SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 15–606
_________________
MIGUEL ANGEL PENA-RODRIGUEZ, PETITIONER
v. COLORADO
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of colorado
[March 6, 2017]
Justice Alito, with whom The Chief Justice and Justice Thomas
join, dissenting.
Our legal system has many rules that restrict the admission of
evidence of statements made under circumstances in which
confidentiality is thought to be essential. Statements made to an
attorney in obtaining legal advice, statements to a treating
physician, and statements made to a spouse or member of the clergy
are familiar examples. See
Trammel v
. United
States,445 U. S. 40,51 (1980). Even if a criminal
defendant whose constitutional rights are at stake has a critical
need to obtain and introduce evidence of such statements,
long-established rules stand in the way. The goal of avoiding
interference with confidential communications of great value has
long been thought to justify the loss of important evidence and the
effect on our justice system that this loss entails.
The present case concerns a rule like those just mentioned,
namely, the age-old rule against attempting to overturn or
“impeach” a jury’s verdict by offering statements made by jurors
during the course of deliberations. For centuries, it has been the
judgment of experienced judges, trial attorneys, scholars, and
lawmakers that allowing jurors to testify after a trial about what
took place in the jury room would undermine the system of trial by
jury that is integral to our legal system.
Juries occupy a unique place in our justice system. The other
participants in a trial—the presiding judge, the attorneys, the
witnesses—function in an arena governed by strict rules of law.
Their every word is recorded and may be closely scrutinized for
missteps.
When jurors retire to deliberate, however, they enter a space
that is not regulated in the same way. Jurors are ordinary people.
They are expected to speak, debate, argue, and make decisions the
way ordinary people do in their daily lives. Our Constitution
places great value on this way of thinking, speaking, and deciding.
The jury trial right protects parties in court cases from being
judged by a special class of trained professionals who do not speak
the language of ordinary people and may not understand or
appreciate the way ordinary people live their lives. To protect
that right, the door to the jury room has been locked, and the
confidentiality of jury deliberations has been closely guarded.
Today, with the admirable intention of providing justice for one
criminal defendant, the Court not only pries open the door; it
rules that respecting the privacy of the jury room, as our legal
system has done for centuries, violates the Constitution. This is a
startling development, and although the Court tries to limit the
degree of intrusion, it is doubtful that there are principled
grounds for preventing the expansion of today’s holding.
The Court justifies its decision on the ground that the nature
of the confidential communication at issue in this particular
case—a clear expression of what the Court terms racial
bias[
1]—is uniquely harmful to our criminal
justice system. And the Court is surely correct that even a
tincture of racial bias can inflict great damage on that system,
which is dependent on the public’s trust. But until today, the
argument that the Court now finds convincing has not been thought
to be sufficient to overcome confidentiality rules like the one at
issue here.
Suppose that a prosecution witness gives devastating but false
testimony against a defendant, and suppose that the witness’s
motivation is racial bias. Suppose that the witness admits this to
his attorney, his spouse, and a member of the clergy. Suppose that
the defendant, threatened with conviction for a serious crime and a
lengthy term of imprisonment, seeks to compel the attorney, the
spouse, or the member of the clergy to testify about the witness’s
admissions. Even though the constitutional rights of the defendant
hang in the balance, the defendant’s efforts to obtain the
testimony would fail. The Court provides no good reason why the
result in this case should not be the same.
I
Rules barring the admission of juror testimony to impeach a
verdict (so-called “no-impeachment rules”) have a long history.
Indeed, they pre-date the ratification of the Constitution. They
are typically traced back to
Vaise v.
Delaval, 1 T.
R. 11, 99 Eng. Rep. 944 (K. B. 1785), in which Lord Mansfield
declined to consider an affidavit from two jurors who claimed that
the jury had reached its verdict by lot. See
Warger v.
Shauers, 574 U. S. ___, ___ (2014) (slip op., at 4).
Lord Mansfield’s approach “soon took root in the United States,”
ibid., and “[b]y the beginning of [the 20th] century, if not
earlier, the near-universal and firmly established common-law rule
in the United States flatly prohibited the admission of juror
testimony to impeach a jury verdict,”
Tanner v.
United
States,483 U. S. 107,117 (1987); see 27 C. Wright & V.
Gold, Federal Practice and Procedure: Evidence §6071, p. 431 (2d
ed. 2007) (Wright & Gold) (noting that the Mansfield approach
“came to be accepted in almost all states”).
In
McDonald v.
Pless,238 U. S. 264 (1915),
this Court adopted a strict no-impeachment rule for cases in
federal court.
McDonald involved allegations that the jury
had entered a quotient verdict—that is, that it had calculated a
damages award by taking the average of the jurors’ suggestions.
Id., at 265–266. The Court held that evidence of this
misconduct could not be used.
Id., at 269. It applied what
it said was “unquestionably the general rule, that the losing party
cannot, in order to secure a new trial, use the testimony of jurors
to impeach their verdict.”
Ibid. The Court recognized that
the defendant had a powerful interest in demonstrating that the
jury had “adopted an arbitrary and unjust method in arriving at
their verdict.”
Id., at 267. “But,” the Court warned, “let
it once be established that verdicts . . . can be
attacked and set aside on the testimony of those who took part in
their publication and all verdicts could be, and many would be,
followed by an inquiry in the hope of discovering something which
might invalidate the finding.”
Ibid. This would lead to
“harass[ment]” of jurors and “the destruction of all frankness and
freedom of discussion and conference.”
Id., at 267–268.
Ultimately, even though the no-impeachment rule “may often exclude
the only possible evidence of misconduct,” relaxing the rule “would
open the door to the most pernicious arts and tampering with
jurors.”
Id., at 268 (internal quotation marks omitted).
The firm no-impeachment approach taken in
McDonald came
to be known as “the federal rule.” This approach categorically bars
testimony about jury deliberations, except where it is offered to
demonstrate that the jury was subjected to an extraneous influence
(for example, an attempt to bribe a juror).
Warger,
supra, at ___ (slip op., at 5);
Tanner,
supra,
at 117;[
2] see 27 Wright & Gold §6071, at
432–433.
Some jurisdictions, notably Iowa, adopted a more permissive
rule. Under the Iowa rule, jurors were generally permitted to
testify about any subject except their “subjective intentions and
thought processes in reaching a verdict.”
Warger,
supra, at ___ (slip op., at 4). Accordingly, the Iowa rule
allowed jurors to “testify as to events or conditions which might
have improperly influenced the verdict, even if these took place
during deliberations within the jury room.” 27 Wright & Gold
§6071, at 432.
Debate between proponents of the federal rule and the Iowa rule
emerged during the framing and adoption of Federal Rule of Evidence
606(b). Both sides had their supporters. The contending arguments
were heard and considered, and in the end the strict federal
approach was retained.
An early draft of the Advisory Committee on the Federal Rules of
Evidence included a version of the Iowa rule, 51 F. R. D.
315, 387–388 (1971). That draft was forcefully criticized,
however,[
3] and the Committee ultimately produced
a revised draft that retained the well-established federal
approach.
Tanner,
supra, at 122; see Committee on
Rules of Practice and Procedure of the Judicial Conference of the
United States, Revised Draft of Proposed Rules of Evidence for the
United States Courts and Magistrates 73 (Oct. 1971). Expressly
repudiating the Iowa rule, the new draft provided that jurors
generally could not testify “as to any matter or statement
occurring during the course of the jury’s deliberations.”
Ibid. This new version was approved by the Judicial
Conference and sent to this Court, which adopted the rule and
referred it to Congress. 56 F. R. D. 183, 265–266
(1972).
Initially, the House rejected this Court’s version of Rule
606(b) and instead reverted to the earlier (and narrower) Advisory
Committee draft.
Tanner,
supra, at 123; see
H. R. Rep. No. 93–650, pp. 9–10 (1973) (criticizing the
Supreme Court draft for preventing jurors from testifying about
“quotient verdict[s]” and other “irregularities which occurred in
the jury room”). In the Senate, however, the Judiciary Committee
favored this Court’s rule. The Committee Report observed that the
House draft broke with “long-accepted Federal law” by allowing
verdicts to be “challenge[d] on the basis of what happened during
the jury’s internal deliberations.” S. Rep. No. 93–1277, p. 13
(1974) (S. Rep.). In the view of the Senate Committee, the
House rule would have “permit[ted] the harassment of former jurors”
as well as “the possible exploitation of disgruntled or otherwise
badly-motivated ex-jurors.”
Id., at 14. This result would
have undermined the finality of verdicts, violated “common
fairness,” and prevented jurors from “function[ing] effectively.”
Ibid. The Senate rejected the House version of the rule and
returned to the Court’s rule. A Conference Committee adopted the
Senate version, see H. R. Conf. Rep. No. 93–1597, p. 8 (1974),
and this version was passed by both Houses and was signed into law
by the President.
As this summary shows, the process that culminated in the
adoption of Federal Rule of Evidence 606(b) was the epitome of
reasoned democratic rulemaking. The “distinguished, Supreme
Court-appointed” members of the Advisory Committee went through a
7-year drafting process, “produced two well-circulated drafts,” and
“considered numerous comments from persons involved in nearly every
area of court-related law.” Rothstein, The Proposed Amendments to
the Federal Rules of Evidence, 62 Geo. L. J. 125 (1973). The
work of the Committee was considered and approved by the
experienced appellate and trial judges serving on the Judicial
Conference and by our predecessors on this Court. After that, the
matter went to Congress, which “specifically understood,
considered, and rejected a version of [the rule] that would have
allowed jurors to testify on juror conduct during deliberations.”
Tanner, 483 U. S., at 125. The judgment of all these
participants in the process, which was informed by their assessment
of an empirical issue,
i.e., the effect that the competing
Iowa rule would have had on the jury system, is entitled to great
respect.
Colorado considered this same question, made the same judgment
as the participants in the federal process, and adopted a very
similar rule. In doing so, it joined the overwhelming majority of
States.
Ante, at 9. In the great majority of jurisdictions,
strong no-impeachment rules continue to be “viewed as both
promoting the finality of verdicts and insulating the jury from
outside influences.”
Warger, 574 U. S., at ___ (slip
op., at 4).
II
A
Recognizing the importance of Rule 606(b), this Court has twice
rebuffed efforts to create a Sixth Amendment exception—first in
Tanner and then, just two Terms ago, in
Warger.
The
Tanner petitioners were convicted of committing mail
fraud and conspiring to defraud the United States. 483 U. S.,
at 109–110, 112–113. After the trial, two jurors came forward with
disturbing stories of juror misconduct. One claimed that several
jurors “consumed alcohol during lunch breaks . . .
causing them to sleep through the afternoons.”
Id., at 113.
The second added that jurors also smoked marijuana and ingested
cocaine during the trial.
Id., at 115–116. This Court held
that evidence of this bacchanalia could properly be excluded under
Rule 606(b).
Id., at 127.
The Court noted that “[s]ubstantial policy considerations
support the common-law rule against the admission of jury testimony
to impeach a verdict.”
Id., at 119. While there is “little
doubt that postverdict investigation into juror misconduct would in
some instances lead to the invalidation of verdicts reached after
irresponsible or improper juror behavior,” the Court observed, it
is “not at all clear . . . that the jury system could
survive such efforts to perfect it.”
Id., at 120. Allowing
such post-verdict inquiries would “seriously disrupt the finality
of the process.”
Ibid. It would also undermine “full and
frank discussion in the jury room, jurors’ willingness to return an
unpopular verdict, and the community’s trust in a system that
relies on the decisions of laypeople.”
Id., at 120–121.
The
Tanner petitioners, of course, had a Sixth Amendment
right “to ‘a tribunal both impartial and mentally competent to
afford a hearing.’ ”
Id., at 126 (quoting
Jordan
v.
Massachusetts,225 U. S. 167,176 (1912)). The
question, however, was whether they also had a right to an
evidentiary hearing featuring “one particular kind of evidence
inadmissible under the Federal Rules.” 483 U. S., at 126–127.
Turning to that question, the Court noted again that
“long-recognized and very substantial concerns support the
protection of jury deliberations from intrusive inquiry.”
Id., at 127. By contrast, “[p]etitioners’ Sixth Amendment
interests in an unimpaired jury . . . [were] protected by
several aspects of the trial process.”
Ibid.
The Court identified four mechanisms that protect defendants’
Sixth Amendment rights. First, jurors can be “examined during
voir dire.
” Ibid. Second, “during the trial the jury
is observable by the court, by counsel, and by court personnel.”
Ibid. Third, “jurors are observable by each other, and may
report inappropriate juror behavior to the court
before they
render a verdict.”
Ibid. And fourth, “after the trial a
party may seek to impeach the verdict by nonjuror evidence of
misconduct.”
Ibid. These “other sources of protection of
petitioners’ right to a competent jury” convinced the Court that
the juror testimony was properly excluded.
Ibid.
Warger involved a negligence suit arising from a
motorcycle crash. 574 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 1). During
voir dire, the individual who eventually became the jury’s
foreperson said that she could decide the case fairly and
impartially.
Id., at ___ (slip op., at 2). After the jury
returned a verdict in favor of the defendant, one of the jurors
came forward with evidence that called into question the
truthfulness of the foreperson’s responses during
voir dire.
According to this juror, the foreperson revealed during the
deliberations that her daughter had once caused a deadly car crash,
and the foreperson expressed the belief that a lawsuit would have
ruined her daughter’s life.
Ibid.
In seeking to use this testimony to overturn the jury’s verdict,
the plaintiff’s primary contention was that Rule 606(b) does not
apply to evidence concerning a juror’s alleged misrepresentations
during
voir dire. If otherwise interpreted, the plaintiff
maintained, the rule would threaten his right to trial by an
impartial jury.[
4] The Court disagreed, in part
because “any claim that Rule 606(b) is unconstitutional in
circumstances such as these is foreclosed by our decision in
Tanner.”
Id., at ___ (slip op., at 10). The Court
explained that “[e]ven if jurors lie in
voir dire in a way
that conceals bias, juror impartiality is adequately assured by”
two of the other
Tanner safeguards: pre-verdict reports by
the jurors and non-juror evidence. 574 U. S., at ___ (slip
op., at 10).
Tanner and
Warger fit neatly into this Court’s
broader jurisprudence concerning the constitutionality of evidence
rules. As the Court has explained, “state and federal rulemakers
have broad latitude under the Constitution to establish rules
excluding evidence from criminal trials.”
Holmes v.
South
Carolina,547 U. S. 319,324 (2006) (internal quotation
marks and alteration omitted). Thus, evidence rules of this sort
have been invalidated only if they “serve no legitimate purpose or
. . . are disproportionate to the ends that they are
asserted to promote.”
Id., at 326.
Tanner and
Warger recognized that Rule 606(b) serves vital purposes and
does not impose a disproportionate burden on the jury trial
right.
Today, for the first time, the Court creates a constitutional
exception to no-impeachment rules. Specifically, the Court holds
that no-impeachment rules violate the Sixth Amendment to the extent
that they preclude courts from considering evidence of a juror’s
racially biased comments.
Ante, at 17. The Court attempts to
distinguish
Tanner and
Warger, but its efforts
fail.
Tanner and
Warger rested on two basic
propositions. First, no-impeachment rules advance crucial
interests. Second, the right to trial by an impartial jury is
adequately protected by mechanisms other than the use of juror
testimony regarding jury deliberations. The first of these
propositions applies regardless of the nature of the juror
misconduct, and the Court does not argue otherwise. Instead, it
contends that, in cases involving racially biased jurors, the
Tanner safeguards are less effective and the defendant’s
Sixth Amendment interests are more profound. Neither argument is
persuasive.
B
As noted above,
Tanner identified four “aspects of the
trial process” that protect a defendant’s Sixth Amendment rights:
(1)
voir dire; (2) observation by the court, counsel, and
court personnel; (3) pre-verdict reports by the jurors; and (4)
non-juror evidence. 483 U. S., at 127.[
5]
Although the Court insists that that these mechanisms “may be
compromised” in cases involving allegations of racial bias, it
addresses only two of them and fails to make a sustained argument
about either.
Ante, at 16.
1
First, the Court contends that the effectiveness of
voir
dire is questionable in cases involving racial bias because
pointed questioning about racial attitudes may highlight racial
issues and thereby exacerbate prejudice.
Ibid. It is far
from clear, however, that careful
voir dire cannot surmount
this problem. Lawyers may use questionnaires or individual
questioning of prospective jurors[
6] in order to
elicit frank answers that a juror might be reluctant to voice in
the presence of other prospective jurors.[
7]
More-over, practice guides are replete with advice on conducting
effective
voir dire on the subject of race. They outline a
variety of subtle and nuanced approaches that avoid pointed
questions.[
8] And of course, if an attorney is
concerned that a juror is concealing bias, a peremptory strike may
be used.[
9]
The suggestion that
voir dire is ineffective in
unearthing bias runs counter to decisions of this Court holding
that
voir dire on the subject of race is constitutionally
required in some cases, mandated as a matter of federal
supervi-sory authority in others, and typically advisable in any
case if a defendant requests it. See
Turner v.
Murray,476 U. S. 28–37 (1986);
Rosales-Lopez v.
United States,451 U. S. 182,192 (1981) (plurality
opinion);
Ristaino v.
Ross,424 U. S. 589,
n. 9 (1976). If
voir dire were not useful in
identifying racial prejudice, those decisions would be pointless.
Cf.
Turner,
supra, at 36 (plurality opinion) (noting
“the ease with which [the] risk [of racial bias] could have been
minimized” through
voir dire). Even the majority recognizes
the “advantages of careful
voir dire” as a “proces[s]
designed to prevent racial bias in jury deliberations.”
Ante, at 20. And reported decisions substantiate that
voir dire can be effective in this regard.
E.g.,
Brewer v
. Marshall, 119 F. 3d 993, 995–996 (CA1
1997);
United States v.
Hasting, 739 F. 2d 1269,
1271 (CA7 1984);
People v.
Harlan, 8 P. 3d 448,
500 (Colo. 2000); see Brief for Respondent 23–24, n. 7
(listing additional cases). Thus, while
voir dire is not a
magic cure, there are good reasons to think that it is a valuable
tool.
In any event, the critical point for present purposes is that
the effectiveness of
voir dire is a debatable empirical
proposition. Its assessment should be addressed in the process of
developing federal and state evidence rules. Federal and state
rulemakers can try a variety of approaches, and they can make
changes in response to the insights provided by experience and
research. The approach taken by today’s majority—imposing a federal
constitutional rule on the entire country—prevents experimentation
and makes change exceedingly hard.[
10]
2
The majority also argues—even more cursorily—that “racial bias
may make it difficult for a juror to report inappropriate
statements during the course of juror deliberations.”
Ante,
at 16. This is so, we are told, because it is difficult to “call
[another juror] a bigot.”
Ibid.
Since the Court’s decision mandates the admission of the
testimony of one juror about a statement made by another juror
during deliberations, what the Court must mean in making this
argument is that jurors are less willing to report biased comments
by fellow jurors prior to the beginning of deliberations (while
they are still sitting with the biased juror) than they are after
the verdict is announced and the jurors have gone home. But this is
also a questionable empirical assessment, and the Court’s
seat-of-the-pants judgment is no better than that of those with the
responsibility of drafting and adopting federal and state evidence
rules. There is no question that jurors
do report biased
comments made by fellow jurors prior to the beginning of
deliberations. See,
e.g., United States v.
McClinton,
135 F. 3d 1178, 1184–1185 (CA7 1998);
United States v.
Heller, 785 F. 2d 1524, 1525–1529 (CA11 1986);
Tavares v.
Holbrook, 779 F. 2d 1, 1–3 (CA1 1985)
(Breyer, J.); see Brief for Respondent 31–32, n. 10; Brief for
United States as
Amicus Curiae 31. And the Court marshals no
evidence that such pre-deliberation reporting is rarer than the
post-verdict variety.
Even if there is something to the distinction that the Court
makes between pre- and post-verdict reporting, it is debatable
whether the difference is significant enough to merit different
treatment. This is especially so because post-verdict reporting is
both more disruptive and may be the result of extraneous
influences. A juror who is ini-tially in the minority but is
ultimately persuaded by other jurors may have second thoughts after
the verdict is announced and may be angry with others on the panel
who pressed for unanimity. In addition, if a verdict is unpopular
with a particular juror’s family, friends, employer, co-workers, or
neighbors, the juror may regret his or her vote and may feel
pressured to rectify what the jury has done.
In short, the Court provides no good reason to depart from the
calculus made in
Tanner and
Warger. Indeed, the
majority itself uses hedged language and appears to recognize that
this “pragmatic” argument is something of a makeweight.
Ante, at 16–17 (noting that the argument is “not
dispositive”);
ante, at 16 (stating that the operation of
the safeguards “may be compromised, or they may prove
insufficient”).
III
A
The real thrust of the majority opinion is that the Constitution
is less tolerant of racial bias than other forms of juror
misconduct, but it is hard to square this argument with the nature
of the Sixth Amendment right on which petitioner’s argument and the
Court’s holding are based. What the Sixth Amendment protects is the
right to an “impartial jury.” Nothing in the text or history of the
Amendment or in the inherent nature of the jury trial right
suggests that the extent of the protection provided by the
Amendment depends on the nature of a jury’s partiality or bias. As
the Colorado Supreme Court aptly put it, it is hard to “discern a
dividing line between different
types of juror bias or
misconduct, whereby one form of partiality would implicate a
party’s Sixth Amendment right while another would not.” 350
P. 3d 287, 293 (2015).[
11]
Nor has the Court found any decision of this Court suggesting
that the Sixth Amendment recognizes some sort of hierarchy of
partiality or bias. The Court points to a line of cases holding
that, in some narrow circumstances, the Constitution requires trial
courts to conduct
voir dire on the subject of race. Those
decisions, however, were not based on a ranking of types of
partiality but on the Court’s conclusion that in certain cases
racial bias was especially likely. See
Turner, 476
U. S., at 38, n. 12 (plurality opinion) (requiring
voir dire on the subject of race where there is “a
particularly compelling need to inquire into racial prejudice”
because of a qualitatively higher “risk of racial bias”);
Ristaino, 424 U. S., at 596 (explaining that the
requirement applies only if there is a “constitutionally
significant likelihood that, absent questioning about racial
prejudice, the jurors would not be [impartial]”).[
12] Thus, this line of cases does not advance the
majority’s argument.
It is undoubtedly true that “racial bias implicates unique
historical, constitutional, and institutional concerns.”
Ante, at 16. But it is hard to see what that has to do with
the scope of an
individual criminal defendant’s Sixth
Amendment right to be judged impartially. The Court’s efforts to
reconcile its decision with
McDonald,
Tanner, and
Warger illustrate the problem. The Court writes that the
misconduct in those cases, while “troubling and unacceptable,” was
“anomalous.”
Ante, at 15. By contrast, racial bias, the
Court says, is a “familiar and recurring evil” that causes
“systemic injury to the administration of justice.”
Ante, at
15–16.
Imagine two cellmates serving lengthy prison terms. Both were
convicted for homicides committed in unrelated barroom fights. At
the trial of the first prisoner, a juror, during deliberations,
expressed animosity toward the defendant because of his race. At
the trial of the second prisoner, a juror, during deliberations,
expressed animos-ity toward the defendant because he was wearing
the jersey of a hated football team. In both cases, jurors come
forward after the trial and reveal what the biased juror said in
the jury room. The Court would say to the first prisoner: “You are
entitled to introduce the jurors’ testimony, because racial bias is
damaging to our society.” To the second, the Court would say: “Even
if you did not have an impartial jury, you must stay in prison
because sports rivalries are not a major societal issue.”
This disparate treatment is unsupportable under the Sixth
Amendment. If the Sixth Amendment requires the admission of juror
testimony about statements or conduct during deliberations that
show one type of juror partiality, then statements or conduct
showing any type of partiality should be treated the same way.
B
Recasting this as an equal protection case would not provide a
ground for limiting the holding to cases involving racial bias. At
a minimum, cases involving bias based on any suspect
classification—such as national origin[
13] or
religion[
14]—would merit equal treatment. So, I
think, would bias based on sex,
United States v
.
Virginia,518 U. S. 515,531 (1996), or the exercise of the
First Amendment right to freedom of expression or association. See
Regan v
. Taxation With Representation of
Washington,461 U. S. 540,545 (1983). Indeed, convicting a
defendant on the basis of any irrational classification would
violate the Equal Protection Clause.
Attempting to limit the damage worked by its decision, the Court
says that only “clear” expressions of bias must be admitted,
ante, at 17, but judging whether a statement is sufficiently
“clear” will often not be easy. Suppose that the allegedly biased
juror in this case never made reference to Peña-Rodriguez’s race or
national origin but said that he had a lot of experience with “this
macho type” and knew that men of this kind felt that they could get
their way with women. Suppose that other jurors testified that they
were certain that “this macho type” was meant to refer to Mexican
or Hispanic men. Many other similarly suggestive statements can
easily be imagined, and under today’s decision it will be difficult
for judges to discern the dividing line between those that are
“clear[ly]” based on racial or ethnic bias and those that are at
least somewhat ambiguous.
IV
Today’s decision—especially if it is expanded in the ways that
seem likely—will invite the harms that no-impeachment rules were
designed to prevent.
First, as the Court explained in
Tanner, “postverdict
scrutiny of juror conduct” will inhibit “full and frank discussion
in the jury room.” 483 U. S., at 120–121; see also
McDonald, 238 U. S., at 267–268 (warning that the use
of juror testimony about misconduct during deliberations would
“make what was intended to be a private deliberation, the constant
subject of public investigation—to the destruction of all frankness
and freedom of discussion and conference”). Or, as the Senate
Report put it: “[C]ommon fairness requires that absolute privacy be
preserved for jurors to engage in the full and free debate
necessary to the attainment of just verdicts. Jurors will not be
able to function effectively if their deliberations are to be
scrutinized in post-trial litigation.” S. Rep., at 14.
Today’s ruling will also prompt losing parties and their
friends, supporters, and attorneys to contact and seek to question
jurors, and this pestering may erode citizens’ willingness to serve
on juries. Many jurisdictions now have rules that prohibit or
restrict post-verdict contact with jurors, but whether those rules
will survive today’s decision is an open question—as is the effect
of this decision on privilege rules such as those noted at the
outset of this opinion.[
15]
Where post-verdict approaches are permitted or occur, there is
almost certain to be an increase in harassment, arm-twisting, and
outright coercion. See
McDonald, supra, at 267;
S. Rep., at 14 (explaining that a laxer rule “would permit the
harassment of former jurors by losing parties as well as the
possible exploitation of disgruntled or otherwise badly-motivated
ex-jurors”); 350 P. 3d, at 293. As one treatise explains, “[a]
juror who reluctantly joined a verdict is likely to be sympathetic
to overtures by the loser, and persuadable to the view that his own
consent rested on false or impermissible considerations, and the
truth will be hard to know.” 3 C. Mueller & L. Kirkpatrick,
Federal Evidence §6:16, p. 75 (4th ed. 2013).
The majority’s approach will also undermine the finality of
verdicts. “Public policy requires a finality to litigation.”
S. Rep., at 14. And accusations of juror bias—which may be
“raised for the first time days, weeks, or months after the
verdict”—can “seriously disrupt the finality of the process.”
Tanner,
supra, at 120. This threatens to “degrad[e]
the prominence of the trial itself” and to send the message that
juror misconduct need not be dealt with promptly.
Engle v.
Isaac,456 U. S. 107,127 (1982). See H. R. Conf.
Rep. No. 93–1597, at 8 (“The Conferees believe that jurors should
be encouraged to be conscientious in promptly reporting to the
court misconduct that occurs during jury deliberations”).
The Court itself acknowledges that strict no-impeachment rules
“promot[e] full and vigorous discussion,” protect jurors from
“be[ing] harassed or annoyed by litigants seeking to challenge the
verdict,” and “giv[e] stability and finality to verdicts.”
Ante, at 9. By the majority’s own logic, then, imposing
exceptions on no-impeachment rules will tend to defeat full and
vigorous discussion, expose jurors to harassment, and deprive
verdicts of stability.
The Court’s only response is that some jurisdictions already
make an exception for racial bias, and the Court detects no signs
of “a loss of juror willingness to engage in searching and candid
deliberations.”
Ante, at 19. One wonders what sort of
outward signs the Court would expect to see if jurors in these
jurisdictions do not speak as freely in the jury room as their
counterparts in jurisdictions with strict no-impeachment rules.
Gathering and assessing evidence regarding the quality of jury
deliberations in different jurisdictions would be a daunting
enterprise, and the Court offers no indication that anybody has
undertaken that task.
In short, the majority barely bothers to engage with the policy
issues implicated by no-impeachment rules. But even if it had
carefully grappled with those issues, it still would have no basis
for exalting its own judgment over that of the many expert
policymakers who have endorsed broad no-impeachment rules.
V
The Court’s decision is well-intentioned. It seeks to remedy a
flaw in the jury trial system, but as this Court said some years
ago, it is questionable whether our system of trial by jury can
endure this attempt to perfect it.
Tanner, 483 U. S.,
at 120.
I respectfully dissent.