Appellant was the leader of a civil rights demonstration in
Baton Rouge, Louisiana, of 2,000 Negro students protesting
segregation and the arrest and imprisonment the previous day of
other Negro students who had participated in a protest against
racial segregation. The group assembled a few blocks from the
courthouse, where appellant identified himself to officers as the
group's leader and explained the purpose of the demonstration.
Following his refusal to disband the group, appellant led it in an
orderly march toward the courthouse. In the vicinity of the
courthouse, officers stopped appellant who, after explaining the
purpose and program of the demonstration, was told by the Police
Chief that he could hold the meeting so long as he confined it to
the west side of the street. Appellant directed the group to the
west sidewalk, across the street from the courthouse and 101 feet
from its steps. There, the group, standing five feet deep and
occupying almost the entire block but not obstructing the street,
displayed signs and sang songs which evoked response from the
students in the courthouse jail. Appellant addressed the group. The
Sheriff, construing as inflammatory appellant's concluding
exhortation to the students to "sit in" at uptown lunch counters,
ordered dispersal of the group which, not being directly
forthcoming, was effected by tear gas. Appellant was arrested the
next day and was convicted of peace disturbance, obstructing public
passages, and courthouse picketing. The Louisiana Supreme Court
affirmed the convictions, two of which (peace disturbance and
obstructing public passages) are involved in this case; the third
(courthouse picketing) being involved in No. 49,
post at
379 U. S. 559.
Held:
1. In arresting and convicting appellant under the circumstances
disclosed by this record, Louisiana deprived him of his rights of
free speech and free assembly in violation of the First and
Fourteenth Amendments.
Edwards v. South Carolina,
372 U. S. 229;
Fields v. South Carolina, 375 U. S.
44, followed. Pp.
379 U. S.
544-551.
2. The breach of the peace statute is unconstitutionally vague
in its overly broad scope, for Louisiana has defined "breach of the
peace" as "to agitate, to arouse from a state of repose, to molest,
to interrupt, to hinder, to disquiet"; yet one of the very
functions of free speech is to invite dispute.
Terminiello
v. Chicago,
Page 379 U. S. 537
337 U. S. 1;
Stromberg v. California, 283 U. S. 359,
followed. Pp.
379 U. S.
551-552.
3. The practice in Baton Rouge of allowing local officials
unfettered discretion in regulating the use of streets for peaceful
parades and meetings notwithstanding the prohibitions contained in
the statute against obstructing public passages abridged
appellant's freedom of speech and assembly in violation of the
First and Fourteenth Amendments. Pp.
379 U. S.
553-558.
(a) The Louisiana Supreme Court construed the obstructing public
passages statute as applying to public assemblies which do not have
the specific purpose of obstructing traffic. P.
379 U. S.
553.
(b) A State has the right to impose nondiscriminatory
restrictions on travel on city streets. P.
379 U. S.
554.
(c) The rights of free speech and assembly do not mean that
everyone may address a group at any public place at any time. Pp.
379 U. S.
554-555.
(d) Communication of ideas by picketing and marching on streets
is not afforded the same kind of protection under the First and
Fourteenth Amendments as is pure speech. P.
379 U. S.
555.
(e) Although the statute, on its face, precludes all street
assemblies and parades, the Baton Rouge authorities have not so
enforced it, but, in their uncontrolled discretion, have permitted
parades and street meetings. Pp.
379 U. S.
555-557.
(f) The lodging of such broad discretion in public officials
sanctions suppression of free expression and facilitates denial of
equal protection. Pp.
379 U. S.
557-558.
244 La. 1087,
156 So. 2d
448, reversed.
MR. JUSTICE GOLDBERG delivered the opinion of the Court.
Appellant, the Reverend Mr. B. Elton Cox, the leader of a civil
rights demonstration, was arrested and charged
Page 379 U. S. 538
with four offenses under Louisiana law -- criminal conspiracy,
disturbing the peace, obstructing public passages, and picketing
before a courthouse. In a consolidated trial before a judge without
a jury, and on the same set of facts, he was acquitted of criminal
conspiracy, but convicted of the other three offenses. He was
sentenced to serve four months in jail and pay a $200 fine for
disturbing the peace, to serve five months in jail and pay a $500
fine for obstructing public passages, and to serve one year in jail
and pay a $5,000 fine for picketing before a courthouse. The
sentences were cumulative.
In accordance with Louisiana procedure, the Louisiana Supreme
Court reviewed the "disturbing the peace" and "obstructing public
passages" convictions on certiorari, and the "courthouse picketing"
conviction on appeal. The Louisiana court, in two judgments,
affirmed all three convictions. 244 La. 1087,
156 So. 2d
448; 245 La. 303, 158 So. 2d 172. Appellant filed two separate
appeals to this Court from these judgments contending that the
three statutes under which he was convicted were unconstitutional
on their face and as applied. We noted probable jurisdiction of
both appeals, 377 U.S. 921. This case, No. 24, involves the
convictions for disturbing the peace and obstructing public
passages, and No. 49 concerns the conviction for picketing before a
courthouse.
I
THE FACTS
On December 14, 1961, 23 students from Southern University, a
Negro college, were arrested in downtown Baton Rouge, Louisiana,
for picketing stores that maintained segregated lunch counters.
This picketing, urging a boycott of those stores, was part of a
general protest movement against racial segregation, directed by
the local chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality, a civil
rights
Page 379 U. S. 539
organization. The appellant, an ordained Congregational
minister, the Reverend Mr. B. Elton Cox, a Field Secretary of CORE,
was an advisor to this movement. On the evening of December 14,
appellant and Ronnie Moore, student president of the local CORE
chapter, spoke at a mass meeting at the college. The students
resolved to demonstrate the next day in front of the courthouse in
protest of segregation and the arrest and imprisonment of the
picketers who were being held in the parish jail located on the
upper floor of the courthouse building.
The next morning, about 2,000 students left the campus, which
was located approximately five miles from downtown Baton Rouge.
Most of them had to walk into the city, since the drivers of their
busses were arrested. Moore was also arrested at the entrance to
the campus while parked in a car equipped with a loudspeaker, and
charged with violation of an anti-noise statute. Because Moore was
immediately taken off to jail and the vice-president of the CORE
chapter was already in jail for picketing, Cox felt it his duty to
take over the demonstration and see that it was carried out as
planned. He quickly drove to the city "to pick up this leadership
and keep things orderly."
When Cox arrived, 1,500 of the 2,000 students were assembling at
the site of the old State Capitol building, two and one-half blocks
from the courthouse. Cox walked up and down cautioning the students
to keep to one side of the sidewalk while getting ready for their
march to the courthouse. The students circled the block in a file
two or three abreast occupying about half of the sidewalk. The
police had learned of the proposed demonstration the night before
from news media and other sources. Captain Font of the City Police
Department and Chief Kling of the Sheriff's office, two
high-ranking subordinate officials, approached the group and spoke
to Cox at the northeast corner of the capitol
Page 379 U. S. 540
grounds. Cox identified himself as the group's leader, and,
according to Font and Kling, he explained that the students were
demonstrating to protest "the illegal arrest of some of their
people who were being held in jail." The version of Cox and his
witnesses throughout was that they came not "to protest just the
arrest, but . . . [also] to protest the evil of discrimination."
Kling asked Cox to disband the group and "take them back from
whence they came." Cox did not acquiesce in this request, but told
the officers that they would march by the courthouse, say prayers,
sing hymns, and conduct a peaceful program of protest. The officer
repeated his request to disband, and Cox again refused. Kling and
Font then returned to their car in order to report by radio to the
Sheriff and Chief of Police, who were in the immediate vicinity;
while this was going on, the students, led by Cox, began their walk
toward the courthouse.
They walked in an orderly and peaceful file, two or three
abreast, one block east, stopping on the way for a red traffic
light. In the center of this block, they were joined by another
group of students. The augmented group, now totaling about 2,000,
[
Footnote 1] turned the corner
and proceeded south, coming to a halt in the next block opposite
the courthouse.
As Cox, still at the head of the group, approached the vicinity
of the courthouse, he was stopped by Captain Font and Inspector
Trigg and brought to Police Chief Wingate White, who was standing
in the middle of St. Louis Street. The Chief then inquired as to
the purpose of the demonstration. Cox, reading from a prepared
paper, outlined his program to White, stating that it would include
a singing of the Star Spangled Banner
Page 379 U. S. 541
and a "freedom song," recitation of the Lord's Prayer and the
Pledge of Allegiance, and a short speech. White testified that he
told Cox that "he must confine" the demonstration "to the west side
of the street." White added,
"This, of course, was not -- I didn't mean it in the import that
I was giving him any permission to do it, but I was presented with
a situation that was accomplished, and I had to make a
decision."
Cox testified that the officials agreed to permit the meeting.
James Erwin, news director of radio station WIBR, a witness for the
State, was present and overheard the conversation. He testified
that
"My understanding was that they would be allowed to demonstrate
if they stayed on the west side of the street and stayed within the
recognized time, [
Footnote
2]"
and that this was "agreed to" by White. [
Footnote 3]
The students were then directed by Cox to the west sidewalk,
across the street from the courthouse, 101 feet from its steps.
They were lined up on this sidewalk about five deep and spread
almost the entire length of the block. The group did not obstruct
the street. It was close to noon and, being lunch time, a small
crowd of 100 to 300 curious white people, mostly courthouse
personnel, gathered on the east sidewalk and courthouse steps,
about 100 feet from the demonstrators. Seventy-five to eighty
policemen, including city and state patrolmen and members of the
Sheriff's staff, as well as members of the fire department and a
fire truck were stationed in the street between the two groups.
Rain fell throughout the demonstration
Page 379 U. S. 542
Several of the students took from beneath their coats picket
signs similar to those which had been used the day before. These
signs bore legends such as "Don't buy discrimination for
Christmas," "Sacrifice for Christ, don't buy," and named stores
which were proclaimed "unfair." They then sang "God Bless America,"
pledged allegiance to the flag, prayed briefly, and sang one or two
hymns, including "We Shall Overcome." The 23 students, who were
locked in jail cells in the courthouse building out of the sight of
the demonstrators, responded by themselves singing; this in turn
was greeted with cheers and applause by the demonstrators.
Appellant gave a speech, described by a State's witness as
follows:
"He said that, in effect, that it was a protest against the
illegal arrest of some of their members, and that other people were
allowed to picket . . . and he said that they were not going to
commit any violence, [
Footnote
4] that, if anyone spit on them, they would not spit back on
the person that did it. [
Footnote
5]"
Cox then said:
"All right. It's lunch time. Let's go eat. There are twelve
stores we are protesting. A number of these stores have twenty
counters; they accept your money from nineteen. They won't accept
it from the
Page 379 U. S. 543
twentieth counter. This is an act of racial discrimination.
These stores are open to the public. You are members of the public.
We pay taxes to the Federal Government, and you who live here pay
taxes to the State. [
Footnote
6]"
In apparent reaction to these last remarks, there was what state
witnesses described as "muttering" and "grumbling" by the white
onlookers. [
Footnote 7]
The Sheriff, deeming, as he testified, Cox's appeal to the
students to sit in at the lunch counters to be "inflammatory," then
took a power microphone and said,
"Now, you have been allowed to demonstrate. Up until now, your
demonstration has been more or less peaceful, but what you are
doing now is a direct violation of the law, a disturbance of the
peace, and it has got to be broken up immediately."
The testimony as to what then happened is disputed. Some of the
State's witnesses testified that Cox said, "don't move"; others
stated that he made a "gesture of defiance." It is clear from the
record, however, that Cox and the demonstrators did not then and
there break up the demonstration. Two of the Sheriff's deputies
immediately started across the street and told the group, "You have
heard what the Sheriff said, now, do what he said." A state witness
testified that they
Page 379 U. S. 544
put their hands on the shoulders of some of the students "as
though to shove them away."
Almost immediately thereafter -- within a time estimated
variously at two to five minutes -- one of the policemen exploded a
tear gas shell at the crowd. This was followed by several other
shells. The demonstrators quickly dispersed, running back towards
the State Capitol and the downtown area; Cox tried to calm them as
they ran and was himself one of the last to leave.
No Negroes participating in the demonstration were arrested on
that day. The only person then arrested was a young white man, not
a part of the demonstration, who was arrested "because he was
causing a disturbance." The next day, appellant was arrested and
charged with the four offenses above described.
II
THE BREACH OF THE PEACE CONVICTION
Appellant was convicted of violating a Louisiana "disturbing the
peace" statute, which provides:
"Whoever with intent to provoke a breach of the peace, or under
circumstances such that a breach of the peace may be occasioned
thereby . . . crowds or congregates with others . . . in or upon .
. . a public street or public highway, or upon a public sidewalk,
or any other public place or building . . . and who fails or
refuses to disperse and move on . . . when ordered so to do by any
law enforcement officer of any municipality, or parish, in which
such act or acts are committed, or by any law enforcement officer
of the state of Louisiana, or any other authorized person . . .
shall be guilty of disturbing the peace."
La.Rev.Stat. § 14:103.1 (Cum.Supp. 1962). It is clear to us
that, on the facts of this case, which are strikingly similar to
those present in
Edwards v.
South
Page 379 U. S. 545
Carolina, 372 U. S. 229, and
Fields v. South Carolina, 375 U. S.
44, Louisiana infringed appellant's rights of free
speech and free assembly by convicting him under this statute. As
in
Edwards, we do not find it necessary to pass upon
appellant's contention that there was a complete absence of
evidence so that his conviction deprived him of liberty without due
process of law.
Cf. Thompson v. Louisville, 362 U.
S. 199. We hold that Louisiana may not constitutionally
punish appellant under this statute for engaging in the type of
conduct which this record reveals, and also that the statute as
authoritatively interpreted by the Louisiana Supreme Court is
unconstitutionally broad in scope.
The Louisiana courts have held that appellant's conduct
constituted a breach of the peace under state law, and, as in
Edwards, "we may accept their decision as binding upon us
to that extent,"
Edwards v. South Carolina, supra, at
372 U. S. 235;
but our independent examination of the record, which we are
required to make, [
Footnote 8]
shows no conduct which the State had a right to prohibit as a
breach of the peace.
Appellant led a group of young college students who wished "to
protest segregation" and discrimination against Negroes and the
arrest of 23 fellow students. They assembled peaceably at the State
Capitol building
Page 379 U. S. 546
and marched to the courthouse where they sang, prayed and
listened to a speech. A reading of the record reveals agreement on
the part of the State's witnesses that Cox had the demonstration
"very well controlled," and, until the end of Cox's speech, the
group was perfectly "orderly." Sheriff Clemmons testified that the
crowd's activities were not "objectionable" before that time. They
became objectionable, according to the Sheriff himself, when Cox,
concluding his speech, urged the students to go uptown and sit in
at lunch counters. The Sheriff testified that the sole aspect of
the program to which he objected was
"[t]he inflammatory manner in which he [Cox] addressed that
crowd and told them to go on up town, go to four places on the
protest list, sit down and if they don't feed you, sit there for
one hour."
Yet this part of Cox's speech obviously did not deprive the
demonstration of its protected character under the Constitution as
free speech and assembly.
See Edwards v. South Carolina, supra;
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296;
Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U. S. 88;
Garner v. Louisiana, 368 U. S. 157,
368 U. S. 185
(concurring opinion of MR. JUSTICE HARLAN). The State argues,
however, that, while the demonstrators started out to be orderly,
the loud cheering and clapping by the students in response to the
singing from the jail converted the peaceful assembly into a
riotous one. [
Footnote 9] The
record, however, does not support this assertion. It is true that
the students, in response to the singing
Page 379 U. S. 547
of their fellows who were in custody, cheered and applauded.
However, the meeting was an out-door meeting, and a key state
witness testified that, while the singing was loud, it was not
disorderly. There is, moreover, no indication that the mood of the
students was ever hostile, aggressive, or unfriendly. Our
conclusion that the entire meeting, from the beginning until its
dispersal by tear gas was, orderly [
Footnote 10] and not riotous is confirmed by a film of
the events taken by a television news photographer, which was
offered in evidence as a state exhibit. We have viewed the film,
and it reveals that the students, though they undoubtedly cheered
and clapped, were well behaved throughout. My Brother BLACK,
concurring in this opinion and dissenting in No. 49,
post,
agrees "that
Page 379 U. S. 548
the record does not show boisterous or violent conduct or
indecent language on the part of the . . ." students.
Post
at
379 U. S. 583.
The singing and cheering do not seem to us to differ significantly
from the constitutionally protected activity of the demonstrators
in
Edwards, [
Footnote
11] who loudly sang "while stamping their feet and clapping
their hands."
Edwards v. South Carolina, supra, at
372 U. S. 233.
[
Footnote 12]
Page 379 U. S. 549
Our conclusion that the record does not support the contention
that the students' cheering, clapping and singing constituted a
breach of the peace is confirmed by the fact that these were not
relied on as a basis for conviction by the trial judge, who,
rather, stated as his reason for convicting Cox of disturbing the
peace that
"[i]t must be
Page 379 U. S. 550
recognized to be inherently dangerous and a breach of the peace
to bring 1,500 people, colored people, down in the predominantly
white business district in the City of Baton Rouge and congregate
across the street from the courthouse and sing songs as described
to me by the defendant as the CORE national anthem carrying lines
such as 'black and white together' and to urge those 1,500 people
to descend upon our lunch counters and sit there until they are
served. That has to be an inherent breach of the peace, and our
statute 14:103.1 has made it so."
Finally, the State contends that the conviction should be
sustained because of fear expressed by some of the state witnesses
that "violence was about to erupt" because of the demonstration. It
is virtually undisputed, however, that the students themselves were
not violent, and threatened no violence. The fear of violence seems
to have been based upon the reaction of the group of white citizens
looking on from across the street. One state witness testified that
"he felt the situation was getting out of hand" as, on the
courthouse side of St. Louis Street, "were small knots or groups of
white citizens who were muttering words, who seemed a little bit
agitated." A police officer stated that the reaction of the white
crowd was not violent, but "was rumblings." Others felt the
atmosphere became "tense" because of "mutterings," "grumbling," and
"jeering" from the white group. There is no indication, however,
that any member of the white group threatened violence. And this
small crowd, estimated at between 100 and 300, was separated from
the students by "seventy-five to eighty" armed policemen, including
"every available shift of the City Police," the "Sheriff's Office
in full complement," and "additional help from the State Police,"
along with a "fire truck and the Fire Department." As Inspector
Trigg testified, they could have handled the crowd
Page 379 U. S. 551
This situation, like that in
Edwards, is "a far cry
from the situation in
Feiner v. New York, 340 U.
S. 315."
See Edwards v. South Carolina, supra,
at
372 U. S. 236.
Nor is there any evidence here of "fighting words."
See
Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U. S. 568.
Here again, as in
Edwards, this evidence
"showed no more than that the opinions which . . . [the
students] were peaceably expressing were sufficiently opposed to
the views of the majority of the community to attract a crowd and
necessitate police protection."
Edwards v. South Carolina, supra, at
372 U. S. 237.
Conceding this was so, the "compelling answer . . . is that
constitutional rights may not be denied simply because of hostility
to their assertion or exercise."
Watson v. Memphis,
373 U. S. 526,
373 U. S.
535.
There is an additional reason why this conviction cannot be
sustained. The statute at issue in this case, as authoritatively
interpreted by the Louisiana Supreme Court, is unconstitutionally
vague in its overly broad scope. The statutory crime consists of
two elements: (1) congregating with others "with intent to provoke
a breach of the peace, or under circumstances such that a breach of
the peace may be occasioned," and (2) a refusal to move on after
having been ordered to do so by a law enforcement officer. While
the second part of this offense is narrow and specific, the first
element is not. The Louisiana Supreme Court in this case defined
the term "breach of the peace" as "to agitate, to arouse from a
state of repose, to molest, to interrupt, to hinder, to disquiet."
244 La. at 1105, 156 So. 2d at 455. In
Edwards, defendants
had been convicted of a common law crime similarly defined by the
South Carolina Supreme Court. Both definitions would allow persons
to be punished merely for peacefully expressing unpopular views.
Yet, a
"function of free speech under our system of government is to
invite dispute. It may indeed best serve its high purpose when it
induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction with
Page 379 U. S. 552
conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger. Speech is
often provocative and challenging. It may strike at prejudices and
preconceptions, and have profound unsettling effects as it presses
for acceptance of an idea. That is why freedom of speech . . . is .
. . protected against censorship or punishment. . . . There is no
room under our Constitution for a more restrictive view. For the
alternative would lead to standardization of ideas either by
legislatures, courts, or dominant political or community
groups."
Terminiello v. Chicago, 337 U. S.
1,
337 U. S. 5. In
Terminiello, convictions were not allowed to stand,
because the trial judge charged that speech of the defendants could
be punished as a breach of the peace
"'if it stirs the public to anger, invites dispute, brings about
a condition of unrest, or creates a disturbance, or if it molests
the inhabitants in the enjoyment of peace and quiet by arousing
alarm.'"
Id. at
337 U. S. 3. The
Louisiana statute, as interpreted by the Louisiana court, is at
least as likely to allow conviction for innocent speech as was the
charge of the trial judge in
Terminiello. Therefore, as in
Terminiello and
Edwards, the conviction under
this statute must be reversed, as the statute is unconstitutional
in that it sweeps within its broad scope activities that are
constitutionally protected free speech and assembly. Maintenance of
the opportunity for free political discussion is a basic tenet of
our constitutional democracy. As Chief Justice Hughes stated in
Stromberg v. California, 283 U. S. 359,
283 U. S.
369:
"A statute which, upon its face and as authoritatively
construed, is so vague and indefinite as to permit the punishment
of the fair use of this opportunity is repugnant to the guaranty of
liberty contained in the Fourteenth Amendment."
For all these reasons, we hold that appellant's freedoms of
speech and assembly, secured to him by the First Amendment, as
applied to the States by the Fourteenth Amendment, were denied by
his conviction for disturbing the peace. The conviction on this
charge cannot stand
Page 379 U. S. 553
III
THE OBSTRUCTING PUBLIC PASSAGES CONVICTION
We now turn to the issue of the validity of appellant's
conviction for violating the Louisiana statute, La.Rev.Stat. §
14:100.1 (Cum.Supp. 1962), which provides:
"
Obstructing Public Passages"
"No person shall willfully obstruct the free, convenient and
normal use of any public sidewalk, street, highway, bridge, alley,
road, or other passageway, or the entrance, corridor or passage of
any public building, structure, watercraft or ferry, by impeding,
hindering, stifling, retarding or restraining traffic or passage
thereon or therein."
"Providing however nothing herein contained shall apply to a
bona fide legitimate labor organization or to any of its legal
activities such as picketing, lawful assembly or concerted activity
in the interest of its members for the purpose of accomplishing or
securing more favorable wage standards, hours of employment and
working conditions."
Appellant was convicted under this statute not for leading the
march to the vicinity of the courthouse, which the Louisiana
Supreme Court stated to have been "orderly," 244 La. at 1096, 156
So. 2d at 451, but for leading the meeting on the sidewalk across
the street from the courthouse.
Id. at 1094, 1106-1107,
156 So. 2d at 451, 455. In upholding appellant's conviction under
this statute, the Louisiana Supreme Court thus construed the
statute so as to apply to public assemblies which do not have as
their specific purpose the obstruction of traffic. There is no
doubt from the record in this case that this far sidewalk was
obstructed, and thus, as so construed, appellant violated the
statute.
Appellant, however, contends that, as so construed and applied
in this case, the statute is an unconstitutional
Page 379 U. S. 554
infringement on freedom of speech and assembly. This contention,
on the facts here presented, raises an issue with which this Court
has dealt in many decisions, that is, the right of a State or
municipality to regulate the use of city streets and other
facilities to assure the safety and convenience of the people in
their use and the concomitant right of the people of free speech
and assembly.
See Lovell v. Griffin, 303 U.
S. 444;
Hague v. CIO, 307 U.
S. 496;
Schneider v. State, 308 U.
S. 147;
Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U. S.
88;
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.
S. 296;
Cox v. New Hampshire, 312 U.
S. 569;
Largent v. Texas, 318 U.
S. 418;
Saia v. New York, 334 U.
S. 558;
Kovacs v. Cooper, 336 U. S.
77;
Niemotko v. Maryland, 340 U.
S. 268;
Kunz v. New York, 340 U.
S. 290;
Poulos v. New Hampshire, 345 U.
S. 395.
From these decisions, certain clear principles emerge. The
rights of free speech and assembly, while fundamental in our
democratic society, still do not mean that everyone with opinions
or beliefs to express may address a group at any public place and
at any time. The constitutional guarantee of liberty implies the
existence of an organized society maintaining public order, without
which liberty itself would be lost in the excesses of anarchy. The
control of travel on the streets is a clear example of governmental
responsibility to insure this necessary order. A restriction in
that relation, designed to promote the public convenience in the
interest of all, and not susceptible to abuses of discriminatory
application, cannot be disregarded by the attempted exercise of
some civil right which, in other circumstances, would be entitled
to protection. One would not be justified in ignoring the familiar
red light because this was thought to be a means of social protest.
Nor could one, contrary to traffic regulations, insist upon a
street meeting in the middle of Times Square at the rush hour as a
form of freedom of speech or assembly. Governmental authorities
have
Page 379 U. S. 555
the duty and responsibility to keep their streets open and
available for movement. A group of demonstrators could not insist
upon the right to cordon off street, or entrance to a public or
private building, and allow no one to pass who did not agree to
listen to their exhortations.
See Lovell v. Griffin,
supra, at
303 U. S. 451;
Cox v. New Hampshire, supra, at
312 U. S. 574;
Schneider v. State, supra, at
308 U. S.
160-161;
Cantwell v. Connecticut, supra, at
310 U. S.
306-307;
Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice
Co., 336 U. S. 490;
Poulos v. New Hampshire, supra, at
345 U. S.
405-408;
see also Edwards v. South Carolina,
supra, at
372 U. S.
236.
We emphatically reject the notion urged by appellant that the
First and Fourteenth Amendments afford the same kind of freedom to
those who would communicate ideas by conduct such as patrolling,
marching, and picketing on streets and highways, as these
amendments afford to those who communicate ideas by pure speech.
See the discussion and cases cited in No. 49,
post at
379 U. S. 563.
We reaffirm the statement of the Court in
Giboney v. Empire
Storage & Ice Co., supra, at
336 U. S. 502,
that
"it has never been deemed an abridgment of freedom of speech or
press to make a course of conduct illegal merely because the
conduct was in part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means
of language, either spoken, written, or printed."
We have no occasion in this case to consider the
constitutionality of the uniform, consistent, and nondiscriminatory
application of a statute forbidding all access to streets and other
public facilities for parades and meetings. [
Footnote 13] Although the statute here involved
on its face
Page 379 U. S. 556
precludes all street assemblies and parades, [
Footnote 14] it has not been so applied and
enforced by the Baton Rouge authorities. City officials who
testified for the State clearly indicated that certain meetings and
parades are permitted in Baton Rouge, even though they have the
effect of obstructing traffic, provided prior approval is obtained.
This was confirmed in oral argument before this Court by counsel
for the State. He stated that parades and meetings are permitted,
based on "arrangements . . . made with officials." The statute
itself provides no standards for the determination of local
officials as to which assemblies to permit or which to prohibit.
Nor are there any administrative regulations on this subject which
have been called to our attention. [
Footnote 15] From all
Page 379 U. S. 557
the evidence before us, it appears that the authorities in Baton
Rouge permit or prohibit parades or street meetings in their
completely uncontrolled discretion.
The situation is thus the same as if the statute itself
expressly provided that there could only be peaceful parades or
demonstrations in the unbridled discretion of the local officials.
The pervasive restraint on freedom of discussion by the practice of
the authorities under the statute is not any less effective than a
statute expressly permitting such selective enforcement. A long
line of cases in this Court makes it clear that a State or
municipality cannot
"require all who wish to disseminate ideas to present them first
to police authorities for their consideration and approval, with a
discretion in the police to say some ideas may, while others may
not, be . . . disseminate[d]. . . ."
Schneider v. State, supra, at
308 U. S. 164.
See Lovell v. Griffin, supra; Hague v. CIO, supra; Largent v.
Texas, supra; Saia v. New York, supra; Niemotko v. Maryland, supra;
Kunz v. New York, supra.
This Court has recognized that the lodging of such broad
discretion in a public official allows him to determine which
expressions of view will be permitted and which will not. This thus
sanctions a device for the suppression of the communication of
ideas and permits the official to act as a censor.
See Saia v.
New York, supra, at
334 U. S. 562.
Also inherent in such a system allowing parades or meetings only
with the prior permission of an official is the obvious danger to
the right of a person or group not to be denied equal protection of
the laws.
See Niemotko v. Maryland, supra, at
340 U. S. 272,
340 U. S. 284;
cf. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356. It
is clearly unconstitutional to enable a public official to
determine which expressions of view will be permitted and which
will not or to engage in invidious discrimination among persons or
groups either by use of a statute providing a system of broad
discretionary licensing power or, as in this case, the
Page 379 U. S. 558
equivalent of such a system by selective enforcement of an
extremely broad prohibitory statute.
It is, of course, undisputed that appropriate, limited
discretion, under properly drawn statutes or ordinances, concerning
the time, place, duration, or manner of use of the streets for
public assemblies may be vested in administrative officials,
provided that such limited discretion is
"exercised with 'uniformity of method of treatment upon the
facts of each application, free from improper or inappropriate
considerations and from unfair discrimination' . . . [and with] a
'systematic, consistent and just order of treatment, with reference
to the convenience of public use of the highways. . . .'"
Cox v. New Hampshire, supra, at
312 U. S. 576.
See Poulos v. New Hampshire, supra.
But here it is clear that the practice in Baton Rouge allowing
unfettered discretion in local officials in the regulation of the
use of the streets for peaceful parades and meetings is an
unwarranted abridgment of appellant's freedom of speech and
assembly secured to him by the First Amendment, as applied to the
States by the Fourteenth Amendment. It follows, therefore, that
appellant's conviction for violating the statute as so applied and
enforced must be reversed.
For the reasons discussed above the judgment of the Supreme
Court of Louisiana is reversed.
Reversed.
[For concurring opinion of MR. JUSTICE BLACK,
see post,
p.
379 U. S.
575.]
[For concurring opinion of MR. JUSTICE CLARK,
see post,
p.
379 U. S.
585.]
[For opinion of MR. JUSTICE WHITE, concurring in part and
dissenting in part,
see post, p.
379 U. S.
591.]
[
Footnote 1]
Estimates of the crowd's size varied from 1,500 to 3,800. Two
thousand seems to have been the consensus, and was the figure
accepted by the Louisiana Supreme Court, 244 La. at 1095, 156 So.
2d at 451.
[
Footnote 2]
There were varying versions in the record as to the time the
demonstration would take. The State's version was that Cox asked
for seven minutes. Cox's version was that he said his speech would
take seven minutes, but that the whole program would take between
17 and 25 minutes.
[
Footnote 3]
The "permission" granted the students to demonstrate is
discussed at greater length in No. 49, where its legal effect is
considered.
[
Footnote 4]
A few days before, Cox had participated with some of the
demonstrators in a "direct nonviolent clinic" sponsored by CORE and
held at St. Mark's Church.
[
Footnote 5]
Sheriff Clemmons had no objection to this part of the speech. He
testified on cross-examination as follows:
"Q. Did you have any objection to that part of his talk?"
"A. None whatever. If he would have done what he said, there
would have been no trouble at all. The whole thing would have been
over and done with."
"Q. Did you have any objection to them being assembled on that
side of the street while he was making that speech, sir?"
"A. I had no objection to it."
[
Footnote 6]
Sheriff Clemmons objected strongly to these words. He testified
on cross-examination as follows:
"Q. Now, what part of his speech became objectionable to him
being assembled there?"
"A. The inflammatory manner in which he addressed that crowd and
told them to go on up town, go to four places on the protest list,
sit down and if they don't feed you, sit there for one hour."
[
Footnote 7]
The exact sequence of these events is unclear from the record,
being described differently not only by the State and the defense,
but also by the state witnesses themselves. It seems reasonably
certain, however, that the response to the singing from the jail,
the end of Cox's speech, and the "muttering" and "grumbling" of the
white onlookers all took place at approximately the same time.
[
Footnote 8]
Because a claim of constitutionally protected right is involved,
it "remains our duty in a case such as this to make an independent
examination of the whole record."
Edwards v. South
Carolina, 372 U. S. 229,
372 U. S. 235;
Blackburn v. Alabama, 361 U. S. 199,
361 U. S. 205,
n. 5;
Pennekamp v. Florida, 328 U.
S. 331,
328 U. S. 335;
Fiske v. Kansas, 274 U. S. 380,
274 U. S.
385-386. In the area of First Amendment freedoms as well
as areas involving other constitutionally protected rights,
"we cannot avoid our responsibilities by permitting ourselves to
be
completely bound by state court determination of any issue
essential to decision of a claim of federal right, else federal law
could be frustrated by distorted fact finding."
Haynes v. Washington, 373 U. S. 503,
373 U. S.
515-516;
Stein v. New York, 346 U.
S. 156,
346 U. S.
181.
[
Footnote 9]
The cheering and shouting were described differently by
different witnesses, but the most extravagant descriptions were the
following: "a jumbled roar like people cheering at a football
game," "loud cheering and spontaneous clapping and screaming and a
great hullabaloo," "a great outburst," a cheer of "conquest . . .
much wilder than a football game," "a loud reaction, not
disorderly, loud," "a shout, a roar," and an emotional response "in
jubilation and exhortation." Appellant agreed that some of the
group "became emotional" and "tears flowed from young ladies'
eyes."
[
Footnote 10]
There is much testimony that the demonstrators were well
controlled and basically orderly throughout. G. Dupre Litton, an
attorney and witness for the State, testified,
"I would say that it was an orderly demonstration. It was too
large a group, in my opinion, to congregate at that place at that
particular time, which is nothing but my opinion . . . but
generally . . . it was orderly."
Robert Durham, a news photographer for WBRZ, a state witness,
testified that, although the demonstration was not "quiet and
peaceful," it was basically "orderly." James Erwin, news director
of WIBR, a witness for the State, testified as follows:
"Q. Was the demonstration generally orderly?"
"A. Yes, Reverend Cox had it very well controlled."
On the other hand, there is some evidence to the contrary: Erwin
also stated:
"Q. Was it orderly up to the point of throwing the tear
gas?"
"A. No, there was one minor outburst after he called for the
sit-ins, and then a minor reaction, and then a loud reaction, not
disorderly, loud. . . . A loud reaction when the singing occurred
upstairs."
And James Dumigan, a police officer, thought that the
demonstrators showed a certain disorder by "hollering loud,
clapping their hands." But this latter evidence is surely not
sufficient, particularly in face of the film, to lead us to
conclude that the cheering was so disorderly as to be beyond that
held constitutionally protected in
Edwards v. South Carolina,
supra.
[
Footnote 11]
Moreover, there are not significantly more demonstrators here
than in
Field v. South Carolina, supra, which involved
more than 1,000 students.
[
Footnote 12]
Witnesses who concluded that a breach of the peace was
threatened or had occurred based their conclusions not upon the
shouting or cheering, but upon the fact that the group was
demonstrating at all, upon Cox's suggestion that the group sit in,
or upon the reaction of the white onlookers across the street. Rush
Biossat, a state witness, testified that, while appellant "didn't
say anything of a violent nature," there was "emotional upset," "a
feeling of disturbance in the air," and "agitation"; he thought,
however, that all this was caused by Cox's remarks about "black and
white together." James Erwin, a state witness, and news director of
WIBR, testified that there was "considerable stirring" and a
"restiveness," but among the white group. He also stated that the
reaction of the white group to Cox's speech "was electrifying."
"You could hear grumbling from the small groups of white people,
some total of two hundred fifty, perhaps . . . and there was a
definite feeling of ill will that had sprung up." He was afraid
that "violence was about to erupt", but also thought that Cox had
his group under control, and did not want violence. G. L. Johnston,
a police officer and a witness for the State, felt that the
disorderly part of the demonstration was Cox's suggestion that the
group sit in. Vay Carpenter, and Mary O'Brien, legal secretaries
and witnesses for the State, thought that the mood of the crowd
changed at the time of Cox's speech, and became "tense." They
thought this was because of the sit-in suggestion. Chief Kling of
the Sheriff's office, testifying for the State, said that the
situation became one "that was explosive, and one that had gotten
to the point where it had to be handled or it would have gotten out
of hand"; however, he based his opinion upon "the mere presence of
these people in downtown Baton Rouge . . . in such great numbers."
Police Captain Font also testified for the State that the situation
was "explosive"; he based this opinion on
"how they came, such a large group like that, just coming out of
nowhere, just coming, filling the streets, filling the sidewalks.
We are prepared -- we have traffic officers. We can handle traffic
situations if we are advised that we are going to have a traffic
situation, if the sidewalk is going to be blocked, if the street is
going to be blocked, but we wasn't advised of it. They just came
and blocked it."
He added that he feared "bloodshed," but based this fear
upon
"when the Sheriff requested them to move, they didn't move; when
they cheered in a conquest type of tone; their displaying of the
signs; the deliberate agitation that twenty-five people had been
arrested the day before, and then they turned right around and just
agitated the next day in the same prescribed manner."
He also felt that the students displayed their signs in a way
which was "agitating." Inspector Trigg testified for the State
that,
"from their actions, I figured they were going to try to storm
the Courthouse and take over the jail and try to get the prisoners
that they had come down here to protest."
However, Trigg based his conclusions upon the students' having
marched down from the Capitol and paraded in front of the
courthouse; he thought they were "violent" because
"they continued to march around this Courthouse, and they
continued to march down here and do things that disrupts our way of
living down here."
Sheriff Clemmons testified that the assembly "became
objectionable" at the time of Cox's speech. The Sheriff objected
to
"the inflammatory manner in which he addressed that crowd and
told them to go on up town, go to four places on the protest list,
sit down and if they don't feed you, sit there for one hour. Prior
to that, though, out from under these coats, some signs of --
picketing signs. I don't know what's coming out of there next. It
could be anything under a coat. It became inflammatory, and when he
gestured, go on up town and take charge of these places . . . of
business. That is what they were trying to do is take charge of
this Courthouse."
A close reading of the record seems to reveal next to no
evidence that anyone thought that the shouting and cheering were
what constituted the threatened breach of the peace.
[
Footnote 13]
It has been argued that, in the exercise of its regulatory power
over streets and other public facilities, a State or municipality
could reserve the streets completely for traffic and other
facilities for rest and relaxation of the citizenry.
See Kovacs
v. Cooper, supra, at
336 U. S. 98
(opinion of Mr. Justice Jackson);
Kunz v. New York, supra,
at
340 U. S. 298
(Mr. Justice Jackson, dissenting). The contrary, however, has been
indicated, at least to the point that some open area must be
preserved for out-door assemblies.
See Hague v. CIO,
supra, at
307 U. S.
515-516 (opinion of Mr. Justice Roberts);
Kunz v.
New York, supra, at
340 U. S. 293;
Niemotko v. Maryland, supra, at
340 U. S. 283
(Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring).
See generally, Poulos v.
New Hampshire, supra, at
345 U. S. 403;
Niemotko v. Maryland, supra, at
340 U. S.
272-273.
[
Footnote 14]
With the express exception, of course, of labor picketing. This
exception points up the fact that the statute reaches beyond mere
traffic regulation to restrictions on expression.
[
Footnote 15]
Although cited by neither party, research has disclosed the
existence of a local ordinance of Baton Rouge, Baton Rouge City
Code, Tit. 11, § 210 (19.57), which prohibits "parade[s] . . .
along any street except in accordance with a permit issued by the
chief of police. . . ." A similar ordinance was in existence in
Fields v. South Carolina, supra. As in
Fields,
this ordinance is irrelevant to the conviction in this case, as not
only was appellant not charged with its violation, but the
existence of the ordinance was never referred to by the State in
any of the courts involved in the case, including this one, and
neither the Louisiana trial court nor the Supreme Court relied on
the ordinance in sustaining appellant's convictions under the three
statutes here involved. Moreover, since the ordinance apparently
sets forth no standards for the determination of the Chief of
Police as to which parades to permit or which to prohibit, obvious
constitutional problems would arise if appellant had been convicted
for parading in violation of it.
See the discussion in
text above;
Lovell v. Griffin, supra, at
303 U. S.
452-453;
Hague v. CIO, supra, at
307 U. S. 518;
Saia v. New York, supra, at
334 U. S.
559-560.