SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 24–556
_________________
JOE FERNANDEZ, PETITIONER
v. UNITED
STATES
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the second circuit
[May 28, 2026]
Justice Jackson, dissenting.
Section 3582(c)(1)(A) of Title 18 of the
U. S. Code—known as the compassionate-release
statute—authorizes district courts to reduce federal prison
sentences under specified circumstances. This case is about the
scope of that authority. By its terms, the compassionate-release
statute is flexible, permitting sentence reductions for
“extraordinary and compelling reasons.” 18 U. S. C.
§3582(c)(1)(A)(i). The breadth of this language is no accident: It
reflects Congress’s intent to preserve some of the traditional
discretion afforded to district courts to ensure just treatment of
defendants in criminal cases.
Today, the Court arbitrarily restricts that
discretion by grafting an atextual rule onto §3582(c)(1)(A). It
holds that a district court may not base its “extraordinary and
compelling” findings on any reason that “collaterally attacks the
validity” of the prisoner’s conviction.
Ante, at 1. Such
“attacks,” the majority says, must be brought through motions for
habeas relief under 28 U. S. C. §2255.
Ibid. But
this restriction comes of out nowhere—it finds no support in the
statute’s text or history, nor can it be justified by our
precedents.
What, then, explains the new categorical rule
that the Court adopts today? The answer appears to be the
majority’s intuition that the District Court’s grant of petitioner
Joe Fernandez’s compassionate-release motion qualifies as an abuse
of discretion under the circumstances presented here. That may well
be true—but not because of an implicit, habeas-based limitation on
the reach of §3582(c)(1)(A).
Because the Court of Appeals erroneously relied
on such a habeas-based rule in reversing the District Court’s grant
of compassionate release, and the majority now endorses that
approach, I respectfully dissent. I would vacate, rather than
affirm, the decision of the Court of Appeals.
I
The majority holds that the District Court
erred in granting Fernandez’s compassionate-release motion because
§3582(c)(1)(A) contains an implicit habeas-based limitation:
Sentence reductions that derive from purported “[c]ollateral
attacks on federal convictions” are not authorized.
Ante, at
5. It is not clear whether the majority believes, on the one hand,
that conviction-related concerns can never be sufficiently
“extraordinary and compelling” or, on the other, that even if there
are “extraordinary and compelling” reasons to doubt the defendant’s
conviction, a sentence reduction is nevertheless unavailable.
What
is evident is that, in devising this
new rule, the majority devotes most of its analysis to describing
the contours of habeas relief under §2255 and gives short shrift to
the text and history of §3582(c)(1)(A). Had the majority focused
instead on the statute actually before it, it would have seen that
the compassionate-release provision operates as an independent
stop-gap measure, designed to preserve a district court’s
discretion to reduce a criminal sentence when “extraordinary and
compelling” circumstances warrant that result. And when
§3582(c)(1)(A) is thus properly understood, it is clear that the
existence of habeas review has no bearing whatsoever on whether a
defendant can seek or obtain compassionate release.
A
Start with the words Congress used in
§3582(c)(1)(A)—they provide the most obvious strike against the
majority’s newfound rule. Section 3582(c)(1)(A)’s text, while
authorizing a sentence reduction, does not refer to §2255 or habeas
review—in any way, shape, or form. Of course, if Congress had
intended §2255 to limit the availability of the
compassionate-release remedy, it could easily have said so. This
Court has often taken the lack of a cross-reference to mean that
two distinct statutory provisions bear no relation to one another.
See,
e.
g.,
Pugin v.
Garland, 599 U.S.
600, 608 (2023);
Azar v.
Allina Health Services, 587
U.S. 566, 576–577 (2019).
Not only is there no explicit basis for the
majority’s habeas-based rule, there is also no implicit one.
Section 3582(c)(1)(A) is a straightforward grant of discretion: It
vests district courts with authority to reduce a prisoner’s
sentence for “extraordinary and compelling reasons.” The terms
“extraordinary” and “compelling” are commonly understood to relate
to a narrow and specific set of circumstances defined by degree,
not type. See
Rutherford v.
United States, ___
U. S. ___, ___ (2026) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting) (slip op.,
at 7–8). As the majority acknowledges, “ ‘[e]xtraordinary’
means ‘most unusual,’ ‘far from common,’ and ‘having little or no
precedent,’ ” while “ ‘compelling’ means ‘tending to
convince or convert by or as if by forcefulness of
evidence.’ ”
Ante, at 9–10 (quoting Webster’s Third New
International Dictionary 463, 807 (1976)). Neither definition
implies the exclusion of any
kind of consideration from a
district court’s sentence-reduction analysis. Rather, they suggest
that any factor can be the basis for compassionate release, so long
as it is both sufficiently unusual and sufficiently forceful. See
Romag Fasteners, Inc. v.
Fossil Group, Inc., 590 U.S.
212, 215 (2020) (observing that this Court does not “usually read
into statutes words that aren’t there”).
The statutory context confirms the absence of
any type-based restriction on the sentence-modification authority
§3582(c)(1)(A) conveys, much less the majority’s preferred habeas
limit. With full awareness of §2255, Congress placed only two
textual limitations on what constitutes an “extraordinary and
compelling reason” to modify a defendant’s sentence. First, the
resulting sentence reduction must be “consistent” with the
Sentencing Commission’s policy statements. 18 U. S. C.
§3582(c)(1)(A)
. Second, “[r]ehabilitation of the defendant
alone shall not be considered an extraordinary and compelling
reason” for a sentence reduction. 28 U. S. C. §994(t).
Far from connoting an additional habeas-based constraint,
Congress’s express inclusion of these two restrictions on a
district court’s “extraordinary and compelling” findings
“ ‘implies the exclusion of othe[r]’ ” such limitations.
Jennings v.
Rodriguez, 583 U.S. 281, 300 (2018)
(quoting A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law 107 (2012)).
The majority offers little by way of a
text-based comeback. Focusing on the word “compelling,” the
majority observes that what “is compelling in one context is not
necessarily so in another”; for example, a 25th wedding anniversary
may be a “compelling” reason to shorten a business trip but not a
prison sentence.
Ante, at 10. While obviously true, that
observation tells us nothing relevant. All agree that personal
considerations (
e.
g., illness and family hardship)
might warrant a sentence reduction under §3582(c)(1)(A), see
ante, at 10–12, yet those considerations, too, are more or
less “compelling” under various circumstances. Moreover, as
explained in Part II–A,
infra, Fernandez’s claim of actual
innocence, if meritorious, would be a compelling reason to reduce
his sentence. At the time the District Court considered his
§3582(c)(1)(A) motion, Fernandez had already served 11 years in
federal prison for a crime he says he did not commit. On the
“extraordinary and compelling reasons” scale, his innocence claim
is lightyears away from reducing a sentence to facilitate
celebration of a wedding anniversary.
B
The text alone suffices to dispel the
habeas-related limitation myth the majority adopts today. But, as
is often true of statutes, it is not possible to fully understand
the compassionate-release provision without appreciating its
statutory and legislative history. See R. Katzmann, Judging
Statutes 31 (2014) (“The task of the judge is to make sense of
legislation in a way that is faithful to Congress’s purposes”). The
historical context under which §3582(c)(1)(A) emerged and developed
is “the water in which [the text] swim[s].”
United States v.
Hansen, 599 U.S. 762, 775 (2023). Notably absent from this
history is any indication that Congress understood §2255 to
implicitly limit the scope of compassionate release, either when it
first enacted §3582(c)(1)(A) in 1984 or when it amended the
provision in 2018.
1
Before 1984, “the Federal Government employed
in criminal cases a system of indeterminate sentencing.”
Mistretta v.
United States, 488 U.S. 361, 363 (1989).
Though “[s]tatutes specified the penalties for crimes,” they
“nearly always gave the sentencing judge wide discretion to decide
whether the offender should be incarcerated and for how long” or
“whether restraint, such as probation, should be imposed instead of
imprisonment or fine.”
Ibid. The result: “great variation
among sentences imposed by different judges upon similarly situated
offenders” and “uncertainty as to the time the offender would spend
in prison.”
Id., at 366.
Congress set out to alleviate those problems
with the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984. See 98Stat. 1987; see also
S. Rep. No. 98–225, p. 65 (1983) (“The shameful disparity
in criminal sentences is a major flaw in the existing criminal
justice system, and makes it clear that the system is ripe for
reform”). The Act’s most prominent reform was the creation of the
U. S. Sentencing Commission, which Congress tasked with
promulgating a new, determinate system of Sentencing Guidelines.
See §217(a), 98Stat. 2017 (codified at 28 U. S. C. §991).
Initially, the Guidelines were “binding on the courts.” See
Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 367–368. Judges had some
discretion to depart from an applicable Guidelines range, but only
after “find[ing] an aggravating or mitigating factor present that
the Commission did not adequately consider.”
Id., at
367.[
1]
By design, the new Guidelines-based system left
little room for judges to exercise discretion when determining the
applicable sentence. See S. Rep. No. 98–225, at 38 (describing
the new system as aimed at eliminating “the unfettered discretion
the law confers” on sentencing judges). At the same time, Congress
recognized that removing all discretion would result in unfairly
harsh sentences for some prisoners. Indeed, despite the uniformity
aim of the Guidelines, lawmakers acknowledged the possibility of an
“exceptional situation where someone obviously slips through the
cracks and gets a much longer sentence.” Hearings on Revision of
the Federal Criminal Code before the Subcommittee on Criminal
Justice of the House Committee on the Judiciary, 96th Cong., 1st
Sess., pt. 3, pp. 1842–1843 (1979) (Code Revision Hearings)
(statement of Rep. Lungren). Federal judges similarly warned of
“those occasional cases which cry out for some sort of revision,
even though the sentence on that particular offender has been
imposed by a perfectly conscientious sentencing court
. . . and based upon facts and circumstances which were a
matter of record.” See
id., at 1902–1903 (statement of Hon.
Harold R. Tyler).
This problem was what Congress set out to
address when it created various “ ‘safety valve[s]’ ” on
the back end of the sentencing process, allowing district courts to
exercise their discretion to reduce sentences in “unusual case[s].”
S. Rep. No. 98–225, at 121. The compassionate-release
provision was one of them. As enacted in 1984, §3582(c)(1)(A)
permitted the Director of the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) to petition a
sentencing court for a reduction in a prisoner’s sentence.
§212(a)(2), 98Stat. 1998–1999. And it authorized a court to grant
such a petition if, “ ‘after considering the factors set forth
in section 3553(a),’ ” the court found “ ‘that
extraordinary and compelling reasons’ ” justified the
reduction and that such a reduction was “ ‘consistent with
applicable policy statements issued by the Sentencing
Commission.’ ”
Ibid.
Significantly for present purposes, Congress was
well aware of §2255 in 1984. See,
e.
g., S. Rep.
No. 98–225, at 234 (cross-referencing §2255 in explaining a
different provision of the Sentencing Reform Act). But it never
suggested that §3582(c)(1)(A) and §2255 were mutually exclusive,
much less that habeas was the sole means of obtaining
postsentencing relief from an unjust conviction. Nor did Congress
indicate that the availability of compassionate release hinged on
the unavailability of habeas review. Instead, it was clear from the
start that compassionate release was
a distinct vehicle for
addressing potential inequities with respect to a defendant’s
sentence: one specifically designed to allow for the flexible
consideration of “extraordinary and compelling” circumstances
notwithstanding the restrictions that otherwise made the sentencing
system less discretionary.
Id., at 121 (recognizing the
“value” of “assur[ing] the availability of specific review and
reduction of a term of imprisonment for ‘extraordinary and
compelling reasons’ ”).
2
But, as it turned out, the
compassionate-release safety valve rarely opened in the decades
following §3582(c)(1)(A)’s enactment. Between 2006 and 2011, an
average of “only 24 inmates” were “released each year through the
BOP’s compassionate release program.” Dept. of Justice, Office of
Inspector General, The Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Compassionate
Release Program 1 (Apr. 2013). Over time, it became clear that BOP
was drastically underutilizing its compassionate-release power,
“resulting in inmates who may [have been] eligible candidates for
release not being considered.”
Id., at 11.
Of particular issue was the BOP’s exceedingly
narrow interpretation of the statutory phrase “extraordinary and
compelling,” which its Central Office staff had interpreted as
referring only to “terminally ill medical conditions with a life
expectancy of 1 year or less or those who are incapacitated and
unable to perform their daily activities—criteria that [were] found
nowhere in the relevant statute.”
Id., at 13. And though BOP
regulations technically “permit[ted] non-medical circumstances to
be considered as a basis for compassionate release,” the agency
“routinely reject[ed] such requests.”
Id., at ii.
Congress took notice. In 2017, a bipartisan
group of Senators wrote to the Department of Justice and expressed
“dee[p] concer[n] that BOP [was] not fulfilling its role in the
compassionate release process.” Letter from 12 U. S. Senators
to J. Rod Rosenstein, Deputy Attorney General, & Dr. T. Kane,
Acting BOP Director 3 (Aug. 3, 2017) (Letter from 12 U. S.
Senators). Several of those Senators worked together later that
year to introduce a “bipartisan sentencing and prison reform bill”
known as the First Step Act, which passed the following year. 164
Cong. Rec. S7645 (Dec. 17, 2017) (statement of Sen. Durbin); see
132Stat. 5194. In a section entitled “Increasing the Use and
Transparency of Compassionate Release,” the Act amended the
compassionate-release provision to allow prisoners to file their
own motions for sentence reductions, without approval from the BOP.
§603(b), 132Stat. 5239.
This historical account can be summarized
succinctly. Congress crafted §3582(c)(1)(A) to operate as a safety
valve that would ameliorate the harshness of the new determinate
scheme for sentencing. S. Rep. No. 98–225, at 121. It was not
linked to, or limited by, the existence of habeas review in any
respect. And that made perfect sense given the specific role
Congress envisioned for compassionate release: allowing a
discretionary sentence modification for a prisoner who presents
“extraordinary and compelling” grounds for mercy.
II
A
The majority nevertheless insists on
categorically excluding one potential ground for compassionate
release—any consideration that supposedly “attacks the validity of
[a] conviction” or sentence.
Ante, at 1. One glaring flaw
with this analysis is the majority’s failure to clearly establish
when this forbidden circumstance arises; that is, what,
exactly, does it mean for a prisoner to collaterally attack his
conviction in the context of a compassionate-release motion? It is
not hard to see how one man’s collateral attack is another man’s
compelling bid for compassion.
Consider, for example, an actually innocent
defendant—let’s call him Paul. Paul is serving a life sentence and,
for reasons beyond his control, failed to discover indisputably
exonerating evidence during his trial. But Paul cannot point to any
way in which his conviction or sentence violates the Constitution
or some other provision of the U. S. Code. He does not allege,
for instance, that his counsel was ineffective or that the
prosecution withheld exculpatory evidence. Habeas thus provides no
avenue for relief. See 28 U. S. C. §2255(a) (authorizing
relief for a defendant whose “sentence was imposed in violation of
the Constitution or laws of the United States”).
An innocent man stuck in prison for life: Can
there be a more “extraordinary and compelling” reason to shorten a
prison sentence than that? And is there any logical reason to
believe that Congress meant to prohibit Paul from petitioning the
court for such relief under §3582(c)(1)(A)? Quite to the contrary,
this manifest injustice would seem to be the quintessential
situation in which the compassionate-release safety valve would
apply. See Code Revision Hearings, at 1842–1843 (statement of Rep.
Lungren) (expressing concern about federal prisoners “slip[ping]
through the cracks”). But the majority’s rule would forbid it,
simply and solely because §2255 exists.
Of course, this is not to say that every
assertion of innocence will necessarily qualify as an
“extraordinary” or “compelling” basis for a sentence reduction. For
instance, a claim of innocence that simply rehashes the evidence
presented at trial is unlikely to suffice. The concern that
Fernandez is making such an unjustified innocence claim seems to be
what drives much of the majority’s analysis today. See
ante,
at 16 (“No court—not even the District Court that reduced his
sentence—concluded that Fernandez was actually innocent. His
evidentiary challenges were repeatedly rejected”); see also
ante, at 2 (Sotomayor, J., concurring in judgment)
(“Petitioner Joe Fernandez has been litigating the issues at the
core of his §3582(c)(1)(A) motion since his trial”). But the Court
overcorrects for this concern and, in the process, adopts an
atextual rule that categorically forbids
any consideration
of potential innocence whatsoever—no matter how extraordinary or
compelling—either on its own or as part of a mix of other
considerations. That result certainly does not follow from the
text.
Nor would allowing consideration of potential
innocence permit federal prisoners to circumvent §2255’s
limitations on habeas relief, as the majority claims. See
ante, at 7–9. That is because the habeas and
compassionate-release provisions operate differently. To be sure,
both statutes authorize the release of federal prisoners. But,
where the statutory prerequisites are met, relief under
§3582(c)(1)(A) is discretionary, whereas relief under §2255 is
mandatory: The former provides that “the court . . .
may reduce the term of imprisonment,” while the latter
states that “the court
shall vacate and set the judgment
aside.” (Emphasis added.) Section 3582(c)(1)(A) thus provides no
guaranteed end-run around §2255’s limitations on relief.
Section 3582(c)(1)(A) and §2255 also differ in
the nature of the relief that they provide. Most notably, the grant
of compassionate release—even on actual-innocence grounds—does
nothing to invalidate the underlying conviction. A neighboring
subsection explicitly clarifies that compassionate release does not
disturb the finality of the “judgment of conviction.” §3582(b). Not
so with habeas—when a §2255 applicant successfully challenges the
validity of his conviction, the result is vacatur. See §2255(b)
(“If the court finds . . . that there has been such a
denial or infringement of the constitutional rights of the prisoner
as to render the judgment vulnerable to collateral attack,
the
court shall vacate and set the judgment aside” (emphasis
added)).
Put differently, habeas nullifies a conviction
as a matter of law, while compassionate release shortens a sentence
as a matter of grace. The majority does not adequately explain why
these two forms of relief—which operate differently, exist for
different reasons, and ultimately yield different results—must
necessarily work to the exclusion of each other.
B
Despite these crucial observations, the
majority forges ahead, insisting on grafting a habeas-based
restriction onto the compassionate-release remedy. It gets there in
two ways: first, by overstating the significance of the BOP’s role
in order to bolster the conclusion that “personal circumstances”
are the only cognizable factors under §3582(c)(1)(A); and, second,
by overreading two of our prior habeas-channeling
cases—
Preiser v.
Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 475 (1973), and
Gonzalez v.
Crosby, 545 U.S. 524 (2005). Neither move
is availing.
1
Highlighting the BOP’s role in compassionate
release and the fact that prison officials can observe things like
“advanced age,” “safety risk,” and “illness,” the majority contends
that Congress’s centering of the BOP “reflects the statute’s focus
on a defendant’s personal circumstances.”
Ante, at 11. But
the majority cannot deny that Congress amended §3582(c)(1)(A) due
to its concern that the BOP was mismanaging compassionate-release
motions. See
supra, at 8–9. The majority’s reliance on the
BOP’s “institutional expertise,”
ante, at 12, to interpret a
statutory amendment aimed at
reducing the BOP’s involvement
is, at best, counterintuitive.
Recall that Congress amended the
compassionate-release provision as part of the First Step
Act—legislation that was broadly aimed at providing district courts
with discretion to alleviate what many had come to believe were
unduly harsh criminal sentences. See
Concepcion v.
United
States, 597 U.S. 481, 486 (2022). Pointing back to the
original, pre-First Step Act scope of §3582(c)(1)(A) does not
account for Congress’s subsequent conclusion that BOP was applying
the compassionate-release provision too narrowly. And when it
invited district courts to consider §3582(c)(1)(A) motions filed
directly by defendants, Congress did not say, or even suggest, that
a sentence reduction under this provision is only available based
on the kinds of factors BOP might raise.
Fernandez’s concession that the First Step Act
“did not change the substantive standard applicable to”
§3582(c)(1)(A),
ante, at 11–12 (citing Tr. of Oral Arg.
9–12), is not to the contrary. That observation merely states the
obvious: that the meaning of “extraordinary and compelling reasons”
has always been expansive, leading Congress to conclude that the
BOP had been misinterpreting “extraordinary and compelling” all
along. See Letter from 12 U. S. Senators 3 (expressing “dee[p]
concer[n]” about the BOP’s underutilization of compassionate
release); §603(b), 132Stat. 5239 (titling the First Step Act’s
amendment to §3582(c)(1)(A) “Increasing the Use and Transparency of
Compassionate Release”). Fernandez seeks to redeem the statute’s
meaning, not to change it.
The majority also tells only half the story when
it declares that, “[f]or decades, the Sentencing Commission has
tied the availability of compassionate release to a defendant’s
personal circumstances.”
Ante, at 12. To be sure, the agency
has always identified certain personal characteristics (such as
“ ‘a serious physical or medical condition’ ”). But it
has also included a catchall category for any circumstances
determined to be “ ‘extraordinary and compelling.’ ”
United States Sentencing Commission, Guidelines Manual Supp. to
App. C, Amdt. 683 (Nov. 2008) (USSG) (effective Nov. 2006);
id., Amdt. 698 (effective Nov. 2007); USSG Supp. to App. C,
Amdt. 799 (Nov. 2016); see USSG §1B1.13(b)(5) (Nov. 2025)
(providing that “any other circumstance or combination of
circumstances that . . . are
similar in gravity”
to the specifically enumerated ones may constitute “extraordinary
and compelling” reasons for a sentence reduction (emphasis
added)).
The takeaway from all this is not, as the
majority suggests, that compassionate release has always been
understood to be limited to certain
kinds of factors
(
i.
e., personal circumstances). See
ante, at
11–12. Rather, the statutory and regulatory history establishes
that §3582(c)(1)(A) provides for flexibility and, with one
exception, imposes no substantive categorical restrictions on what
may constitute a basis for compassionate release. See
§3582(c)(1)(A); see also §994(t) (noting that “[r]ehabilitation” is
not on its own a statutorily recognized reason for compassionate
release). That view tracks with the language of
§3582(c)(1)(A)—which vests district courts with broad discretion to
determine whether “extraordinary and compelling reasons” justify a
sentence reduction—as well as the unmistakable safety-valve aims of
the statute.
2
The majority’s reliance on the
habeas-channeling analysis in
Preiser and
Gonzalez is
equally misplaced.
Start with
Preiser. In that case, we
considered a 42 U. S. C. §1983 claim brought by state
prisoners who asserted the unconstitutional deprivation of
“good-conduct-time credits” that would have shortened their
sentences. 411 U. S., at 476. The prisoners sought “injunctive
relief to compel restoration of the credits, which in each case
would result in their immediate release from confinement.”
Ibid. We held that the state prisoners could not seek such
an injunction under §1983 and instead had to proceed under 28
U. S. C. §2254, the habeas statute for state prisoners.
Id., at 490, 500. In so holding, we explained that §1983 is
a “general” statute that broadly guarantees equitable and legal
remedies for the deprivation of any federal right.
Id., at
489. Its breadth causes it to bump up against §2254, which is
“specific” in that it was “explicitly and historically designed to
provide the means for a state prisoner to attack the validity of
his confinement” and only after the “exhaustion of adequate state
remedies.”
Ibid. We feared that privileging the general
would cause it to drown the specific. We thus reasoned that
Congress’s “specific determination” that “habeas corpus is the
appropriate remedy for state prisoners attacking the validity of
the fact or length of their confinement” must “override the general
terms of §1983.”
Id., at 490.
Unlike §1983, §3582(c)(1)(A) is not a “general”
statute that protects all rights and provides for all sorts of
civil remedies. Instead, it creates a
specific mechanism for
granting a sentence reduction in the criminal context.
Preiser’s reasoning is therefore inapposite, as it would be
odd to conclude that Congress intended a statute specifically
authorizing release from prison to impliedly limit another statute
that authorizes the same. The better inference is that Congress
meant for these two statutes to exist side by side and not to the
exclusion of one another.[
2]
Gonzalez is equally inapposite. There, we
held that prisoners cannot use motions for “relief from a final
judgment” under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b) to circumvent
the statutory limitations on second-or-successive habeas
applications. 545 U. S., at 528. But Rule 60(b), like §1983,
is a general mechanism for civil relief. It allows federal courts
to “relieve a party . . . from a final judgment” for “any
. . . reason that justifies relief.” Fed. Rule Civ. Proc.
60(b)(6). It is a far cry from §3582(c)(1)(A), which, like §2255,
specifically authorizes release from prison. Just like
Preiser, then,
Gonzalez’s interpretation of a general
civil provision has nothing to say about §3582(c)(1)(A)’s specific
relief scheme and whether Congress meant for it to be cancelled out
by an implicit habeas-review bar.
Instead of acknowledging the poor fit of
Preiser and
Gonzalez, the majority doubles down,
insisting that these cases stand for “an anticircumvention
principle.”
Ante, at 8, n. 3. That might well be a
common thread. But the majority does not explain why the
anticircumvention principle applies to §3582(c)(1)(A)—a statute
that, unlike §1983 or Rule 60(b), specifically authorizes the
release of prisoners under given circumstances. For the
anticircumvention principle to be apposite, one (specific)
statutory directive must be potentially undercut by another
(broader) provision. But that does not happen here: Both §2255 and
§3582(c)(1)(A) establish specific circumstances under which the
release of a prisoner is authorized. So the circumvention concern
is not implicated on these facts.
Put differently, the majority
assumes
that compassionate release operates as an end-run around habeas
restrictions. But there is nothing in either statute that
corroborates the majority’s intuition that habeas restrictions take
primacy over the “extraordinary and compelling reasons” justifying
compassionate release.
C
Perhaps even more troubling than the lack of
support for today’s holding is the uncertainty this case will
create moving forward. That uncertainty results, in part, from the
majority’s backwards reasoning: It starts with the premise that
Fernandez is functionally attempting to use §3582(c)(1)(A) to
attack his conviction collaterally and, from there, concludes that
§2255 must prevent this sort of end-run around the strict process
for habeas relief. But that reasoning rests on the unfounded
assumption that Fernandez is essentially seeking to have his
conviction vacated rather than his sentence shortened. Those are
two completely different asks. And the majority’s reasoning also
merely assumes that they are incompatible.
Worse still, on its way to announcing that “[a]
prisoner who collaterally attacks the validity of his conviction
must proceed through” habeas only, the majority fails to define
with any precision what it means for a prisoner to “collaterally
attac[k] the validity of his conviction.”
Ante, at 1. Its
inability to do so is understandable, since delineating the bounds
of such “collateral attacks” is notoriously difficult. Cf. W.
Baude, J. Goldsmith, J. Manning, J. Pfander, & A. Tyler, Hart and
Wechsler’s The Federal Courts and the Federal System 1687 (8th ed.
2025) (Hart & Wechsler) (discussing the difficulty of determining
when, under the
Preiser line of cases, a successful §1983
action necessarily implies “the invalidity of the plaintiff ’s
conviction”).[
3]
This case illustrates why the new line the
majority draws is a fuzzy one. The District Court did not question
the legality of the jury’s verdict or Fernandez’s conviction. See
2022 WL 17039059, *4 (SDNY, Nov. 17, 2022). To the contrary, it
found that
despite the lawfulness of Fernandez’s conviction,
its lingering “concer[n]” as to his guilt was an “extraordinary and
compelling” reason for a sentence reduction.
Ibid. A
prisoner who proceeds through §2255, however, must show that his
sentence was unlawful—specifically, that it was “imposed in
violation of the Constitution or laws of the United States.”
§2255(a). That is something Fernandez cannot definitively do, given
this Court’s expressed doubts about whether “a freestanding claim
of actual innocence” suffices to establish the unlawfulness of a
sentence.
McQuiggin v.
Perkins, 569 U.S. 383, 392
(2013).
So, how, exactly, does the District Court’s
“extraordinary and compelling” finding qualify as a collateral
attack on Fernandez’s conviction for §2255 purposes, as the
majority maintains? See
ante, at 14. The District Court did
not find, for instance, that Fernandez should be released from
prison because his sentence or conviction was unconstitutional or
otherwise unlawful. Rather, the District Court considered whether
Fernandez might actually be innocent—something we have never
recognized as a potential ground for habeas relief. See
McQuiggen, 569 U. S., at 392. It is hard to see why
this consideration actually creates the end-run around habeas the
majority fears.[
4]
One could easily imagine similar difficulties
arising in other cases. Consider, for instance, a federal prisoner
who files a §2255 motion arguing that his conviction and sentence
are unconstitutional because a chronic mental illness rendered him
incompetent to plead guilty or stand trial. In resolving the §2255
motion, the district court might reject as unreliable the evidence
supporting the severity of the prisoner’s condition. See,
e.
g.,
Cohn v.
United States, 2023 WL
4670839, *13 (NDNY, July 10, 2023) (rejecting §2255 motion on these
grounds). Under the majority’s rule, would that prisoner be
precluded from citing his mental condition in a subsequent
§3582(c)(1)(A) motion? Maybe. But that would certainly be an odd
result, given the majority’s suggestion that chronic illnesses are
“heartland ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ that might
warrant an early release from prison.”
Ante, at 13.
Thus, the line between a proper
compassionate-release claim and a proper habeas claim could be
difficult to draw moving forward. The majority ignores this problem
rather than taking it as a clue that the habeas-based limitation it
favors is an ill fit for the distinct compassionate-release
evaluation.
III
For the reasons I have given, I think the
majority is wrong to hold, as a categorical matter, that
conviction-related concerns a prisoner may raise under §2255 can
never be grounds for granting a motion under §3582(c)(1)(A).
In my view, all facts and circumstances are eligible to be
considered as grounds for granting a compassionate-release motion.
Other than the rehabilitation restriction, see 28
U. S. C. §994(t), the only statutory limit on the
District Court’s discretion is one of
degree. So, if the
proffered facts and circumstances (of whatever
type) provide
an “extraordinary and compelling reason” to reduce the prisoner’s
sentence (alone or in combination), the District Court may grant
compassionate release.
I do not take a position as to whether
Fernandez’s case meets that threshold. The District Court thought
so—it laid out the evidentiary gaps that caused it to have serious
doubts about whether Fernandez was involved in the underlying crime
at all. See 2022 WL 17039059, *4.[
5] Also notable, the District Court based its
§3582(c)(1)(A) ruling on
both its “disquiet” about
Fernandez’s potential innocence
and the significant
disparity between Fernandez’s sentence and his codefendants’
sentences.
Ibid. But due to the categorical rule the Second
Circuit employed, that court did not address whether the District
Court erred in concluding that §3582(c)(1)(A)’s “extraordinary and
compelling reasons” threshold was satisfied on these facts. See 104
F. 4th 420, 429–433 (2024). I would vacate the judgment below
and remand for the Second Circuit to make that assessment in the
first instance.[
6]
* * *
The Court’s holding in this case reflects an
unfortunate misunderstanding of the safety-valve mechanism Congress
created in 1984 and broadened in 2018. Congress designed
compassionate release as a tool for preserving a modicum of mercy
in an otherwise harsh sentencing system. And nothing about the text
or history of the compassionate-release provision suggests that
Congress meant for this discretionary second-look opportunity to be
cabined in the way the majority suggests. In other words, Congress
gave prisoners an equitable “out” for the extraordinary and
compelling circumstance in which they might otherwise be stuck
serving an unjust sentence. Ironically, then, the escape hatch the
majority decries is actually §3582(c)(1)(A)’s core mission.
Deploying its own concerns about habeas
end-runs, the majority misses all this; it now drastically limits
the availability of the compassionate-release tool Congress
crafted. And it does so without adequately identifying any true
conflict with §2255. The majority’s atextual and unsupported
limitation on a district court’s sentencing discretion is an
unnecessary rewriting of the statute Congress wrote and an
unwarranted revision of the compassionate-release scheme Congress
intended to establish.