SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 12–418
_________________
UNITED STATES, PETITIONER v. ANTHONY JAMES
KEBODEAUX
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the fifth circuit
[June 24, 2013]
Justice Thomas, with
whom Justice Scalia joins as to Parts I, II, and III–B,
dissenting.
Anthony Kebodeaux was
convicted under the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act
(SORNA), 42 U. S. C. §16901 et seq., for failing to
update his sex of- fender registration when he moved from one Texas
city to another. The Court today holds that Congress has power
under the Necessary and Proper Clause to enact SORNA and
criminalize Kebodeaux’s failure to update his registration. I
disagree. As applied to Kebodeaux, SORNA does not “carr[y] into
Execution” any of the federal powers enu- merated in the
Constitution. Art. I, §8, cl. 18. Rather, it usurps the
general police power vested in the States. Because SORNA’s
registration requirements are unconstitutional as applied to
Kebodeaux, I respectfully dissent.
I
Congress enacted
SORNA in 2006. SORNA requires that every “sex offender shall
register, and keep the registration current, in each jurisdiction
where the offender resides, where the offender is an employee, and
where the offender is a student.” 42 U. S. C. §16913(a).
[
1 ] These requirements “apply
to all sex offenders, including sex offenders convicted of the
offense for which registration is required prior to the enactment
of [SORNA].” 28 CFR §72.3 (2012). As relevant here, SORNA makes it
a federal crime when someone who is required to register as a sex
offender “knowingly fails to register or update a regis- tration”
and that person “is a sex offender [as defined by SORNA] by reason
of a conviction under Federal law (including the Uniform Code of
Military Justice).” 18 U. S. C. §§2250(a)(2)(A), (3).
In March 1999, Anthony
Kebodeaux had consensual sex with a 15-year-old girl when he was a
20-year-old Air- man in the U. S. Air Force. He was convicted
by a court-martial of carnal knowledge of a female under the age of
16, in violation of Article 120(b) of the Uniform Code of Military
Justice (UCMJ). He was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment and
received a bad-conduct discharge. He completed his sentence in
September 1999 and was no longer in federal custody or the military
when Congress enacted SORNA, which required him to register as a
sex offender. In 2007, Kebodeaux failed to update his sex-offender
registration within three days of moving from El Paso, Texas, to
San Antonio, Texas. He was convicted under §2250(a)(2)(A) in 2008
and sentenced to a year and a day in prison. The question before
the Court is whether Congress has power to require Kebodeaux to
register as a sex offender and to criminalize his failure to do
so.
II
A
The Constitution
creates a Federal Government with limited powers. Congress has no
powers except those specified in the Constitution. See Marbury v.
Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 176 (1803) (Marshall, C. J.) (“The
powers of the legislature are defined, and limited; and that those
limits may not be mistaken, or forgotten, the constitution is
written”). Thus, “[e]very law enacted by Congress must be based on
one or more of its powers enumerated in the Constitution.” United
States v. Morrison, 529 U. S. 598, 607 (2000) .
A different default
rule applies to the States. As the Tenth Amendment makes clear, the
States enjoy all powers that the Constitution does not withhold
from them. (“The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to
the States respectively, or to the people”) While the powers of
Congress are “few and defined,” the powers that “remain in the
State governments are numerous and indefinite.” The Federalist No.
45, p. 328 (B. Wright ed. 1961) (J. Madison).
The Constitution sets
forth Congress’ limited powers in Article I. That Article begins by
“vest[ing]” in Congress “[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted,”
and then enumerates those powers in §8. The final clause of §8, the
Necessary and Proper Clause, gives Congress power “[t]o make all
Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into
Execution the foregoing Powers and all other Powers vested by this
Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any
Department or Officer thereof.” Art. I, §8, cl. 18.
Importantly, the Necessary and Proper Clause is not a freestanding
grant of congressional power, but rather an authorization to makes
laws that are necessary to execute both the powers vested in
Congress by the preceding clauses of §8, and the powers vested in
Congress and the other branches by other provisions of the
Constitution. See, e.g., Kinsella v. United States ex rel.
Singleton, 361 U. S. 234, 247 (1960) (“The [Necessary and
Proper Clause] is not itself a grant of power, but a caveat that
the Congress possesses all the means necessary to carry out the
specifically granted ‘foregoing’ powers of §8 ‘and all other Powers
vested by this Constitution’ ”).
In McCulloch v.
Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316 (1819), Chief Justice Marshall famously set
forth the Court’s interpretation of the Necessary and Proper
Clause:
“Let the end be legitimate, let it be
within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are
appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not
prohibited, but consist[ent] with the letter and spirit of the
constitution, are constitutional.” Id., at 421.
Under this formulation, a federal law is a valid
exercise of Congress’ power under the Clause if it satisfies a
two-part test. “First, the law must be directed toward a
‘legitimate’ end, which McCulloch defines as one ‘within the scope
of the [C]onstitution.’ ” United States v. Comstock, 560
U. S. 126, 160 (2010) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (quoting 4
Wheat., at 421). In other words, the law must be directed at
“carrying into Execution” one or more of the powers delegated to
the Federal Government by the Constitution. Art. I, §8, cl.
18. “Second, there must be a necessary and proper fit between the
‘means’ (the federal law) and the ‘end’ (the enumerated power or
powers) it is designed to serve.” Comstock, 560 U. S., at 160
(Thomas, J., dissenting). “The means Congress selects will be
deemed ‘necessary’ if they are ‘appropriate’ and ‘plainly adapted’
to the exercise of an enumerated power, and ‘proper’ if they are
not otherwise ‘prohibited’ by the Constitution and not
‘[in]consistent’ with its ‘letter and spirit.’ ” Id., at
160–161 (quoting Art. I, §8, cl. 18 and McCulloch, 4 Wheat.,
at 421).
Both parts of this test
are critical. “[N]o matter how ‘necessary’ or ‘proper’ an Act of
Congress may be to its objective, Congress lacks authority to
legislate if the objective is anything other than ‘carrying into
Execution’ one or more of the Federal Government’s enumerated
powers.” Comstock, supra, at 161 (Thomas, J., dissenting). As
applied to Kebodeaux, SORNA fails this test.
B
It is undisputed that
no enumerated power in Article I, §8, gives Congress the power to
punish sex offenders who fail to register, nor does any other
provision in the Constitution vest Congress or the other branches
of the Federal Government with such a power. Thus, SORNA is a valid
exercise of congressional authority only if it is “necessary and
proper for carrying into Execution” one or more of those federal
powers enumerated in the Constitution.
In the course of this
litigation, the Government has argued that Kebodeaux’s conviction
under §2250(a)(2)(A) executes Congress’ enumerated powers to spend
for the gen- eral welfare, Art. I, §8, cl. 1; to regulate
interstate commerce, §8, cl. 3; and to regulate the armed
forces, §8, cl. 14. But none of these powers justifies applying
§2250(a)(2)(A) to Kebodeaux. The Spending Clause ar- gument is a
nonstarter. Section 2250(a)(2)(A) does not execute Congress’
spending power because it regulates individuals who have not
necessarily received federal funds of any kind. The Government
contends that “federal fund- ing and logistical support offered to
States for their sex-offender-registration-and-notification
programs can be effective only if persons required to register
actually do so” and that “Congress may impose penalties on such
individuals as a means of achieving that goal.” Brief for United
States 52. But we have never held that Congress gains the power to
regulate private individuals merely because it provides money to
the States in which they reside.
Nor does the Commerce
Clause—the enumerated power that the Court has construed most
broadly—support §2250(a)(2)(A). Under this Court’s precedents,
Congress may use its Commerce Clause power to regulate (1)
“ ‘the use of the channels of interstate commerce,’ ” (2)
“ ‘the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or
things in interstate commerce,’ ” and (3) economic activities
that “ ‘substantially affect interstate commerce.’ ”
United States v. Lopez, 514 U. S. 549 –559 (1995); see also
Morrison, 529 U. S., at 617. Section 2250(a)(2)(A) does not
fall within the first two categories because it is not limited to
regulating sex offenders who have traveled in interstate commerce.
Instead, it applies to all federal sex offenders who fail to
register, even if they never cross state lines. Nor does
§2250(a)(2)(A) fall within the third category. Congress may not
regulate noneconomic activity, such as sex crimes, based on the
effect it might have on interstate commerce. Cf. Morrison, supra,
at 617. (“We . . . reject the argument that Congress may
regulate noneconomic, violent criminal conduct based solely on that
conduct’s aggregate effect on interstate commerce”). In short,
§2250(a)(2)(A) regulates activity that is neither
“ ‘interstate’ ” nor “ ‘commercial,’ ” 687
F. 3d 232, 253 (CA5 2012), and, thus, it cannot be justified
on the ground that it executes Congress’ power to regulate
interstate commerce.
Finally, Congress’
power “[t]o make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the
land and naval Forces” does not support Kebodeaux’s conviction
under §2250(a) (2)(A). Art. I, §8, cl. 14. Kebodeaux had long
since fully served his criminal sentence for violating Article
120(b) of the UCMJ and was no longer in the military when Congress
enacted SORNA. Congress does not retain a general police power over
every person who has ever served in the military. See United States
ex rel. Toth v. Quarles, 350 U. S. 11, 14 (1955) (“It has
never been intimated by this Court . . . that Article I
military jurisdiction could be extended to civilian ex-soldiers who
had severed all relationship with the military and its
institutions. . . . [G]iven its natural meaning, the
power granted Congress ‘To make Rules’ to regulate ‘the land and
naval Forces’ would seem to restrict court-martial jurisdiction to
persons who are actually members or part of the armed forces”).
Accordingly, Kebodeaux’s conviction under §2250(a)(2)(A) cannot be
sustained based on Congress’ power over the military.
Moreover, it is clear
from the face of SORNA and from the Government’s arguments that it
is not directed at “carrying into Execution” any of the federal
powers enumerated in the Constitution, Art. I, §8, cl. 18, but
is instead aimed at protecting society from sex offenders and
violent child predators. See 42 U. S. C. §16901 (“In
order to protect the public from sex offenders and offenders
against children, and in response to the vicious attacks by violent
predators against the victims listed below, Congress in this
chapter establishes a comprehensive national system for the
registration of those offenders”); Tr. of Oral Arg. 3 (“Convicted
sex offenders pose a serious threat to public safety. When those
convictions are entered under Federal law, Congress has the
authority to impose both a criminal and a civil sanction for that
conduct in order to protect the public”); Brief for United States 3
(same).
Protecting society from
sex offenders and violent child predators is an important and
laudable endeavor. See Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U. S. 407,
467 (2008) (Alito, J., dissenting) (explaining that, for most
Americans, sexual abuse of children is the “epitome of moral
depravity”). But “the Constitution does not vest in Congress the
authority to protect society from every bad act that might befall
it.” Comstock, 560 U. S., at 165 (Thomas, J., dissenting). The
power to protect society from sex offenders is part of the general
police power that the Framers reserved to the States or the people.
See Amdt. 10; Morrison, supra, at 617 (“[W]e can think of no better
example of the police power, which the [Framers] denied the
National Government and reposed in the States, than the suppression
of violent crime and vindication of its victims”); Lopez, supra, at
561, n. 3. (“ ‘[T]he ‘States possess primary authority
for defining and enforcing the criminal law’ ” (quoting Brecht
v. Abrahamson, 507 U. S. 619, 635 (1993) )). [
2 ]
The Government has
failed to identify any enumerated power that §2250(a)(2)(A)
“carr[ies] into Execution” in this case. Accordingly, I would hold
that §2250(a)(2)(A) and the registration requirements that it
enforces are unconstitutional as applied to Kebodeaux.
III
In concluding
otherwise, the Court entirely skips McCulloch’s first
step—determining whether the end served by SORNA is “within the
scope of the [C]onstitu- tion.” 4 Wheat., at 421. The Court appears
to believe that Congress’ power “to ‘make Rules for the
. . . Regulation of the land and naval Forces’ ”
justifies imposing SORNA’s registration requirements on Kebodeaux.
Ante, at 6. But not one line of the opinion explains how SORNA is
directed at regulating the armed forces. Instead, the Court
explains how SORNA and the Wetterling Act serve various ends that
are not enumerated in the Constitution. Cf. ante, at 12 (explaining
that SORNA was designed to “keep track of more offenders” and
“encourage States . . . to adopt its uniform standards”);
ante, at 8 (explaining that the Wetterling Act was designed to
“protect the public from . . . federal sex offenders and
alleviate public safety concerns”). The Court’s failure to link
SORNA to any enumerated power results in analysis that is
untethered from the Constitution and disregards the admonition that
“[t]he powers of the legislature are defined, and limited.”
Marbury, 1 Cranch, at 176.
A
The Court’s analysis
is flawed at every step. It begins by explaining that “at the time
of his offense Kebodeaux was subject to the federal Wetterling Act,
an Act that imposed upon him registration requirements very similar
to those that SORNA later mandated.” [
3 ] Ante, at 4. But that is beside the point. Kebodeaux
was convicted of violating SORNA’s registration requirements, not
the Wetterling Act’s, and so the relevant question is what
enumerated power SORNA “carr[ies] into Execution.” “The Necessary
and Proper Clause does not provide Congress with authority to enact
any law simply because it furthers other laws Congress has enacted
in the exercise of its incidental authority; the Clause plainly
requires a showing that every federal statute ‘carr[ies] into
Execution’ one or more of the Federal Government’s enumerated
powers.” Comstock, 560 U. S., at 168 (Thomas, J.,
dissenting).
Nevertheless,
apparently in an effort to bootstrap the Wetterling Act, the Court
proceeds to determine whether the Wetterling Act (not SORNA) falls
within Congress’ power under the Necessary and Proper Clause. The
Court first notes that the Clause “ ‘leave[s] to Congress a
large discretion as to the means that may be employed in executing
a given power,’ ” ante, at 7 (quoting Lottery Case, 188
U. S. 321, 355 (1903) )—a fact that is entirely irrelevant
under McCulloch’s first step of determining whether the end is
itself legitimate. The Court then observes that the Necessary and
Proper Clause
“authorizes Congress, in the
implementation of other explicit powers, to create federal crimes,
to confine offenders to prison, to hire guards and other prison
personnel, to provide prisoners with medical care and educational
training, to ensure the safety of those who may come into contact
with prisoners, to ensure the public’s safety through systems of
parole and supervised release, and, where a federal prisoner’s
mental condition so requires, to confine that prisoner civilly
after the expiration of his or her term of imprisonment.” Ante, at
7.
From these powers, the Court reasons that the
Wetterling Act is valid because “Congress could reasonably conclude
that registration requirements applied to federal sex offenders
after their release can help protect the public from those federal
sex offenders and alleviate public safety concerns.” Ante, at 8. As
I explained in Comstock, how- ever, this mode of analysis confuses
the inquiry. 560 U. S. at 168–169 (Thomas, J., dissenting).
“Federal laws that criminalize conduct . . . , establish
prisons for those who engage in that conduct, and set rules for the
care and treatment of prisoners awaiting trial or serving a
criminal sentence” are only valid if they “ ‘Execut[e]’ ”
an enumer- ated power. Id., at 169. Here, for example, Congress has
authority to enact Article 120(b) of the UCMJ, to enforce that
provision against military personnel who violate it, and to confine
them in a military prison while they are awaiting trial and serving
a sentence. All of those actions “carr[y] into Execution” Congress’
power to promote order and discipline within the military by
regulating the conduct of military personnel. Art. I, §8, cl.
14.
But the enumerated
power that justified Kebodeaux’s conviction does not justify
requiring him to register as a sex offender now that he is a
civilian. If Kebodeaux were required to register as part of his
criminal sentence, then registration would help execute the power
that justifies his conviction. The court-martial here, however, did
not impose registration requirements at Kebodeaux’s sentencing. See
ante, at 8 (acknowledging that registration is a “civil
requirement” and was “not a specific condition of Kebodeaux’s
release”). Enacted long after Kebodeaux had completed his sentence,
SORNA cannot be justified as a punishment for the offense Kebodeaux
committed while in the military because retroactively increasing
his punishment would violate the Ex Post Facto Clause. See Peugh v.
United States, 569 U. S. ___, ___ (2013) (slip op., at 8)
(explaining that laws that “ ‘inflic[t] a greater punishment
. . . than the law annexed to the crime . . .
when committed’ ” violate the Ex Post Facto Clause) (quoting
Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. 386, 390 (1798)); Peugh, supra, at ___
(Thomas, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 11) (explaining that “laws
retroactively increasing the punishment were . . .
understood to be ex post facto at the time of the found- ing”). As
the Court below correctly recognized, “because SORNA’s registration
requirements are civil and were enacted after Kebodeaux committed
his crime, the [G]overnment cannot justify their constitutionality
on the ground that they merely punish Kebodeaux for the crime he
committed while in the military.” 687 F. 3d, at 239. The only
justification for SORNA that the Government has advanced is
protection of the public, but that justification has nothing to do
with Congress’ power to regulate the armed forces. [
4 ]
Finally, the Court
asserts that the Wetterling Act is reasonable because it “took
state interests into account by, for the most part, requiring
released federal offenders to register in accordance with state
law,” and its requirements are “reasonably narrow and precise.”
Ante, at 10. But the degree to which the Wetterling Act or SORNA
accommodates State interests and intrudes on the lives of
individuals subject to registration is irrelevant because the
Supremacy Clause makes federal law supreme. See Art. VI,
cl. 2. “As long as it is acting within the powers granted it
under the Constitution, Congress may impose its will on the
States.” Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U. S. 452, 460 (1991) . The
fact that the Wetterling Act and SORNA may be “narrow” and “[take]
state interests into account,” ante, at 10, is “not a matter of
constitutional necessity, but an act of legislative grace.”
Comstock, 560 U. S., at 178 (Thomas, J., dissenting). These
factors have no place in deciding whether a law “Execut[es]” an
enumerated power.
B
The Court not only
ignores the limitations on Congress’ power set forth in the
Constitution, but it also ignores the limits that it marked just
three years ago in Comstock. In that case, this Court held that
Congress has power under the Necessary and Proper Clause to enact
18 U. S. C. §4248, which authorizes the Federal
Government to civilly commit “sexually dangerous persons” beyond
the date it lawfully could hold them on a charge or conviction for
a federal crime. Comstock, 560 U. S., at 142. The Court
rebuffed the assertion that it was conferring a general police
power on Congress by asserting that §4248 was “limited to
individuals already ‘in the custody of the’ Federal Government.”
Id., at 148. The Solicitor General even conceded at oral argument
that “the Federal Government would not have . . . the
power to commit a person who . . . has been released from
prison and whose period of supervised release is also completed”
because “at that point the State police power over a person has
been fully reestablished.” Tr. of Oral Arg. in United States v.
Comstock O. T. 2009, No. 08–1224, p. 9. The Court and the
Government today abandon even that meager restriction, which itself
lies far beyond the constitutional limits. Kebodeaux was no longer
in federal custody when Congress enacted SORNA, yet the Court
disregards the fact that, even under Comstock, release from prison
and supervised release terminates any hold the Federal Government
might otherwise have and “fully reestablishe[d]” the State’s police
power over that individual.
* * *
The Framers believed
that the division of powers between the Federal Government and the
States would protect individual liberty. See New York v. United
States, 505 U. S. 144, 181 (1992) (“[T]he Constitution divides
authority between federal and state governments for the protection
of individuals. State sovereignty is not just an end in itself:
‘Rather, federalism secures to citizens the liberties that derive
from the diffusion of sovereign power’ ” (quoting Coleman v.
Thompson, 501 U. S. 722, 759 (1991) (Blackmun, J.,
dissenting)). The decision today upsets that careful balance. I
respectfully dissent.