refusal to bargain,"
Franks Bros.,
supra, at
321 U. S. 704,
while at the same time severely curtailing the employees' right
freely to determine whether they desire a representative. The
employer could continue to delay or disrupt the election processes,
and put off indefinitely his obligation
Page 395 U. S. 611
to bargain; [
Footnote 30]
and any election held under these circumstances would not be likely
to demonstrate the employees' true, undistorted desires. [
Footnote 31]
The employers argue that the Board has ample remedies, over and
above the cease and desist order, to control employer misconduct.
The Board can, they assert, direct the companies to mail notices to
employees, to read
Page 395 U. S. 612
notices to employees during plant time and to give the union
access to employees during working time at the plant, or it can
seek a court injunctive order under § 10(j) (29 U.S.C. § 160(j)) as
a last resort. In view of the Board's power, they conclude, the
bargaining order is an unnecessarily harsh remedy that needlessly
prejudices employees' § 7 rights solely for the purpose of
punishing or restraining an employer. Such an argument ignores that
a bargaining order is designed as much to remedy past election
damage [
Footnote 32] as it
is to deter future misconduct. If an employer has succeeded in
undermining a union's strength and destroying the laboratory
conditions necessary for a fair election, he may see no need to
violate a cease and desist order by further unlawful activity. The
damage will have been done, and perhaps the only fair way to
effectuate employee rights is to reestablish the conditions as they
existed before the employer's unlawful campaign. [
Footnote 33]
Page 395 U. S. 613
There is, after all, nothing permanent in a bargaining order,
and if, after the effects of the employer's acts have worn off, the
employees clearly desire to disavow the union, they can do so by
filing a representation petition. For, as we pointed out long ago,
in finding that a bargaining order involved no "injustice to
employees who may wish to substitute for the particular union some
other . . . arrangement," a bargaining relationship,
"once rightfully established, must be permitted to exist and
function for a reasonable period in which it can be given a fair
chance to succeed,"
after which the
"Board may, . . . upon a proper showing, take steps in
recognition of changed situations which might make appropriate
changed bargaining relationships."
Frank Bros., supra, at
321 U. S.
705-706.
Before considering whether the bargaining orders were
appropriately entered in these cases, we should summarize the
factors that go into such a determination. Despite our reversal of
the Fourth Circuit below in Nos. 573 and 691 on all major issues,
the actual area of disagreement between our position here and that
of the Fourth Circuit is not large as a practical matter. While
refusing to validate the general use of a bargaining order in
reliance on cards, the Fourth Circuit nevertheless left open the
possibility of imposing a bargaining order, without need of inquiry
into majority status on the basis of cards or otherwise, in
"exceptional" cases marked by "outrageous" and "pervasive" unfair
labor practices.
Page 395 U. S. 614
Such an order would be an appropriate remedy for those
practices, the court noted, if they are of
"such a nature that their coercive effects cannot be eliminated
by the application of traditional remedies, with the result that a
fair and reliable election cannot be had."
NLRB v. Logan Packing Co., 386 F.2d 562, 570 (C.A.4th
Cir.1967);
see also NLRB v. Heck's, Inc., 398 F.2d 337,
338. The Board itself, we should add, has long had a similar policy
of issuing a bargaining order, in the absence of a § 8(a)(5)
violation or even a bargaining demand, when that was the only
available, effective remedy for substantial unfair labor practices.
See, e.g., United Steelworkers of America v. NLRB, 126
U.S.App.D.C. 215, 376 F.2d 770 (1967);
J. C. Penney Co., Inc.
v. NLRB, 384 F.2d 479, 485-486 (C.A. 10th Cir.1967).
The only effect of our holding here is to approve the Board's
use of the bargaining order in less extraordinary cases marked by
less pervasive practices which nonetheless still have the tendency
to undermine majority strength and impede the election processes.
The Board's authority to issue such an order on a lesser showing of
employer misconduct is appropriate, we should reemphasize, where
there is also a showing that, at one point, the union had a
majority; in such a case, of course, effectuating ascertainable
employee free choice becomes as important a goal as deterring
employer misbehavior
In fashioning a remedy in the exercise of its discretion, then,
the Board can properly take into consideration the extensiveness of
an employer's unfair practices in terms of their past effect on
election conditions and the likelihood of their recurrence in the
future. If the Board finds that the possibility of erasing the
effects of past practices and of ensuring a fair election (or a
fair rerun) by the use of traditional remedies, though present, is
slight and that employee sentiment once expressed through cards
would, on balance, be better protected
Page 395 U. S. 615
by a bargaining order, then such an order should issue
(
see n 32,
supra).
We emphasize that, under the Board's remedial power, there is
still a third category of minor or less extensive unfair labor
practices which, because of their minimal impact on the election
machinery, will not sustain a bargaining order. There is, the Board
says, no
per se rule that the commission of any unfair
practice will automatically result in a § 8(a)(5) violation and the
issuance of an order to bargain.
See Aaron Brothers,
supra.
With these considerations in mind, we turn to an examination of
the orders in these cases. In
Sinclair, No. 585, the Board
made a finding, left undisturbed by the First Circuit, that the
employer's threats of reprisal were so coercive that, even in the
absence of a § 8(a)(5) violation, a bargaining order would have
been necessary to repair the unlawful effect of those threats.
[
Footnote 34] The Board
therefore did not have to make the determination called for in the
intermediate situation above that the risks that a fair rerun
election might not be possible were too great to disregard the
desires of the employees already expressed through the cards. The
employer argues, however, that its communications to its employees
were protected by the First Amendment and § 8(c) of the Act (29
U.S.C. § 158(c)), whatever the effect of those communications on
the union's majority or the Board's ability to ensure a fair
election; it is to that contention that we shall direct our final
attention in the next section.
In the three cases in Nos. 573 and 691 from the Fourth Circuit,
on the other hand, the Board did not make a
Page 395 U. S. 616
similar finding that a bargaining order would have been
necessary in the absence of an unlawful refusal to bargain. Nor did
it make a finding that, even though traditional remedies might be
able to ensure a fair election, there was insufficient indication
that an election (or a rerun in
General Steel) would
definitely be a more reliable test of the employees' desires than
the card count taken before the unfair labor practices occurred.
The employees argue that such findings would not be warranted, and
the court below ruled in
General Steel that available
remedies short of a bargaining order could guarantee a fair
election. 398 F.2d 339, 340, n. 3. We think it possible that the
requisite findings were implicit in the Board's decisions below to
issue bargaining orders (and to set aside the election in
General Steel), and we think it clearly inappropriate for
the court below to make any contrary finding on its own
(
see n 32,
supra). Because the Board's current practice at the time
required it to phrase its findings in terms of an employer's good
or bad faith doubts (
see 395 U. S.
supra), however, the precise analysis the Board now puts
forth was not employed below, and we therefore remand these cases
for proper findings.
IV
We consider finally petitioner Sinclair's First Amendment
challenge to the holding of the Board and the Court of Appeals for
the First Circuit. At the outset, we note that the question raised
here most often arises in the context of a nascent union
organizational drive, where employers must be careful in waging
their anti-union campaign. As to conduct generally, the above-noted
gradations of unfair labor practices, with their varying
consequences, create certain hazards for employers when they seek
to estimate or resist unionization efforts. But so long as the
differences involve conduct easily avoided, such as discharge,
surveillance, and coercive
Page 395 U. S. 617
interrogation, we do not think that employers can complain that
the distinctions are unreasonably difficult to follow. Where an
employer's anti-union efforts consist of speech alone, however, the
difficulties raised are not so easily resolved. The Board has
eliminated some of the problem areas by no longer requiring an
employer to show affirmative reasons for insisting on an election,
and by permitting him to make reasonable inquiries. We do not
decide, of course, whether these allowances are mandatory. But we
do note that an employer's free speech right to communicate his
views to his employees is firmly established, and cannot be
infringed by a union or the Board. Thus, § 8(c) (29 U.S.C. §
158(c)) merely implements the First Amendment by requiring that the
expression of "any views, argument, or opinion" shall not be
"evidence of an unfair labor practice," so long as such expression
contains "no threat of reprisal or force or promise of benefit" in
violation of § 8(a)(1). Section 8(a)(1), in turn, prohibits
interference, restraint or coercion of employees in the exercise of
their right to self-organization.
Any assessment of the precise scope of employer expression, of
course, must be made in the context of its labor relations setting.
Thus, an employer's rights cannot outweigh the equal rights of the
employees to associate freely, as those rights are embodied in § 7
and protected by § 8(a)(1) and the proviso to § 8(c). And any
balancing of those rights must take into account the economic
dependence of the employees on their employers, and the necessary
tendency of the former, because of that relationship, to pick up
intended implications of the latter that might be more readily
dismissed by a more disinterested ear. Stating these obvious
principles is but another way of recognizing that what is basically
at stake is the establishment of a nonpermanent, limited
relationship between the employer, his economically dependent
employee, and his union agent, not the
Page 395 U. S. 618
election of legislators or the enactment of legislation whereby
that relationship is ultimately defined and where the independent
voter may be freer to listen more objectively and employers as a
class freer to talk.
Cf. New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
376 U. S. 254
(1964). Within this framework, we must reject the Company's
challenge to the decision below and the findings of the Board on
which it was based. The standards used below for evaluating the
impact of an employer's statements are not seriously questioned by
petitioner, and we see no need to tamper with them here. Thus, an
employer is free to communicate to his employees any of his general
views about unionism or any of his specific views about a
particular union, so long as the communications do not contain a
"threat of reprisal or force or promise of benefit." He may even
make a prediction as to the precise effects he believes
unionization will have on his company. In such a case, however, the
prediction must be carefully phrased on the basis of objective fact
to convey an employer's belief as to demonstrably probable
consequences beyond his control or to convey a management decision
already arrived at to close the plant in case of unionization.
See Textile Workers v. Darlington Mfg. Co., 380 U.
S. 263,
380 U. S. 274,
n. 20 (1965). If there is any implication that an employer may or
may not take action solely on his own initiative for reasons
unrelated to economic necessities and known only to him, the
statement is no longer a reasonable prediction based on available
facts, but a threat of retaliation based on misrepresentation and
coercion, and, as such, without the protection of the First
Amendment. We therefore agree with the court below that
"[c]onveyance of the employer's belief, even though sincere,
that unionization will or may result in the closing of the plant is
not a statement of fact unless, which is most improbable, the
eventuality
Page 395 U. S. 619
of closing is capable of proof."
397 F.2d 157, 160. As stated elsewhere, an employer is free only
to tell "what he reasonably believes will be the likely economic
consequences of unionization that are outside his control," and not
"threats of economic reprisal to be taken solely on his own
volition."
NLRB v. River Togs, Inc., 382 F.2d 198, 202
(C.A.2d Cir.1967).
Equally valid was the finding by the court and the Board that
petitioner's statements and communications were not cast as a
prediction of "demonstrable
economic consequences,'" 397 F.2d
at 160, but rather as a threat of retaliatory action. The Board
found that petitioner's speeches, pamphlets, leaflets, and letters
conveyed the following message: that the company was in a
precarious financial condition; that the "strike-happy" union
would, in all likelihood, have to obtain its potentially
unreasonable demands by striking, the probable result of which
would be a plant shutdown, as the past history of labor relations
in the area indicated, and that the employees in such a case would
have great difficulty finding employment elsewhere. In carrying out
its duty to focus on the question: "[W]hat did the speaker intend
and the listener understand?" (A. Cox, Law and the National Labor
Policy 44 (1960)), the Board could reasonably conclude that the
intended and understood import of that message was not to predict
that unionization would inevitably cause the plant to close, but to
threaten to throw employees out of work regardless of the economic
realities. In this connection, we need go no further than to point
out (1) that petitioner had no support for its basic assumption
that the union, which had not yet even presented any demands, would
have to strike to be heard, and that it admitted at the hearing
that it had no basis for attributing other plant closings in the
area to unionism, and (2) that the Board has often found that
employees, who are particularly sensitive to rumors
Page 395 U. S.
620
of plant closings, [Footnote 35] take such hints as coercive threats, rather
than honest forecasts. [Footnote
36]
Petitioner argues that the line between so-called permitted
predictions and proscribed threats is too vague to stand up under
traditional First Amendment analysis, and that the Board's
discretion to curtail free speech rights is correspondingly too
uncontrolled. It is true that a reviewing court must recognize the
Board's competence in the first instance to judge the impact of
utterances made in the context of the employer-employee
relationship,
see NLRB v. Virginia Electric & Power
Co., 314 U. S. 469,
314 U. S. 479
(1941). But an employer, who has control over that relationship and
therefore knows it best, cannot be heard to complain that he is
without an adequate guide for his behavior. He can easily make his
views known without engaging in "
brinkmanship'" when it becomes
all too easy to "overstep and tumble [over] the brink," Wausau
Steel Corp. v. NLRB, 377 F.2d 369, 372 (C.A. 7th Cir.1967). At
the least, he can avoid coercive speech simply by avoiding
conscious overstatements he has reason to believe will mislead his
employees.
For the foregoing reasons, we affirm the judgment of the Court
of Appeals for the First Circuit in No. 585, and we reverse the
judgments of the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Nos.
573 and 691 insofar as they decline enforcement of the Board's
orders to bargain and remand those cases to that court with
directions to remand to the Board for further proceedings in
conformity with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
* Together with No. 691,
Food Store Employees Union, Local
No. 47, Amalgamated Meat Cutters & Butcher Workmen of North
America, AFL-CIO v. Gissel Packing Co., Inc., also on
certiorari to the same court, argued March 26, 1969, and No. 585,
Sinclair Co. v. National Labor Relations Board, on
certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the First
Circuit, argued March 26-27, 1969.
[
Footnote 1]
At the outset of the Union campaign, the Company vice-president
informed two employees, later discharged, that, if they were caught
talking to Union men, "you Godamned things will go." Subsequently,
the Union presented oral and written demands for recognition,
claiming possession of authorization cards from 31 of the 47
employees in the appropriate unit. Rejecting the bargaining demand,
the Company began to interrogate employees as to their Union
activities; to promise them better benefits than the Union could
offer, and to warn them that, if the "union got in, [the
vice-president] would just take his money and let the union run the
place," that the Union was not going to get in, and that it would
have to "fight" the Company first. Further, when the Company
learned of an impending Union meeting, it arranged, so the Board
later found, to have an agent present to report the identity of the
Union's adherents. On the first day following the meeting, the
vice-president told the two employees referred to above that he
knew they had gone to the meeting and that their work hours were
henceforth reduced to half a day. Three hours later, the two
employees were discharged.
[
Footnote 2]
The organizing drive was initiated by the employees themselves
at Heck's Charleston warehouses. The Union first demanded
recognition on the basis of 13 cards from 26 employees of the
Company's three Charleston warehouses. After responding "No
comment" to the Union's repeated requests for recognition, the
president assembled the employees and told them of his shock at
their selection of the Union; he singled out one of the employees
to ask if he had signed an authorization card. The next day, the
Union obtained the additional card necessary to establish a
majority. That same day, the leading Union supporter (the employee
who had first established contacts with the Union and had solicited
a large number of the cards) was discharged, and another employee
was interrogated as to his Union activities, encouraged to withdraw
his authorization, and warned that a Union victory could result in
reduced hours, fewer raises, and withdrawal of bonuses. A second
demand for recognition was made two days later, and thereafter the
president summoned two known Union supporters to his office and
offered them new jobs at higher pay if they would use their
influence to "break up the union."
The same pattern was repeated a year later at the Company's
Ashland, Kentucky, store, where the Union obtained cards from 21 of
the 38 employees by October 5, 1965. The next day, the assistant
store manager told an employee that he knew that the Union had
acquired majority status. When the Union requested recognition on
October 8, however, the Company refused on the ground that it was
not sure whether department heads were included in the bargaining
unit -- even though the cards represented a majority with or
without the department heads. After a second request for
recognition and an offer to submit the cards to the employer for
verification, respondent again refused, on grounds of uncertainty
about the definition of the unit and because a poll taken by the
Company showed that a majority of the employees did not want Union
representation. Meanwhile, the Company told the employees that an
employee of another company store had been fired on the spot for
signing a card, warned employees that the Company knew which ones
had signed cards, and polled employees about their desire or Union
representation without giving them assurances against
reprisals.
[
Footnote 3]
Throughout the Union's six-month organizational campaign -- both
before and after its demand for recognition based on possession of
cards from 120 of the 207 employees in the appropriate unit -- the
Company's foremen and supervisors interrogated employees about
their Union involvement; threatened them with discharge for
engaging in Union activities or voting for the Union; suggested
that unionization might hurt business and make new jobs more
difficult to obtain; warned that strikes and other dire economic
consequences would result (a supervisor informed a group of
employees that if the Union came in, "a nigger would be the head of
it," and that, when the Company put in 10 new machines, "the
niggers would be the operators of them"), and asserted that,
although the Company would have to negotiate with the Union, it
could negotiate endlessly, and would not have to sign anything.
[
Footnote 4]
The cards used in all four campaigns in Nos. 573 and 691 and in
the one drive in No. 585 unambiguously authorized the Union to
represent the signing employee for collective bargaining purposes;
there was no reference to elections. Typical of the cards was the
one used in the Charleston campaign in
Heck's, and it
stated in relevant part:
"Desiring to become a member of the above Union of the
International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen
and Helpers of America, I hereby make application for admission to
membership. I hereby authorize you, your agents or representatives
to act for me as collective bargaining agent on all matters
pertaining to rates of pay, hours, or any other conditions of
employment."
[
Footnote 5]
"Accordingly, I reject Respondent's contention "that, if a man
is told that his card will be secret, or will be shown only to the
Labor Board for the purpose of obtaining election, that this is the
absolute equivalent of telling him that it will be used
only'
for purposes of obtaining an election.""
"
* * * *"
"With respect to the 97 employees named in the attached Appendix
B, Respondent, in its brief, contends, in substance, that their
cards should be rejected because each of these employees was told
one or more of the following: (1) that the card would be used to
get an election, (2) that he had the right to vote either way, even
though he signed the card, (3) that the card would be kept secret
and not shown to anybody except to the Board in order to get an
election. For reasons heretofore explicated, I conclude that these
statements, singly or jointly, do not foreclose use of the cards
for the purpose designated on their face."
[
Footnote 6]
See, e.g., Joy Silk Mills, Inc. v. NLRB, 87
U.S.App.D.C. 360, 185 F.2d 732 (1950),
cert. denied, 341
U.S. 914 (1951);
NLRB v. Gotham Shoe Mfg. Co., Inc., 359
F.2d 684 (C.A.2d Cir.1966);
NLRB v. Quality Markets, Inc.,
387 F.2d 20 (C.A.3d Cir.1967);
NLRB v. Phil-Modes, Inc.,
396 F.2d 131 (C.A. 5th Cir.1968);
Atlas Engine Works, Inc. v.
NLRB, 396 F.2d 775 (C.A. 6th Cir.1968),
petition for
certiorari pending; NLRB v. Clark Products, Inc., 385 F.2d 396
(C.A. 7th Cir.1967);
NLRB v. Ralph Printing & Lithographing
Co., 379 F.2d 687 (C.A. 8th Cir.1967);
NLRB v. Luisi Truck
Lines, 384 F.2d 842 (C.A. 9th Cir.1967);
Furr's, Inc. v.
NLRB, 381 F.2d 562 (C.A. 10th Cir.),
cert. denied,
389 U.S. 840 (1967).
In addition to the First Circuit below, four courts of appeals
have subsequently considered the Fourth Circuit's view of the cards
and specifically rejected it.
NLRB v. United Mineral &
Chemical Corp., 391 F.2d 829, 836, n. 10 (C.A.2d Cir.1968);
NLRB v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., 394 F.2d 711,
712-713 (C.A. 5th Cir.1968);
NLRB v. Atco-Surgical
Supports, 394 F.2d 659, 660 (C.A. 6th Cir.1968);
NLRB v.
Ozark Motor Lines, 403 F.2d 356 (C.A. 8th Cir.1968).
[
Footnote 7]
In 1967, for instance, the Board conducted 8,116 elections, but
issued only 157 bargaining orders based on a card majority.
Levi Strauss & Co., 172 N.L.R.B. No. 57, 68 L.R.R.M.
1338, 1342, n. 9 (1968).
See also Sheinkman, Recognition
of Unions Through Authorization Cards, 3 Ga.L.Rev. 319 (1969). The
number of card cases that year, however, represents a rather
dramatic increase over previous years, from 12 such cases in 1964,
24 in 1965, and about 117 in 1966. Browne, Obligation to Bargain on
Basis of Card Majority, 3 Ga.L.Rev. 334, 347 (1969).
[
Footnote 8]
See, e.g., Aaron Brothers, 158 N.L.R.B. 1077 (1966);
cf. General Shoe Corp., 77 N.L.R.B. 124 (1948). An
employer, of course, may not, even if he acts in good faith,
recognize a minority union,
Garment Workers' Union v.
NLRB, 366 U. S. 731
(1961).
[
Footnote 9]
NLRB v. Dahlstrom Metallic Door Co., 112 F.2d 756, 757
(C.A.2d Cir.1940).
[
Footnote 10]
See, e.g., Denver Auto Dealers Assn., 10 N.L.R.B. 1173
(1939);
Century Mills, Inc., 5 N.L.R.B. 807 (1938).
[
Footnote 11]
The right of an employer lawfully to refuse to bargain if he had
a good faith doubt as to the Union's majority status, even if, in
fact, the Union did represent a majority, was recognized early in
the administration of the Act,
see NLRB v. Remington Rand,
Inc., 94 F.2d 862, 868 (C.A.2d Cir.),
cert. denied,
304 U. S. 576
(1938).
[
Footnote 12]
See n 11,
supra.
[
Footnote 13]
Section 9(c) of the Wagner Act had provided:
"Whenever a question affecting commerce arises concerning the
representation of employees, the Board may investigate such
controversy and certify . . . the name or names of the
representatives that have been designated or selected. In any such
investigation, the Board . . . may take a secret ballot of
employees, or utilize any other suitable method to ascertain such
representatives."
[
Footnote 14]
E.g., protection against the filing of new election
petitions by rival unions or employees seeking decertification for
12 months (§ 9(c)(3)), protection for a reasonable period, usually
one year, against any disruption of the bargaining relationship
because of claims that the union no longer represents a majority
(
see Brooks v. NLRB, 348 U. S. 96
(1954)), protection against recognitional picketing by rival unions
(§ 8(b)(4)(C)), and freedom from the restrictions placed in work
assignments disputes by § 8(b)(4)(D), and on recognitional and
organizational picketing by § 8(b)(7).
[
Footnote 15]
Under the Wagner Act, which did not prescribe who would file
election petitions, the Board had ruled that an employer could seek
an election only when two unions presented conflicting bargaining
requests on the ground that, if he were given the same election
petition rights as the union, he could interrupt union drives by
demanding an election before the union had obtained majority
status. The 1947 amendments resolved the difficulty by providing
that an employer could seek an election only after he had been
requested to bargain.
See H.R.Rep. No. 245, 80th Cong.,
1st Sess., 35 (1947).
[
Footnote 16]
The Senate report stated that the
"present Board rules . . . discriminate against employers who
have reasonable grounds for believing that labor organizations
claiming to represent their employees are really not the choice of
the majority."
S.Rep. No. 105, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., 10 (1947). Senator Taft
stated during the debates:
"Today an employer is faced with this situation. A man comes
into his office and says, 'I represent your employees. Sign this
agreement, or we strike tomorrow.'. . . The employer has no way in
which to determine whether this man really does represent his
employees or does not. The bill gives him the right to go to the
Board . . . and say, 'I want an election. I want to know who is the
bargaining agent for my employees.'"
93 Cong.Rec. 3838 (1947).
[
Footnote 17]
As aptly stated in Lesnick, Establishment of Bargaining Rights
Without an NLRB Election, 65 Mich.L.Rev. 851, 861-862 (1967):
"Cards have been used under the act for thirty years; [this]
Court has repeatedly held that certification is not the only route
to representative status, and the 1947 attempt in the House-passed
Hartley Bill to amend section 8(a)(5). . . was rejected by the
conference committee that produced the Taft-Hartley Act. No amount
of drum-beating should be permitted to overcome, without
legislation, this history."
[
Footnote 18]
In dealing with the reliability of cards, we should reemphasize
what issues we are not confronting. As pointed out above, we are
not here faced with a situation where an employer, with "good" or
"bad" subjective motivation, has rejected a card-based bargaining
request without good reason, and has insisted that the Union go to
an election while at the same time refraining from committing
unfair labor practices that would tend to disturb the "laboratory
conditions" of that election. We thus need not decide whether,
absent election interference by an employer's unfair labor
practices, he may obtain an election only if he petitions for one
himself; whether, if he does not, he must bargain with a card
majority if the Union chooses not to seek an election, and whether,
in the latter situation, he is bound by the Board s ultimate
determination of the card results regardless of his earlier good
faith doubts, or whether he can still insist on a Union-sought
election if he makes an affirmative showing of his positive reasons
for believing there is a representation dispute. In short, a
union's right to rely on cards as a freely interchangeable
substitute for elections where there has been no election
interference is not put in issue here; we need only decide whether
the cards are reliable enough to support a bargaining order where a
fair election probably could not have been held, or where an
election that was held was, in fact, set aside.
[
Footnote 19]
The Board's reliance on authorization cards has provoked
considerable scholarly controversy.
Compare criticism of
Board policy, particularly its treatment of ambiguous, dual-purpose
cards, in Browne,
supra, n 7,
and Comment, Union Authorization Cards, 75
Yale L.J. 805 (1966),
with defense of Board practice in
Lesnick,
supra, n
17; Welles, The Obligation to Bargain on the Basis of a Card
Majority, 3 Ga.L.Rev. 349 (1969),
and Comment, Union
Authorization Cards: A Reliable Basis for an NLRB Order To
Bargain?, 47 Texas L.Rev. 87 (1968).
[
Footnote 20]
For a comparison of the card procedure and the election process,
see discussion in
NLRB v. Logan Packing Co., 386
F.2d 562, 564-566 (C.A.4th Cir.1967).
[
Footnote 21]
See nn.
7-8
supra.
[
Footnote 22]
See Comment, Union Authorization Cards: A Reliable
Basis for an NLRB Order To Bargain?,
supra, at 94 and n.
32.
[
Footnote 23]
See n19,
supra.
[
Footnote 24]
In the Charleston campaign in
Heck's, the employees
handled the card drive themselves from beginning to end, contacting
the union, obtaining the blank authorization cards, and soliciting
their fellow employees on that basis; no union agents were involved
in the card signing.
[
Footnote 25]
See 1969 CCH Guidebook to Labor Relations �402.4.
[
Footnote 26]
Criminal sanctions are imposed by § 302 (29 U.S.C. § 186) which
makes it unlawful for an employer to pay to and for a union
representative to receive "any money or other thing of value."
Section 302(c)(4) (29 U.S.C. § 186(c)(4)) exempts payments by
employers to union representatives of union dues, however, where an
employee has executed a "written assignment" of the dues,
i.e., a check-off authorization. Signatures are also
relied on in § 9(c)(1)(A) (29 U.S.C. § 159(c)(1)(A)), which
provides for Board processing of representation and decertification
petitions when each is supported by a "substantial number of
employees" (the basis for the 30% signature requirement,
see n 25,
supra), and in § 9(e) which specifically provides for 30%
of the signatures in the bargaining unit to empower the Board to
hold a union shop deauthorization election.
[
Footnote 27]
In explaining and reaffirming the
Cumberland Shoe
doctrine in the context of unambiguous cards, the Board stated:
"Thus, the fact that employees are told in the course of
solicitation that an election is contemplated, or that a purpose of
the card is to make an election possible, provides, in our view,
insufficient basis, in itself, for vitiating unambiguously
worded authorization cards on the theory of misrepresentation. A
different situation is presented, of course, where union organizers
solicit cards on the explicit or indirectly expressed
representation that they will use such cards
only for an
election, and subsequently seek to use them for a different
purpose. . . ."
The Board stated further in a footnote:
"The foregoing does not, of course, imply that a finding of
misrepresentation is confined to situations where employees are
expressly told
in haec verba that the 'sole' or 'only'
purpose of the cards is to obtain an election. The Board has never
suggested such a mechanistic application of the foregoing
principles, as some have contended. The Board looks to substance,
rather than to form. It is not the use or nonuse of certain key or
'magic' words that is controlling, but whether or not the totality
of circumstances surrounding the card solicitation is such as to
add up to an assurance to the card signer that his card will be
used for no purpose other than to help get an election."
172 N.L.R.B. No. 57, 68 L.R.R.M. 1338, 1341-1342, and n. 7.
[
Footnote 28]
See Sheinkman,
supra, n 7, at 332-333.
[
Footnote 29]
See Judge Brown's "Scylla and Charybdis" analogy in
NLRB v. Dan River Mills, 274 F.2d 381, 388 (C.A. 5th
Cir.1960).
[
Footnote 30]
The Board indicates here that its records show that, in the
period between January and June, 1968, the median time between the
filing of an unfair labor practice charge and a Board decision in a
contested case was 388 days. But the employer can do more than just
put off his bargaining obligation by seeking to slow down the
Board's administrative processes. He can also affect the outcome of
a rerun election by delaying tactics, for figures show that, the
longer the time between a tainted election and a rerun, the less
are the union's chances of reversing the outcome of the first
election.
See n 31,
infra.
[
Footnote 31]
A study of 20,153 elections held between 1960 and 1962 shows
that, in the 267 cases where rerun elections were held, over 30%
were won by the party who caused the election to be set aside.
See Pollitt, NLRB Re-Run Elections: A Study, 41 N.C.L.Rev.
209, 212 (1963). The study shows further that certain unfair labor
practices are more effective to destroy election conditions for a
longer period of time than others. For instance, in cases involving
threats to close or transfer plant operations, the union won the
rerun only 29% of the time, while threats to eliminate benefits or
refuse to deal with the union if elected seemed less irremediable
with the union winning the rerun 75% of the time.
Id. at
215-216. Finally, time appears to be a factor. The figures suggest
that, if a rerun is held too soon after the election, before the
effects of the unfair labor practices have worn off, or too long
after the election, when interest in the union may have waned, the
chances for a changed result occurring are not as good as they are
if the rerun is held sometime in between those periods. Thus, the
study showed that, if the rerun in is held within 30 days of the
election or over nine months after, the chances that a different
result will occur are only one in five; when the rerun is held
within 30-60 days after the election, the chances for a changed
result are two in five.
Id. at 221.
[
Footnote 32]
The employers argue that the Fourth Circuit correctly observed
that,
"in the great majority of cases, a cease and desist order with
the posting of appropriate notices will eliminate any undue
influences upon employees voting in the security of anonymity."
NLRB v. Logan Packing Co., 386 F.2d at 570. It is for
the Board, and not the courts, however, to make that determination,
based on its expert estimate as to the effects on the election
process of unfair labor practices of varying intensity. In
fashioning its remedies under the broad provisions of § 10(c) of
the Act (29 U.S.C. § 160(c)), the Board draws on a fund of
knowledge and expertise all its own, and its choice of remedy must
therefore be given special respect by reviewing courts.
See
Fibreboard Paper Products Corp. v. NLRB, 379 U.
S. 203 (1964). "[I]t is usually better to minimize the
opportunity for reviewing courts to substitute their discretion for
that of the agency."
Consolo v. FMC, 383 U.
S. 607,
383 U. S. 621
(1966).
[
Footnote 33]
It has been pointed out that employee rights are affected
whether or not a bargaining order is entered, for those who desire
representation may not be protected by an inadequate rerun
election, and those who oppose collective bargaining may be
prejudiced by a bargaining order if, in fact, the union would have
lost an election absent employer coercion.
See Lesnick,
supra, n 17, at
862. Any effect will be minimal, at best, however, for there
"is every reason for the union to negotiate a contract that will
satisfy the majority, for the union will surely realize that it
must win the support of the employees, in the face of a hostile
employer, in order to survive the threat of a decertification
election after a year has passed."
Bok, The Regulation of Campaign Tactics in Representation
Elections Under the National Labor Relations Act, 78 Harv.L.Rev.
38, 135 (1964).
[
Footnote 34]
Under the doctrine of
Berrel Foam Products Co., 146
N.L.R.B. 1277 (1964), there is nothing inconsistent in the Union's
filing an election petition, and thereby agreeing that a question
of representation exists, and then filing a "refusal to bargain"
charge after the election is lost because of the employer's unfair
labor practices.
[
Footnote 35]
See Bok,
supra, n 33, at 77;
n 31,
supra.
[
Footnote 36]
See, e.g., Kolmar Laboratories, Inc., 159 N.L.R.B. 805,
807-810, and cases (relied on by the trial examiner here) cited at
809, n. 3,
enforced, 387 F.2d 833 (C.A. 7th Cir.1967);
Surprenant Mfg. Co., 144 N.L.R.B. 507, 510-511,
enforced, 341 F.2d 756, 761 (C.A. 6th Cir.1965).