SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
Nos. 14–46, 14–47, and 14–49
_________________
MICHIGAN, et al., PETITIONERS
14–46
v.
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY,
et al.
UTILITY AIR REGULATORY GROUP,
PETITIONER
14–47
v.
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY,
et al.
NATIONAL MINING ASSOCIATION,
PETITIONER
14–49
v.
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY,
et al.
on writs of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the district of columbia circuit
[June 29, 2015]
Justice Kagan, with whom Justice Ginsburg,
Justice Breyer, and Justice Sotomayor join,dissenting.
The Environmental Protection Agency placed
emissions limits on coal and oil power plants following a lengthy
regulatory process during which the Agency carefully considered
costs. At the outset, EPA determined that regulating plants’
emissions of hazardous air pollutants is “appropriate and
necessary” given the harm they cause, and explained that it would
take costs into account in developing suitable emissions standards.
Next, EPA divided power plants into groups based on technological
and other characteristics bearing significantly on their cost
structures. It required plants in each group to match the emissions
levels already achieved by the best-performing members of the same
group—benchmarks necessarily reflecting those plants’ own cost
analyses. EPA then adopted a host of measures designed to make
compliance with its proposed emissions limits less costly for
plants that needed to catch up with their cleaner peers. And with
only one narrow exception, EPA decided not to impose any more
stringent standards (beyond what some plants had already achieved
on their own) because it found that doing so would not be
cost-effective. After all that, EPA conducted a formal cost-benefit
study which found that the quantifiable benefits of its regulation
would exceed the costs up to nine times over—by as much as $80
billion each year. Those benefits include as many as 11,000 fewer
premature deaths annually, along with a far greater number of
avoided illnesses.
Despite that exhaustive consideration of costs,
the Court strikes down EPA’s rule on the ground that the Agency
“unreasonably . . . deemed cost irrelevant.”
Ante,
at 15. On the majority’s theory, the rule is invalid because EPA
did not explicitly analyze costs at the very first stage of the
regulatory process, when making its “appropriate and necessary”
finding. And that is so even though EPA later took costs into
account again and again and . . . so on. The majority
thinks entirely immaterial, and so entirely ignores, all the
subsequent times and ways EPA considered costs in deciding what any
regulation would look like.
That is a peculiarly blinkered way for a court
to assess the lawfulness of an agency’s rulemaking. I agree with
the majority—let there be no doubt about this—that EPA’s power
plant regulation would be unreasonable if “[t]he Agency gave cost
no thought
at all.”
Ante, at 5 (emphasis in
original). But that is just not what happened here. Over more than
a decade, EPA took costs into account at multiple stages and
through multiple means as it set emissions limits for power plants.
And when making its initial “appropriate and necessary” finding,
EPA knew it would do exactly that—knew it would thoroughly consider
the cost-effectiveness of emissions standards later on. That
context matters. The Agency acted well within its authority in
declining to consider costs at the opening bell of the regulatory
process given that it would do so in every round thereafter—and
given that the emissions limits finally issued would depend
crucially on those accountings. Indeed, EPA could not have measured
costs at the process’s initial stage with any accuracy. And the
regulatory path EPA chose parallels the one it has trod in setting
emissions limits, at Congress’s explicit direction, for every other
source of hazardous air pollutants over two decades. The majority’s
decision that EPA cannot take the same approach here—its
micromanagement of EPA’s rulemaking, based on little more than the
word “appropriate”—runs counter to Congress’s allocation of
authority between the Agency and the courts. Because EPA reasonably
found that it was “appropriate” to decline to analyze costs at a
single stage of a regulatory proceeding otherwise imbued with cost
concerns, I respectfully dissent
I
A
The Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990, as the
majority describes, obligate EPA to regulate emissions of mercury
and other hazardous air pollutants from stationary sources
discharging those substances in large quantities. See
ante,
at 2. For most industries, the statute prescribes the same
multi-step regulatory process. At the initial stage, EPA must
decide whether to regulate a source, based solely on the quantity
of pollutants it emits and their health and environmental effects.
See 42 U. S. C. §§7412(a)(1), (a)(2), (c)(1), (c)(3);
ante, at 2. Costs enter the equation after that, affecting
the emissions limits that the eventual regulation will require.
Under the statute, EPA must divide sources into categories and
subcategories and then set “floor standards” that reflect the
average emissions level already achieved by the best-performing 12%
of sources within each group. See §7412(d)(3);
ante, at 3.
Every 12% floor has cost concerns built right into it because the
top sources, as successful actors in a market economy, have had to
consider costs in choosing their own emissions levels. Moreover, in
establishing categories and subcategories at this first stage, EPA
can (significantly) raise or lower the costs of regulation for each
source, because different classification schemes will alter the
group—and so the emissions level—that the source has to
match.[
1] Once the floor is
set, EPA has to decide whether to impose any stricter
(“beyond-the-floor”) standards, “taking into consideration,” among
other things, “the cost of achieving such emissions reduction.”
§7412(d)(2); see
ante, at 3. Finally, by virtue of a
longstanding Executive Order applying to significant rules issued
under the Clean Air Act (as well as other statutes), the Agency
must systematically assess the regulation’s costs and benefits. See
Exec. Order No. 12866, 58 Fed. Reg. 51735, 51738, 51741 (1993)
(applying to all rules with an annual economic effect of at least
$100 million).
Congress modified that regulatory scheme for
power plants. It did so because the 1990 amendments established a
separate program to control power plant emissions contributing to
acid rain, and many thought that just by complying with those
requirements, plants might reduce their emissions of hazardous air
pollutants to acceptable levels. See
ante, at 2. That
prospect counseled a “wait and see” approach, under which EPA would
give the Act’s acid rain provisions a chance to achieve that side
benefit before imposing any further regulation. Accord-ingly,
Congress instructed EPA to “perform a study of the hazards to
public health reasonably anticipated” to result from power plants’
emissions after the 1990 amendments had taken effect.
§7412(n)(1)(A). And Congress provided that EPA “shall regulate”
those emissions only if the Agency “finds such regulation is
appropriate and necessary after considering the results of the
[public health] study.”
Ibid. Upon making such a finding,
however, EPA is to regulate power plants as it does every other
stationary source: first, by categorizing plants and setting floor
standards for the different groups; then by deciding whether to
regulate beyond the floors; and finally, by conducting the
cost-benefit analysis required by Executive Order.
EPA completed the mandated health study in 1998,
and the results gave much cause for concern. The Agency concluded
that implementation of the acid rain provisions had failed to curb
power plants’ emissions of hazardous air pollutants. Indeed, EPA
found, coal plants were on track to increase those emissions by as
much as 30% over the next decade. See 1 EPA, Study of Hazardous Air
Pollutant Emissions from Electric Utility Steam Generating
Units—Final Report to Congress, p. ES–25 (1998). And EPA
determined, focusing especially on mercury, that the substances
released from power plants cause substantial health harms. Noting
that those plants are “the largest [non-natural] source of mercury
emissions,”
id., §1.2.5.1, at 1–7, EPA found that children
of mothers exposed to high doses of mercury during pregnancy “have
exhibited a variety of developmental neurological abnormalities,”
including delayed walking and talking, altered muscles, and
cerebral palsy.
Id., §7.2.2, at 7–17 to 7–18; see also 7
EPA, Mercury Study Report to Congress, p. 6–31 (1997) (Mercury
Study) (estimating that 7% of women of childbearing age are exposed
to mercury in amounts exceeding a safe level).
Informed by its public health study and
additional data, EPA found in 2000 that it is “appropriate and
necessary” to regulate power plants’ emissions of mercury and other
hazardous air pollutants. 65 Fed. Reg. 79830.[
2] Pulling apart those two adjectives, the Agency
first stated that such regulation is “appropriate” because those
pollutants “present[ ] significant hazards to public health
and the environment” and because “a number of control options” can
“effectively reduce” their emission.
Ibid. EPA then
determined that regulation is “necessary” because other parts of
the 1990 amendments—most notably, the acid rain provisions—“will
not adequately address” those hazards.
Ibid. In less
bureaucratic terms, EPA decided that it made sense to kick off the
regulatory process given that power plants’ emissions pose a
serious health problem, that solutions to the problem are
available, and that the problem will remain unless action is
taken.
B
If the regulatory process ended as well as
started there, I would agree with the majority’s conclusion that
EPA failed to adequately consider costs. Cost is almost always a
relevant—and usually, a highly important—factor in regulation.
Unless Congress provides otherwise, an agency acts unreasonably in
establishing “a standard-setting proc-ess that ignore[s] economic
considerations.”
Industrial Union Dept., AFL–CIO v.
American Petroleum Institute, 448 U. S. 607, 670 (1980)
(Powell, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). At a
minimum, that is because such a process would “threaten[ ] to
impose massive costs far in excess of any benefit.”
Entergy
Corp. v.
Riverkeeper, Inc., 556 U. S. 208, 234 (2009)
(Breyer, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). And
accounting for costs is particularly important “in an age of
limited resources available to deal with grave environmental
problems, where too much wasteful expenditure devoted to one
problem may well mean considerably fewer resources available to
deal effectively with other (perhaps more serious) problems.”
Id., at 233; see
ante, at 7. As the Court notes, that
does not require an agency to conduct a formal cost-benefit
analysis of every administrative action. See
ante, at 14.
But (absent contrary indication from Congress) an agency must take
costs into account in some manner before imposing significant
regulatory burdens.
That proposition, however, does not decide the
issue before us because the “appropriate and necessary” finding was
only the beginning. At that stage, EPA knew that a lengthy
rulemaking process lay ahead of it; the determination of emissions
limits was still years away. And the Agency, in making its kick-off
finding, explicitly noted that consideration of costs would follow:
“As a part of developing a regulation” that would impose those
limits, “the effectiveness and costs of controls will be examined.”
65 Fed. Reg. 79830. Likewise, EPA explained that, in the course of
writing its regulation, it would explore regula-tory approaches
“allowing for least-cost solutions.”
Id., at 79830–79831.
That means the Agency, when making its “appropriate and necessary”
finding, did not decline to consider costs as part of the
regulatory process. Rather, it declined to consider costs at a
single stage of that process, knowing that they would come in later
on.
The only issue in these cases, then, is whether
EPA acted reasonably in structuring its regulatory process in that
way—in making its “appropriate and necessary finding” based on
pollution’s harmful effects and channeling cost considerations to
phases of the rulemaking in which emission levels are actually set.
Said otherwise, the question is not whether EPA can reasonably find
it “appropriate” to regulate without thinking about costs, full
stop. It cannot, and it did not. Rather, the question is whether
EPA can reasonably find it “appropriate” to trigger the regulatory
process based on harms (and technological feasibility) alone, given
that costs will come into play, in multiple ways and at multiple
stages, before any emission limit goes into effect.
In considering that question, the very nature of
the word “appropriate” matters. “[T]he word ‘appropriate,’ ”
this Court has recognized, “is inherently context-dependent”:
Giving it content requires paying attention to the surrounding
circumstances.
Sossamon v.
Texas, 563 U. S. 277 , ___
(2011) (slip op., at 7). (That is true, too, of the word
“necessary,” although the majority spends less time on it. See
Armour & Co. v.
Wantock, 323 U. S. 126 –130
(1944) (“[T]he word ‘necessary’ . . . has always been recognized as
a word to be harmonized with its context”).) And here that means
considering the place of the “appropriate and necessary” finding in
the broader regulatory scheme—as a triggering mechanism that gets a
complex rulemaking going. The interpretive task is thus at odds
with the majority’s insistence on staring fixedly “at
this
stage.”
Ante, at 11 (emphasis in original). The task instead
demands taking account of the entire regulatory process in thinking
about what is “appropriate” in its first phase. The statutory
language, in other words, is a directive to remove one’s blinders
and view things whole—to consider what it is fitting to do at the
threshold stage given what will happen at every other.
And that instruction is primarily given to EPA,
not to courts: Judges may interfere only if the Agency’s way of
ordering its regulatory process is unreasonable—
i.e.,
something Congress would never have allowed. The question here, as
in our seminal case directing courts to defer to agency
interpretations of their own statutes, arises “not in a sterile
textual vacuum, but in the context of implementing policy decisions
in a technical and complex arena.”
Chevron U. S. A.
Inc. v.
Natural Resources DefenseCouncil, Inc., 467
U. S. 837, 863 (1984) . EPA’s experience and expertise in that
arena—and courts’ lack of those attributes—demand that judicial
review proceed with caution and care. The majority actually phrases
this principle well, though honors it only in the breach: Within
wide bounds, it is “up to the Agency to decide . . . how
to account for cost.”
Ante, at 14. That judges might have
made different regulatory choices—might have considered costs in
different ways at different times—will not suffice to overturn
EPA’s action where Congress, as here, chose not to speak directly
to those matters, but to leave them to the Agency to decide.
All of that means our decision here properly
rests on something the majority thinks irrelevant: an understanding
of the full regulatory process relating to power plants and of
EPA’s reasons for considering costs only after making its initial
“appropriate and necessary” finding. I therefore turn to those
issues, to demonstrate the simple point that should resolve these
cases: that EPA, in regulating power plants’ emissions of hazardous
air pollutants, accounted for costs in a reasonable way.
II
A
In the years after its “appropriate and
necessary” finding, EPA made good on its promise to account for
costs “[a]s a part of developing a regulation.” 65 Fed. Reg. 79830;
see
supra, at 7. For more than a decade, as EPA deliberated
on and then set emissions limits, costs came into the calculus at
nearly every turn. Reflecting that consideration, EPA’s final rule
noted that steps taken during the regulatory process had focused on
“flexib[ility] and cost-effective[ness]” and had succeeded in
making “the rule less costly and compliance more readily
manageable.” 77 Fed. Reg. 9306, 9376. And the regulation concluded
that “the benefits of th[e] rule” to public health and the
environment “far outweigh the costs.”
Id., at 9306.
Consistent with the statutory framework, EPA
initially calculated floor standards: emissions levels of the
best-performing 12% of power plants in a given category or
subcategory. The majority misperceives this part of the rulemaking
process. It insists that EPA “must promulgate certain
. . . floor standards no matter the cost.”
Ante,
at 11. But that ignores two crucial features of the top-12% limits:
first, the way in which any such standard intrinsically accounts
for costs, and second, the way in which the Agency’s categorization
decisions yield different standards for plants with different cost
structures.
The initial point is a fact of life in a market
economy: Costs necessarily play a role in any standard that uses
power plants’ existing emissions levels as a benchmark. After all,
the best-performing 12% of power plants must have considered costs
in arriving at their emissions outputs; that is how profit-seeking
enterprises make decisions. And in doing so, they must have
selected achievable levels; else, they would have gone out of
business. (The same would be true even if other regulations
influenced some of those choices, as the majority casually
speculates. See
ante, at 13.) Indeed, this automatic
accounting for costs is why Congress adopted a market-leader-based
standard. As the Senate Report accompanying the 1990 amendments
explained: “Cost considerations are reflected in the selection of
emissions limitations which have been achieved in practice (rather
than those which are merely theoretical) by sources of a similar
type or character.” S. Rep. No. 101–228, pp. 168–169 (1989).
Of course, such a standard remains technology-forcing: It requires
laggards in the industry to catch up with frontrunners, sometimes
at significant expense. But the benchmark is, by definition, one
that some power plants have achieved economically. And when EPA
made its “appropriate and necessary” finding, it knew that
fact—knew that the consequence of doing so was to generate floor
standards with cost considerations baked right in.
Still more, EPA recognized that in making
categorization decisions, it could take account of multiple factors
related to costs of compliance—and so avoid impracticable
regulatory burdens. Suppose, to use a simple example, that curbing
emissions is more technologically difficult—and therefore more
costly—for plants burning coal than for plants burning oil. EPA can
then place those two types of plants in different categories, so
that coal plants need only match other coal plants rather than
having to incur the added costs of meeting the top oil plants’
levels. Now multiply and complexify that example many times over.
As the Agency noted when making its “appropriate and necessary”
finding, EPA “build[s] flexibility” into the regulatory regime by
“bas[ing] subcategorization on . . . the size of a
facility; the type of fuel used at the facility; and the plant
type,” and also “may consider other relevant factors such as
geographic conditions.” 65 Fed. Reg. 79830; see S. Rep. No.
101–228, at 166 (listing similar factors and noting that “[t]he
proper definition of categories . . . will assure maximum
protection of public health and the environment while minimizing
costs imposed on the regulated community”). Using that
classification tool, EPA can ensure that plants have to attain only
the emissions levels previously achieved by peers facing comparable
cost constraints, so as to further protect plants from unrealistic
floor standards.
And that is exactly what EPA did over the course
of its rulemaking process, insisting on apples-to-apples
comparisons that bring floor standards within reach of diverse
kinds of power plants. Even in making its “appropriate and
necessary” finding, the Agency announced it would divide plants
into the two categories mentioned above: “coal-fired” and
“oil-fired.” 65 Fed. Reg. 79830.[
3] Then, as the rulemaking progressed, EPA went further.
Noting that different technologies significantly affect the ease of
attaining a given emissions level, the Agency’s proposed rule
subdivided those two classes into five: plants designed to burn
high-rank coal; plants designed to burn low-rank virgin coal;
plants that run on a technology termed integrated gasification
combined cycle; liquid oil units; and solid oil units. See 76 Fed.
Reg. 25036–25037. EPA explained that by subcategorizing in that
way, it had spared many plants the need to “retrofit[ ],”
“redesign[ ],” or make other “extensive changes” to their
facilities.
Id., at 25036. And in its final rule, EPA
further refined its groupings in ways that eased compliance. Most
notably, the Agency established a separate subcategory, and
attendant (less stringent) floor, for plants in Hawaii, Puerto
Rico, Guam, and the Virgin Islands on the ground that plants in
those places have “minimal control over the quality of available
fuel[ ] and disproportionately high operational and
maintenance costs.” 77 Fed. Reg. 9401.[
4]
Even after establishing multiple floor standards
that factored in costs, EPA adopted additional “compliance options”
to “minimize costs” associated with attaining a given floor—just as
its “appropriate and necessary” finding explicitly contemplated.
Id., at 9306; 76 Fed. Reg. 25057; see 65 Fed. Reg. 79830.
For example, the Agency calculated each floor as both an
“input-based” standard (based on emissions per unit of energy
used) and an“output-based” standard (based on emissions per
unit of use-ful energy
produced), and allowed plants to
choose which standard they would meet. That option, EPA explained,
can “result in . . . reduced compliance costs.” 76 Fed.
Reg. 25063. Similarly, EPA allowed plants to meet a given 12% floor
by averaging emissions across all units at the same site, instead
of having to meet the floor at each unit. Some plants, EPA
understood, would find such averaging a “less costly alternative.”
77 Fed. Reg. 9385. Yet again: EPA permitted “limited use”
plants—those primarily burning natural gas but sometimes switching
to oil—to comply with the final rule by meeting qualitative “work
practice standards” rather than numeric emissions limits.
Id., at 9400–9401. EPA explained that it would be
“economically impracticable” for those plants to demonstrate
compliance through emissions testing, and that an alternative
standard, focused on their adoption of pollution control
techniques, would allow them to both reduce emissions and avoid
“extra cost.”
Id., at 9401. And the list goes on. See,
e.g.,
id., at 9409–9410 (allowing extra year for
plants to comply with emissions limits where “source-specific
construction, permitting, or labor, procurement or resource
challenges” arise);
id., at 9417 (describing additional
“compliance options”).
With all that cost-consideration under its belt,
EPA next assessed whether to set beyond-the-floor standards, and
here too, as it knew it would, the Agency took costs into account.
For the vast majority of coal and oil plants, EPA decided that
beyond-the-floor standards would not be “reasonable after
considering costs.”
Id., at 9331. The Agency set such a
standard for only a single kind of plant, and only after
determining that the technology needed to meet the more lenient
limit would also achieve the more stringent one. See
id., at
9393; 76 Fed. Reg. 25046–25047. Otherwise, EPA determined, the
market-leader-based standards were enough.
Finally, as required by Executive Order and as
anticipated at the time of the “appropriate and necessary” finding,
EPA conducted a formal cost-benefit analysis of its new emissions
standards and incorporated those findings into its proposed and
final rules. See
id., at 25072–25078; 77 Fed. Reg.
9305–9306, 9424–9432. That analysis estimated that the regulation’s
yearly costs would come in at under $10 billion, while its annual
measureable benefits would total many times more—between $37 and
$90 billion. See
id., at 9305–9306;
ante, at 4. On
the costs side, EPA acknowledged that plants’ compliance with the
rule would likely cause electricity prices to rise by about 3%, but
projected that those prices would remain lower than they had been
as recently as 2010. See 77 Fed. Reg. 9413–9414. EPA also thought
the rule’s impact on jobs would be about a wash, with jobs lost at
some high-emitting plants but gained both at cleaner plants and in
the pollution control industry. See
ibid. On the benefits
side, EPA noted that it could not quantify many of the health gains
that would result from reduced mercury exposure. See
id., at
9306. But even putting those aside, the rule’s annual benefits
would include between 4,200 and 11,000 fewer premature deaths from
respiratory and cardiovascular causes, 3,100 fewer emergency room
visits for asthmatic children, 4,700 fewer non-fatal heart attacks,
and 540,000 fewer days of lost work. See
id., at 9429.
Those concrete findings matter to these
cases—which, after all, turn on whether EPA reasonably took costs
into account in regulating plants’ emissions of hazardous air
pollutants. The majority insists that it may ignore EPA’s
cost-benefit analysis because “EPA did not rely on” it when issuing
the initial “appropriate and necessary” finding.
Ante, at 15
(quoting Solicitor General); see also
SEC v.
Chenery
Corp., 318 U. S. 80 –94 (1943). At one level, that
description is true—indeed, a simple function of chronology: The
kick-off finding preceded the cost-benefit analysis by years and so
could not have taken its conclusions into account. But more
fundamentally, the majority’s account is off, because EPA knew when
it made that finding that it would consider costs at every
subsequent stage, culminating in a formal cost-benefit study. And
EPA knew that, absent unusual circumstances, the rule would need to
pass that cost-benefit review in order to issue. See Exec. Order
No. 12866, 58 Fed. Reg. 51736 (“Each agency shall . . .
adopt a regulation only upon a reasoned determination that the
benefits of the intended regulation justify its costs”). The
reasonableness of the Agency’s decision to consider only the harms
of emissions at the threshold stage must be evaluated in that
broader context. And in thinking about that issue, it is well to
remember the outcome here: a rule whose benefits exceed its costs
by three to nine times. In making its “appropriate and necessary”
finding, EPA had committed to assessing and mitigating costs
throughout the rest of its rulemaking; if nothing else, the
findings of the Agency’s cost-benefit analysis—making clear that
the final emissions standards were cost-effective—show that EPA did
just that.
B
Suppose you were in charge of designing a
regulatory process. The subject matter—an industry’s emissions of
hazardous material—was highly complex, involving multivarious
factors demanding years of study. Would you necessarily try to do
everything at once? Or might you try to break down this lengthy and
complicated process into discrete stages? And might you consider
different factors, in different ways, at each of those junctures? I
think you might. You know that everything must get done in the
end—every relevant factor considered. But you tend to think that
“in the end” does not mean “in the beginning.” And you structure
your rulemaking process accordingly, starting with a threshold
determination that does not mirror your end-stage analysis. Would
that be at least (which is all it must be) a “reasonable policy
choice”?
Chevron, 467 U. S., at 845.
That is the question presented here, and it
nearly answers itself. Setting emissions levels for hazardous air
pollutants is necessarily a lengthy and complicated process,
demanding analysis of many considerations over many years. Costs
are a key factor in that process: As I have said, sensible
regulation requires careful scrutiny of the burdens that potential
rules impose. See
supra, at 6–7. But in ordering its
regulatory process, EPA knew it would have the opportunity to
consider costs in one after another of that rulemaking’s stages—in
setting the level of floor standards, in providing a range of
options for plants to meet them, in deciding whether or where to
require limits beyond the floor, and in finally completing a formal
cost-benefit analysis. See 65 Fed. Reg. 79830–79831;
supra,
at 9–15. Given that context, EPA reasonably decided that it was
“appropriate”—once again, the only statutory requirement relevant
here—to trigger the regulatory process based on the twin findings
that the emissions in question cause profound health and
environmental harms and that available pollution control
technologies can reduce those emissions. By making that decision,
EPA did no more than commit itself to developing a realistic and
cost-effective regulation—a rule that would take account of every
relevant factor, costs and benefits alike. And indeed, particular
features of the statutory scheme here indicate that EPA’s policy
choice was not just a minimally reasonable option but an eminently
reasonable one.
To start, that decision brought EPA’s regulation
of power plants into sync with its regulation of every other
significant source of hazardous pollutants under the Clean Air Act.
For all those types of sources (totaling over 100), the Act
instructs EPA to make the threshold decision to regulate based
solely on the quantity and effects of pollutants discharged; costs
enter the picture afterward, when the Agency takes up the task of
actually establishing emissions limits. See
supra, at 3–4.
Industry after industry, year after year, EPA has followed that
approach to standard-setting, just as Congress contemplated. See,
e.g., 58 Fed. Reg. 49354 (1993) (dry cleaning facilities);
59 Fed. Reg. 64303 (1994) (gasoline distributors); 60 Fed. Reg.
45948 (1995) (aerospace manufacturers). And apparently with
considerable success. At any rate, neither those challenging this
rule nor the Court remotely suggests that these regulatory regimes
have done “significantly more harm than good.”
Ante, at 7.
So when making its “appropriate and necessary” finding for power
plants, EPA had good reason to continue in the same vein. See,
e.g.,
Entergy, 556 U. S., at 236 (opinion of
Breyer, J.) (noting that the reasonableness of an agency’s approach
to considering costs rests in part on whether that tack has met
“with apparent success in the past”). And that is exactly how EPA
explained its choice. Stating that it would consider the “costs of
controls” when “developing a regulation,” the Agency noted that
such an “approach has helped build flexibility in meeting
environmental objectives in the past,” thereby preventing the
imposition of disproportionate costs. 65 Fed. Reg. 79830. Indeed,
as EPA further commented in issuing its rule, it would seem
“inequitable to impose a regulatory regime on every industry in
Amer-ica and then to exempt one category” after finding it
repre-sented “a significant part of the air toxics problem.” 77
Fed. Reg. 9322 (quoting 136 Cong. Rec. 36062 (1990) (statement of
Sen. Durenberger)).
The majority’s attempt to answer this point
founders on even its own statement of facts. The majority objects
that “the whole point of having a separate provision about power
plants” is to “treat[ ] power plants
differently from
other stationary sources.”
Ante, at 11 (emphasis in
original). But turn back about 10 pages, and read what the majority
says about
why Congress treated power plants differently:
because, as all parties agree, separate regulatory requirements
involving acid rain “were expected to have the collateral effect of
reducing power plants’ emissions of hazardous air pollutants,
although the extent of the reduction was unclear.”
Ante, at
2; see
supra, at 4–5. For that reason alone (the majority
does not offer any other), Congress diverted EPA from its usual
regulatory path, instructing the Agency, as a preliminary matter,
to complete and consider a study about the residual harms to public
health arising from those emissions. See
ante, at 2–3;
supra, at 5. But once EPA found in its study that the acid
rain provisions would not significantly affect power plants’
emissions of hazardous pollutants, any rationale for treating power
plants differently from other sources discharging the same
substances went up in smoke. See 65 Fed. Reg. 79830. At that point,
the Agency would have had far more explaining to do if, rather than
following a well-tested model, it had devised a new scheme of
regulation for power plants only.
Still more, EPA could not have accurately
assessed costs at the time of its “appropriate and necessary”
finding. See 8 Mercury Study, at 6–2 (noting the “many
uncertainties” in any early-stage analysis of pollution control
costs). Under the statutory scheme, that finding comes before—years
before—the Agency designs emissions standards. And until EPA knows
what standards it will establish, it cannot know what costs they
will impose. Nor can those standards even be reasonably
guesstimated at such an early stage. Consider what it takes to set
floor standards alone. First, EPA must divide power plants into
categories and subcategories; as explained earlier, those
classification decisions significantly affect what floors are
established. See
supra, at 4, and n. 1, 11–12. And
then, EPA must figure out the average emissions level already
achieved by the top 12% in each class so as to set the new
standards. None of that can realistically be accomplished in
advance of the Agency’s regulatory process: Indeed, those steps are
the very stuff of the rulemaking. Simi-larly, until EPA knows what
“compliance options” it will develop, it cannot know how they will
mitigate the costs plants must incur to meet the floor standards.
See
supra, at 13–14. And again, deciding on those options
takes substantial time. So there is good reason for different
considerations to go into the threshold finding than into the final
rule. Simply put, calculating costs before starting to write a
regulation would put the cart before the horse.
III
The central flaw of the majority opinion is
that it ignores everything but one thing EPA did. It forgets that
EPA’s “appropriate and necessary” finding was only a first step
which got the rest of the regulatory process rolling. It narrows
its field of vision to that finding in isolation, with barely a
glance at all the ways in which EPA later took costs into account.
See
supra, at 10–11 (in establishing floor standards);
supra, at 13–14 (in adopting compliance options);
supra, at 14 (in deciding whether to regulate beyond the
floor);
supra, at 14–15 (in conducting a formal cost-benefit
analysis as a final check). In sum, the major-ity disregards how
consideration of costs infused the regulatory process, resulting
not only in EPA’s adoption of mitigation measures,
ante, at
13–14, but also in EPA’s crafting of emissions standards that
succeed in producing benefits many times their price.
That mistake accounts for the majority’s primary
argument that the word “appropriate,” as used in §7412(n)(1)(A),
demands consideration of costs. See
ante, at 6–7. As I have
noted, that would be true if the “appropriate and necessary”
finding were the only step before imposing regulations on power
plants. See
supra, at 6–7. But, as should be more than clear
by now, it was just the first of many: Under the Clean Air Act, a
long road lay ahead in which the Agency would have more—and far
better—opportunities to evaluate the costs of diverse emissions
standards on power plants, just as it did on all other sources. See
supra, at 4, 7, 9–15. EPA well understood that fact: “We
evaluate the terms ‘appropriate’ and ‘necessary,’ ” it
explained, in light of their “statutory context.” 76 Fed. Reg.
24986. And EPA structured its regulatory process accordingly, with
consideration of costs coming (multiple times) after the threshold
finding. The only way the majority can cast that choice as
unreasonable, given the deference this Court owes to such agency
decisions, is to blind itself to the broader rulemaking scheme.
The same fault inheres in the majority’s
secondary argument that EPA engaged in an “interpretive
gerrymander[ ]” by considering environmental effects but not
costs in making its “appropriate and necessary” finding.
Ante, at 8–9. The majority notes—quite rightly—that Congress
called for EPA to examine both subjects in a study of mercury
emissions from all sources (separate from the study relating to
power plants’ emissions alone). See
ante, at 8. And the
majority states—again, rightly—that Congress’s demand for that
study “provides direct evidence that Congress was concerned with
[both] environmental effects [and] cost.”
Ante, at 9
(internal quotation marks omitted). But nothing follows from that
fact, because EPA too was concerned with both. True enough, EPA
assessed the two at different times: environmental harms (along
with health harms) at the threshold, costs afterward. But that was
for the very reasons earlier described: because EPA wanted to treat
power plants like other sources and because it thought harms, but
not costs, could be accurately measured at that early stage. See
supra, at 17–20. Congress’s simple request for a study of
mercury emissions in no way conflicts with that choice of when and
how to consider both harms and costs. Once more, the majority
perceives a conflict only because it takes so partial a view of the
regulatory process.
And the identical blind spot causes the
majority’s sports-car metaphor to run off the road. The majority
likens EPA to a hypothetical driver who decides that “it is
‘appropriate’ to buy a Ferrari without thinking about cost, because
he plans to think about cost later when deciding whether to upgrade
the sound system.”
Ante, at 11. The comparison is witty but
wholly inapt. To begin with, emissions limits are not a luxury
good: They are a safety measure, designed to curtail the
significant health and environmental harms caused by power plants
spewing hazardous pollutants. And more: EPA knows from past
experience and expertise alike that it will have the opportunity to
purchase that good in a cost-effective way. A better analogy might
be to a car owner who decides without first checking prices that it
is “appropriate and necessary” to replace her worn-out brake-pads,
aware from prior experience that she has ample time to
comparison-shop and bring that purchase within her budget. Faced
with a serious hazard and an available remedy, EPA moved forward
like that sensible car owner, with a promise that it would, and
well-grounded confidence that it could, take costs into account
down the line.
That about does it for the majority’s opinion,
save for its final appeal to
Chenery—and
Chenery
cannot save its holding. See
ante, at 14. Of course a court
may not uphold agency action on grounds different from those the
agency gave. See
Chenery, 318 U. S., at 87. But
equally, a court may not strike down agency action without
considering the reasons the agency gave.
Id., at 95. And
that is what the majority does. Indeed, it is difficult to know
what agency document the majority is reading. It denies that “EPA
said . . . that cost-benefit analysis would be deferred
until later.”
Ante, at 13. But EPA said exactly that: The
“costs of controls,” the Agency promised, “will be examined” as “a
part of developing a regulation.” 65 Fed. Reg. 79830. Tellingly,
these words appear nowhere in the majority’s opinion. But what are
they other than a statement that cost concerns, contra the
majority, are
not “irrelevant,”
ante, at 13 (without
citation)—that they are simply going to come in later?
And for good measure, EPA added still extra
explanation. In its “appropriate and necessary” finding, the Agency
committed to exploring “least-cost solutions” in “devel-oping a
standard for utilities.” 65 Fed. Reg. 79830. The Agency explained
that such an approach—particularly mentioning the use of averaging
and subcategorization—had offered “opportunit[ies] for lower cost
solutions” and “helped build flexibility in meeting environmental
objectives in the past.”
Ibid.; see
supra, at 7,
18
. Then, in issuing its proposed and final rules, EPA
affirmed that it had done just what it said. EPA recognized that
standard-setting must “allow the industry to make practical
investment decisions that minimize costs.” 76 Fed. Reg. 25057.
Accordingly, the Agency said, it had “provid[ed] flexibility and
compliance options” so as to make the rule “less costly” for
regulated parties. 77 Fed. Reg. 9306. EPA added that it had
rejected beyond-the-floor standards for almost all power plants
because they would not be “reasonable after considering costs.”
Id., at 9331. And it showed the results of a formal analysis
finding that the rule’s costs paled in comparison to its benefits.
In sum, EPA concluded, it had made the final standards
“cost-efficient.”
Id., at 9434. What more would the majority
have EPA say?
IV
Costs matter in regulation. But when Congress
does not say how to take costs into account, agencies have broad
discretion to make that judgment. Accord,
ante, at 14
(noting that it is “up to the Agency to decide (as always, within
the limits of reasonable interpretation) how to account for cost”).
Far more than courts, agencies have the expertise and experience
necessary to design regula-tory processes suited to “a technical
and complex arena.”
Chevron, 467 U. S., at 863. And in
any event, Congress has entrusted such matters to them, not to
us.
EPA exercised that authority reasonably and
responsibly in setting emissions standards for power plants. The
Agency treated those plants just as it had more than 100 other
industrial sources of hazardous air pollutants, at Congress’s
direction and with significant success. It made a threshold finding
that regulation was “appropriate and necessary” based on the harm
caused by power plants’ emissions and the availability of
technology to reduce them. In making that finding, EPA knew that
when it decided what a regulation would look like—what emissions
standards the rule would actually set—the Agency would consider
costs. Indeed, EPA expressly promised to do so. And it fulfilled
that promise. The Agency took account of costs in setting floor
standards as well as in thinking about beyond-the-floor standards.
It used its full kit of tools to minimize the expense of complying
with its proposed emissions limits. It capped the regulatory
proc-ess with a formal analysis demonstrating that the bene-fits of
its rule would exceed the costs many times over. In sum, EPA
considered costs all over the regulatory process, except in making
its threshold finding—when it could not have measured them
accurately anyway. That approach is wholly consonant with the
statutory scheme. Its adoption was “up to the Agency to decide.”
Ante, at 14.
The majority arrives at a different conclusion
only by disregarding most of EPA’s regulatory process. It insists
that EPA must consider costs—when EPA did just that, over and over
and over again. It concedes the importance of “context” in
determining what the “appropriate and necessary” standard means,
see
ante, at 7, 10—and then ignores every aspect of the
rulemaking context in which that standard plays a part. The result
is a decision that deprives the Agency of the latitude Congress
gave it to design an emissions-setting process sensibly accounting
for costs and benefits alike. And the result is a decision that
deprives the American public of the pollution control measures that
the responsible Agency, acting well within its delegated authority,
found would save many, many lives. I respectfully dissent.