SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 25A810
_________________
ELIZABETH MIRABELLI, et al.
v. ROB
BONTA, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF CALIFORNIA, et al.
on application to vacate interlocutory stay
order
[March 2, 2026]
Justice Kagan, with whom Justice Jackson
joins, dissenting.
Today’s decision shows, not for the first time,
how our emergency docket can malfunction. A case raising novel
legal questions and arousing strong views comes to this Court via
an application about whether to stay a district court’s injunction
pending appeal. The ordinary appellate process has barely started;
only a district court has ruled on the case’s merits. The Court
receives scant and, frankly, inadequate briefing about the legal
issues in dispute. It does not hold oral argument or deliberate in
conference, as regular procedures dictate. It considers the request
on a short fuse—a matter of weeks. And then the Court grants relief
by means of a terse, tonally dismissive ruling designed to
conclusively resolve the dispute. The Court does all this even
though the application of existing law to the case raises tricky
questions, and so cries out for reflection and explanation. The
Court is impatient: It already knows what it thinks, and insists on
getting everything over quickly. See also,
e.
g.,
Department of State v.
AIDS Vaccine Advocacy
Coalition, 606 U. S. ___, ___ (2025) (Kagan, J.,
dissenting from grant of stay application) (slip op., at 2–3);
Trump v.
Wilcox, 605 U. S. ___, ___ (2025)
(Kagan, J., dissenting from grant of stay application) (slip op.,
at 2–3, 8).
Indeed, the precipitousness of the Court’s
decision today has yet a further—and wholly new—dimension: In
granting emergency relief, the Court cannot even wait for an
appellate court to conclude its own process for deciding the
identical issue. As the Court notes, a Ninth Circuit panel last
month stayed the District Court’s injunction against the challenged
policies, pending the State’s appeal of that order. See
ante, at 3–4. The plaintiffs responded by simultaneously
filing two motions—one asking this Court to vacate the panel’s stay
and the other asking the Ninth Circuit to do the same thing through
en banc review. The Ninth Circuit is already acting on the motion
filed there: The court promptly called for (and has now received) a
response from the State, preparatory to exchanging memoranda and
voting on reconsideration of the panel’s decision. Regular order
counsels that, in this situation, the Ninth Circuit should go
first. The lower court, that is, should decide whether to vacate
the stay; and only then should this Court decide whether further
action is needed. Cf. Supreme Court Rule 23.3 (Stay applications
“shall set out with particularity why the relief sought is not
available from any other court”). But the Court’s impatience cannot
be contained for even that long. The Court jumps the line,
pre-empting the Ninth Circuit’s normal (and notably reflective) en
banc process. Why wait for appellate procedures to play out when
the Court already knows what it wants?
And still, there is worse: The Court resolves
the issues raised through shortcut procedures on the emergency
docket even though it has had—for months now—the option of doing so
the regular way, on our merits docket. Since November of last year,
a petition for certiorari has been pending in a case that, in
critical respects, is a carbon copy of this one. In
Foote v.
Ludlow School Comm., 128 F. 4th 336 (CA1 2025)
(
per curiam), cert. pending, No. 25–77, as here, a
public school adopted a policy, conforming to a state agency’s
guidance, about students who identify as transgender. There, as
here, the policy requires school employees to use only a student’s
preferred name and pronouns, while barring employees from
disclosing the student’s at-school gender identity to parents. And
there, as here, parents challenge that policy as a violation of
their right to substantive due process. See
id., at
340–344.[
2] Why not, then, just
grant certiorari in
Foote, and decide it this coming fall?
Or if there is some reason that
Foote is not suitable, the
Court could take one of the many cases lined up behind it. By
recent count, almost 40 cases raising due process and/or free
exercise objections to similar school policies are currently in the
judicial system (with several recently decided by appellate
courts), so this Court would not have to wait long. See Pet. for
Cert. in
Foote, O. T. 2025, No. 25–77, p. 32. By
granting certiorari on one (or more) of those cases, the Court
could ensure that the issues raised by such policies receive the
careful, disciplined consideration they merit, rather than the
inevitably truncated review the Court affords emergency
applications.
Certainly, the Court cannot claim that thought
and care are not needed. If nothing else, this Court owes it to a
sovereign State to avoid throwing over its policies in a slapdash
way, if the Court can provide normal procedures. And throwing over
a State’s policy is what the Court does today. To be sure, the
Court sprinkles the word “likely” atop its assessment of which
party’s arguments will succeed. But no one—in particular, neither a
state official nor a lower court—is apt to read the Court’s
per
curiam, brusque though it is, as anything less than a
conclusive merits judgment.
In any event, there
is something else:
This case presents some thorny legal issues. The Court grants
relief to parents on the same two substantive grounds that
supported the District Court’s injunction. First, the Court says,
some parents can show that the State’s policy “substantially
interfere[s]” with their First Amendment right “to guide the
religious development of their children.”
Ante, at 5. Here,
the Court analogizes to
Mahmoud v.
Taylor, 606 U.S.
522 (2025), a decision issued last Term about school curriculum.
The ink on that decision is barely dry, and courts have just begun
to consider its meaning and reach. But even assume the Court is
right on the free exercise score; still, that could not justify
extending relief to
all the parents here. After all, some of
those parents object to the State’s policy not for religious
reasons, but simply because it prevents them from taking part in
their children’s most crucial life decisions. So the District Court
also ruled on substantive due process grounds, finding a parental
right to “direct the upbringing and medical care of their
children.” App. to Emergency Application 54a. And indeed, in doing
so, the court made its free exercise ruling superfluous, because
the due process ground protects every parent, whether or not
religious. See
supra, at 3, n. 1. This Court, to affirm
the relief given, must follow the same course: It explains that the
State’s policy “excludes parents” from “participation in decisions
regarding their children’s mental health.”
Ante, at 5–6. But
the very phrasing the Court uses betrays the delicateness of the
operation: Even in recognizing that parental right, the Court
cannot quite bring itself to name the legal doctrine—it is, again,
substantive due process—that provides the right’s only basis.
Anyone remotely familiar with recent debates in
constitutional law will understand why: Substantive due process has
not been of late in the good graces of this Court—and especially of
the Members of today’s majority. The Due Process Clause, needless
to say, does not expressly grant parental rights of any kind. The
relevant text bars a State only from depriving a person of
“liberty” “without due process of law.” Members of the majority
often have expressed skepticism—sometimes outright hostility—to
understanding the “capacious” term “liberty” to enshrine specific
rights.
Dobbs v.
Jackson Women’s Health Organization,
597 U.S. 215, 239 (2022). Substantive due process, one has stated,
is a “particularly dangerous” “legal fiction” because it “invites
judges” to “roa[m] at large in the constitutional field guided only
by their personal views.”
McDonald v.
Chicago,
561 U.S.
742, 811 (2010) (Thomas, J., concurring in part and concurring
in judgment);
Obergefell v.
Hodges,
576 U.S.
644, 721 (2015) (Thomas, J., dissenting).[
3] Another has pointed to the “judicial misuse of
the so-called ‘substantive component’ of due process to dictate
policy on matters that belonged to the people to decide.”
Sessions v.
Dimaya, 584 U.S. 148, 191 (2018)
(Gorsuch, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). And
yet a third, when defending the Court’s elimination of a
50-year-old right grounded in substantive due process, explained
that the “Constitution does not grant the nine unelected Members of
this Court the unilateral authority to rewrite the Constitution.”
Dobbs, 597 U. S., at 340 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring).
There are many such statements to choose from in this Court’s
recent substantive due process caselaw. Especially given the
Court’s last venture into the field, today’s decision cannot but
induce a strong sense of whiplash. Compare
ante, at 5–6
(recognizing a parent’s right to make important decisions about her
child’s health), with
Dobbs, 597 U. S., at 231
(repudiating a woman’s right to make important decisions about her
own health).[
4]
None of this is to say that the Court gets the
merits here wrong. It may not—as to the plaintiffs’ free exercise
claim, or their substantive due process claim, or both. As to due
process particularly—because, again, that claim alone does all the
load-bearing work in this case, see
supra, at 3, n. 1,
4—I have no doubt that parents have rights, even though
unenumerated, concerning their children and the life choices they
make. See
Pierce v.
Society of Sisters,
268
U.S. 510, 534–535 (1925);
Parham v.
J. R.,
442
U.S. 584, 602–603 (1979). On the other side of ledger, of
course, a State has critical interests in the care and education of
children. But California’s policy, in depriving all parents of
information critical to their children’s health and well-being,
could have crossed the constitutional line. And that would entitle
the parents, at the end of the day, to relief.
The Court, however, would be far better equipped
to draw the appropriate line and to explain its legal basis—in
short, to do law in the right way—if it had followed our ordinary
processes. A mere decade ago, this Court would never have granted
relief in this posture. (Indeed, I am confident that the plaintiffs
would never have thought to ask, at this stage, for the Court’s
involvement.) Then, though apparently not now, we understood that
our normal processes—full briefing, oral argument, conference, and
opinion writing, along with the time they take—exist for a reason.
They ensure that before the Court makes a decision, it has
marshaled all the relevant facts; considered all interested
parties’ and multiple lower courts’ legal arguments; and
deliberated internally, with full understanding of each other’s
perspectives, on all disputed issues. So too, those processes
enable us to think through the best legal rationale for, and scope
of, any decision, given both the views we have earlier expressed
and the related issues that will soon come before us. And they
allow us to explain ourselves well and carefully, both to the
parties and to the public. Our processes are, in short, the
hallmark of judicial probity, and alike its guarantor. There was no
reason to abandon them here. I respectfully dissent.