SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 14–280
_________________
HENRY MONTGOMERY, PETITIONER
v.
LOUISIANA
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
louisiana
[January 25, 2016]
Justice Scalia, with whom Justice Thomas and
Justice Alito join, dissenting.
The Court has no jurisdiction to decide this
case, and the decision it arrives at is wrong. I respectfully
dissent.
I. Jurisdiction
Louisiana postconviction courts willingly
entertain Eighth Amendment claims but, with limited exceptions,
apply the law as it existed when the state prisoner was convicted
and sentenced. Shortly after this Court announced
Teague v.
Lane, 489 U. S. 288 (1989) , the Louisiana Supreme
Court adopted
Teague’s framework to govern the provision of
postconviction remedies available to
state prisoners in its
state courts as a matter of
state law.
Taylor
v.
Whitley, 606 So. 2d 1292 (1992). In doing so, the
court stated that it was “not bound” to adopt that federal
framework.
Id., at 1296. One would think, then, that it is
none of our business that a 69-year-old Louisiana prisoner’s
state-law motion to be resentenced according to
Miller v.
Alabama, 567 U. S. ___ (2012), a case announced almost
half a century after his sentence was final, was met with a firm
rejection on state-law grounds by the Louisiana Supreme Court. But
a majority of this Court, eager to reach the merits of this case,
resolves the question of our jurisdiction by deciding that the
Constitution
requires state postconviction courts to adopt
Teague’s exception for so-called “substantive” new rules and
to provide state-law remedies for the violations of those rules to
prisoners whose sentences long ago became final. This conscription
into federal service of state postconviction courts is nothing
short of astonishing.
A
Teague announced that federal courts
could not grant habeas corpus to overturn state convictions on the
basis of a “new rule” of constitutional law—meaning one announced
after the convictions became final—
unless that new rule was
a “substantive rule” or a “watershed rul[e] of criminal procedure.”
489 U. S., at 311. The
Teague prescription followed
from Justice Harlan’s view of the “retroactivity problem” detailed
in his separate opinion in
Desist v.
United States,
394 U. S. 244, 256 (1969) (dissenting opinion), and later in
Mackey v.
United States, 401 U. S. 667, 675
(1971) (opinion concurring in judgment in part and dissenting in
part). Placing the rule’s first exception in context requires more
analysis than the majority has applied.
The Court in the mid-20th century was confounded
by what Justice Harlan called the “swift pace of constitu-tional
change,”
Pickelsimer v.
Wainwright, 375 U. S. 2,
4 (1963) (dissenting opinion), as it vacated and remanded many
cases in the wake of
Gideon v.
Wainwright, 372
U. S. 335 (1963) . Justice Harlan called upon the Court to
engage in “informed and deliberate consideration” of “whether the
States are constitutionally required to apply [
Gideon’s] new
rule retrospectively, which may well require the reopening of cases
long since finally adjudicated in accordance with then applicable
decisions of this Court.”
Pickelsimer, supra, at 3. The
Court answered that call in
Linkletter v.
Walker, 381
U. S. 618 (1965) .
Linkletter began with the premise
“that we are neither required to apply, nor prohibited from
applying, a decision retrospectively” and went on to adopt an
equitable rule-by-rule approach to retroactivity, considering “the
prior his-tory of the rule in question, its purpose and effect, and
whether retrospective operation will further or retard its
operation.”
Id., at 629.
The
Linkletter framework proved
unworkable when the Court began applying the rule-by-rule approach
not only to cases on collateral review but also to cases on direct
review, rejecting any distinction “between convictions now final”
and “convictions at various stages of trial and direct review.”
Stovall v.
Denno, 388 U. S. 293, 300 (1967) . It
was this rejection that drew Justice Harlan’s reproach in
Desist and later in
Mackey. He urged that “all ‘new’
rules of constitutional law must, at a minimum, be applied to all
those cases which are still subject to direct review by this Court
at the time the ‘new’ decision is handed down.”
Desist,
supra, at 258 (dissenting opinion). “Simply fishing one case
from the stream of appellate review, using it as a vehicle for
pronouncing new constitutional standards, and then permitting a
stream of similar cases subsequently to flow by unaffected by that
new rule constitute an indefensible departure from th[e] model of
judicial review.”
Mackey,
supra, at 679.
The decision in
Griffith v.
Kentucky, 479 U. S. 314 (1987) , heeded this
constitutional concern. The Court jettisoned the
Linkletter
test for cases pending on direct review and adopted for them
Justice Harlan’s rule of redressability: “[F]ailure to apply a
newly declared constitutional rule to criminal cases pending on
direct review violates basic norms of
constitutional
adjudication.” 479 U. S., at 322 (emphasis added). We
established in
Griffith that this Court must play by our own
“old rules”—rules we have settled before the defendant’s conviction
and sentence become final, even those that are a “clear break from
existing precedent”—for cases pending before us on direct appeal.
Id., at 323. Since the
Griffith rule is
constitutionally compelled, we instructed the lower state and
federal courts to comply with it as well.
Ibid.
When
Teague followed on
Griffith’s
heels two years later, the opinion contained no discussion of
“basic norms of constitutional adjudication,”
Griffith,
supra, at 322, nor any discussion of the obligations of
state courts. Doing away with
Linkletter for good, the Court
adopted Justice Harlan’s solution to “the retroactivity problem”
for cases pending on collateral review—which he described not as a
constitutional problem but as “a problem as to the
scope of the
habeas writ.”
Mackey,
supra, at 684 (emphasis
added).
Teague held that federal habeas courts could no
longer upset state-court convictions for violations of so-called
“new rules,” not yet announced when the conviction became final.
489 U. S., at 310. But it allowed for the previously mentioned
exceptions to this rule of nonredressability: substantive rules
placing “certain kinds of primary, private individual conduct
beyond the power of the criminal law-making authority to proscribe”
and “watershed rules of criminal procedure.”
Id., at 311.
Then in
Penry v.
Lynaugh, 492 U. S. 302 (1989) ,
the Court expanded this first exception for substantive rules to
embrace new rules “prohibiting a certain category of punishment for
a class of defendants because of their status or offense.”
Id., at 330.
Neither
Teague nor its exceptions are
constitutionally compelled. Unlike today’s majority, the
Teague-era Court understood that cases on collateral review
are fundamentally different from those pending on direct review
because of “considerations of finality in the judicial process.”
Shea v.
Louisiana, 470 U. S. 51 –60 (1985). That
line of finality demarcating the constitutionally required rule in
Griffith from the habeas rule in
Teague supplies the
answer to the not-so-difficult question whether a state
postconviction court must remedy the violation of a new substantive
rule: No. A state court need only apply the law as it existed at
the time a defendant’s conviction and sentence became final. See
Griffith,
supra, at 322. And once final, “a new rule
cannot reopen a door already closed.”
James B. Beam Distilling
Co. v.
Georgia, 501 U. S. 529, 541 (1991) (opinion
of Souter, J.). Any relief a prisoner might receive in a state
court after finality is a matter of grace, not constitutional
prescription.
B
The majority can marshal no case support for
its con-trary position. It creates a constitutional rule where none
had been before: “
Teague’s conclusion establishing the
retroactivity of new substantive rules is best understood as
resting upon constitutional premises” binding in both federal and
state courts.
Ante, at 8. “Best understood.” Because of
what? Surely not because of its history and derivation.
Because of the Supremacy Clause, says the
majority.
Ante, at 12. But the Supremacy Clause cannot
possibly answer the question before us here. It only elicits
another question: What federal law is supreme? Old or new? The
majority’s champion, Justice Harlan, said the old rules apply for
federal habeas review of a state-court conviction: “[T]he habeas
court need only apply the constitutional standards that prevailed
at the time the original proceedings took place,”
Desist,
394 U. S., at 263 (dissenting opinion), for a state court
cannot “toe the constitutional mark” that does not yet exist,
Mackey, 401 U. S., at 687 (opinion of Harlan, J.).
Following his analysis, we have clarified time and again—recently
in
Greene v.
Fisher, 565 U. S. ___, ___–___
(2011) (slip op., at 4–5)—that
federal habeas courts are to
review state-court decisions against the law and factual record
that existed at the time the decisions were made. “Section
2254(d)(1) [of the federal habeas statute] refers, in the past
tense, to a state-court adjudication that ‘resulted in’ a decision
that was contrary to, or ‘involved’ an unreasonable application of,
established law. This backward-looking language requires an
examination of the state-court decision at the time it was made.”
Cullen v.
Pinholster, 563 U. S. 170 –182 (2011).
How can it possibly be, then, that the Constitution requires a
state court’s review of its own convictions to be governed
by “new rules” rather than (what suffices when federal courts
review state courts) “old rules”?
The majority relies on the statement in
United States v.
United States Coin & Currency,
401 U. S. 715 (1971) , that “ ‘[n]o circumstances call
more for the invocation of a rule of complete retroactivity’ ”
than when “ ‘the conduct being penalized is constitutionally
immune from punishment.’ ”
Ante, at 9–10 (quoting 401
U. S., at 724). The majority neglects to mention that this
statement was addressing the “circumstances” of a conviction that
“had
not become final,”
id., at 724, n. 13
(emphasis added), when the “rule of complete retroactivity” was
invoked.
Coin & Currency, an opinion written by (guess
whom?) Justice Harlan, merely foreshadowed the rule announced in
Griffith, that all cases pending on direct review receive
the benefit of newly announced rules—better termed “old rules” for
such rules were announced
before finality.
The majority also misappropriates
Yates
v.
Aiken, 484 U. S. 211 (1988) , which reviewed a state
habeas petitioner’s Fourteenth Amendment claim that the jury
instructions at his trial lessened the State’s burden to prove
every element of his offense beyond a reasonable doubt. That case
at least did involve a conviction that was final. But the majority
is oblivious to the critical fact that Yates’s claim depended upon
an
old rule, settled at the time of his trial.
Id.,
at 217. This Court reversed the state habeas court for its refusal
to consider that the jury instructions violated that
old
rule.
Ibid. The majority places great weight upon the
dictum in
Yates that the South Carolina habeas court
“ ‘ha[d] a duty to grant the relief that federal law
requires.’ ”
Ante, at 13 (quoting
Yates,
supra, at 218). It is simply wrong to divorce that dictum
from the facts it addressed. In that context,
Yates merely
reinforces the line drawn by
Griffith: when state courts
provide a forum for postconviction relief, they need to play by the
“old rules” announced
before the date on which a defendant’s
conviction and sentence became final.
The other sleight of hand performed by the
majority is its emphasis on
Ex parte Siebold, 100 U. S.
371 (1880) . That case considered a petition for a federal writ of
habeas corpus following a federal conviction, and the initial issue
it confronted was its jurisdiction. A federal court has no inherent
habeas corpus power,
Ex parte Bollman, 4 Cranch 75, 94
(1807), but only that which is conferred (and limited) by statute,
see,
e.g., Felker v.
Turpin, 518 U. S.
651, 664 (1996) . As
Siebold stated, it was forbidden to use
the federal habeas writ “as a mere writ of error.” 100 U. S.,
at 375. “The only ground on which this court, or any court, without
some special statute authorizing it, [could] give relief on
habeas corpus to a prisoner under conviction and sentence of
another court is the want of jurisdiction in such court over the
person or the cause, or some other matter rendering its proceedings
void.”
Ibid. Turning to the facts before it, the Court
decided it was within its power to hear Siebold’s claim, which did
not merely protest that the conviction and sentence were
“erroneous” but contended that the statute he was con-victed of
violating was unconstitutional and the conviction therefore void:
“[I]f the laws are unconstitutional and void, the Circuit Court
acquired no jurisdiction of the causes.”
Id., at 376–377.
Siebold is thus a decision that expands the limits of this
Court’s power to issue a federal habeas writ for a federal
prisoner.
The majority, however, divines from
Siebold “a general principle” that “a court has no authority
to leave in place a conviction or sentence that violates a
substantive rule, regardless of whether the conviction or sentence
became final before the rule was announced.”
Ante, at 11.
That is utterly impossible. No “general principle” can rationally
be derived from
Siebold about constitutionally required
remedies in state courts; indeed, the opinion does not even speak
to constitutionally required remedies in
federal courts. It
is a decision about this Court’s statutory power to grant the
Original Writ, not about its constitutional obligation to do so.
Nowhere in
Siebold did this Court intimate that relief was
constitutionally required—or as the majority puts it, that a court
would have had “no authority” to leave in place Siebold’s
conviction,
ante, at 11.
The majority’s sorry acknowledgment that
“
Siebold and the other cases discussed in this opinion, of
course, do not directly control the question the Court now answers
for the first time,”
ibid., is not nearly enough of a
disclaimer. It is not just that they “do not directly control,” but
that the dicta cherry picked from those cases are irrelevant; they
addressed circumstances fundamentally different from those to which
the majority now applies them. Indeed, we know for sure that the
author of some of those dicta, Justice Harlan, held views that
flatly contradict the majority.
The majority’s maxim that “state collateral
review courts have no greater power than federal habeas courts to
mandate that a prisoner continue to suffer punishment barred by the
Constitution,”
ante, at 12–13, begs the question rather than
contributes to its solution. Until today, no federal court was
constitutionally obliged to grant relief for the past
violation of a newly announced substantive rule. Until today, it
was Congress’s prerogative to do away with
Teague’s
exceptions altogether. Indeed, we had left unresolved the question
whether Congress had already done that when it amended a section of
the habeas corpus statute to add backward-looking language
governing the review of state-court decisions. See Antiterrorism
and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, §104, 110Stat. 1219,
codified at 28 U. S. C. §2254(d)(1);
Greene, 565
U. S, at ___, n. (slip op., at 5, n.). A maxim shown to be
more relevant to this case, by the analysis that the majority
omitted, is this: The Supremacy Clause does not impose upon state
courts a constitutional obligation it fails to impose upon federal
courts.
C
All that remains to support the majority’s
conclusion is that all-purpose Latin canon:
ipse dixit. The
majority opines that because a substantive rule eliminates a
State’s power to proscribe certain conduct or impose a certain
punishment, it has “the automatic consequence of invalidating a
defendant’s conviction or sentence.”
Ante, at 9. What
provision of the Constitution could conceivably produce such a
result? The Due Process Clause? It surely cannot be a denial of due
process for a court to pronounce a final judgment which, though
fully in accord with federal constitutional law at the time, fails
to anticipate a change to be made by this Court half a century into
the future. The Equal Protection Clause? Both statutory and
(increasingly) constitutional laws change. If it were a denial of
equal protection to hold an earlier defendant to a law more
stringent than what exists today, it would also be a denial of
equal protection to hold a later defendant to a law more stringent
than what existed 50 years ago. No principle of equal protection
requires the criminal law of all ages to be the same.
The majority grandly asserts that “[t]here is no
grandfather clause that permits States to
enforce punishments
the Constitution forbids.”
Ante, at 12 (emphasis added).
Of course the italicized phrase begs the question. There most
certainly is a grandfather clause—one we have called
finality—which says that the Constitution does not require
States to revise punishments that were lawful when they were
imposed. Once a conviction has become final, whether new rules or
old ones will be applied to revisit the conviction is a matter
entirely within the State’s control; the Constitution has nothing
to say about that choice. The majority says that there is no
“possibility of a valid result” when a new substantive rule is not
applied retroactively.
Ante, at 9. But the whole controversy
here arises because many think there
is a valid result when
a defendant has been convicted under the law that existed when his
conviction became final. And the States are unquestionably entitled
to take that view of things.
The majority’s imposition of
Teague’s
first exception upon the States is all the worse because it does
not adhere to that exception as initially conceived by Justice
Harlan—an exception for rules that “place, as a matter of
constitutional interpretation, certain kinds of primary, private
individual
conduct beyond the power of the criminal
lawmaking authority to proscribe.”
Mackey, 401 U. S.,
at 692 (emphasis added). Rather, it endorses the exception as
expanded by
Penry, to include “rules prohibiting a certain
category of punishment for a class of defendants because of their
status or offense.” 492 U. S., at 330. That expansion
empowered and obligated federal (and after today state) habeas
courts to invoke this Court’s Eighth Amendment “evolving standards
of decency” jurisprudence to upset punishments that were
constitutional when imposed but are “cruel and unusual,” U. S.
Const., Amdt. 8, in our newly enlightened society. See
Trop
v.
Dulles, 356 U. S. 86, 101 (1958) . The “evolving
standards” test concedes that in 1969 the State had the power to
punish Henry Montgomery as it did. Indeed, Montgomery could at that
time have been sentenced to death by our yet unevolved society.
Even 20 years later, this Court reaffirmed that the Constitution
posed no bar to death sentences for juveniles.
Stanford v.
Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361 (1989) . Not until our People’s
“standards of decency” evolved a mere 10 years ago—nearly 40 years
after Montgomery’s sentence was imposed—did this Court declare the
death penalty unconstitutional for juveniles.
Roper v.
Simmons, 543 U. S. 551 (2005) . Even then, the Court
reassured States that “the punishment of life imprisonment without
the possibility of parole is itself a severe sanction,” implicitly
still available for juveniles.
Id., at 572. And again five
years ago this Court left in place this severe sanction for
juvenile homicide offenders.
Graham v.
Florida, 560
U. S. 48, 69 (2010) . So for the five decades Montgomery has
spent in prison, not one of this Court’s precedents called into
question the legality of his sentence—until the People’s “standards
of decency,” as perceived by five Justices, “evolved” yet again in
Miller.
Teague’s central purpose was to do away
with the old regime’s tendency to “
continually force the
States to marshal resources in order to keep in prison defendants
whose trials and appeals conformed to then-existing constitutional
standards.” 489 U. S., at 310. Today’s holding thwarts that
purpose with a vengeance. Our ever-evolving Constitution changes
the rules of “cruel and unusual punishments” every few years. In
the passage from
Mackey that the majority’s opinion quotes,
ante, at 13, Justice Harlan noted the diminishing force of
finality (and hence the equitable propriety—not the constitutional
requirement—of disregarding it) when the law punishes nonpunishable
conduct, see 401 U. S., at 693. But one cannot imagine
a clearer frustration of the sensible policy of
Teague when
the ever-moving target of impermissible
punishments is at
issue. Today’s holding not only fore-closes Congress from
eliminating this expansion of
Teague in federal courts, but
also foists this distortion upon the States.
II. The Retroactivity of
Miller
Having created jurisdiction by ripping
Teague’s first exception from its moorings, converting an
equitable rule governing federal habeas relief to a constitutional
command governing state courts as well, the majority proceeds to
the merits. And here it confronts a second obstacle to its desired
outcome.
Miller, the opinion it wishes to impose upon state
postconviction courts, simply does not decree what the first part
of the majority’s opinion says
Teague’s first exception
requires to be given retroactive effect: a rule “set[ting] forth
categorical constitutional guarantees that place certain
criminal laws and punishments
altogether beyond the State’s
power to impose.”
Ante, at 9 (emphasis added). No problem.
Having distorted
Teague, the majority simply proceeds to
rewrite
Miller.
The majority asserts that
Miller
“rendered life without parole an unconstitutional penalty for ‘a
class of defendants because of their status’—that is, juvenile
offenders whose crimes reflect the transient immaturity of youth.”
Ante, at 17. It insists that
Miller barred
life-without-parole sentences “for all but the rarest of juvenile
offenders, those whose crimes reflect permanent incorrigibility.
For that reason,
Miller is no less substantive than are
Roper and
Graham.”
Ante, at 17–18. The problem
is that
Miller stated, quite clearly, precisely the
opposite: “Our decision does not categorically bar a penalty for a
class of offenders or type of crime—as, for example, we did in
Roper or
Graham. Instead, it mandates only that a
sentencer
follow a certain process—considering an offender’s
youth and attendant characteristics—before imposing a particular
penalty.” 567 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 20) (emphasis
added).
To contradict that clear statement, the majority
opinion quotes passages from
Miller that assert such things
as “mandatory life-without-parole sentences for children ‘pos[e]
too great a risk of disproportionate punishment’ ” and
“ ‘appropriate occasions for sentencing juveniles to this
harshest possible penalty will be uncommon.’ ”
Ante, at
16 (quoting
Miller,
supra, at ___ (slip op., at 17)).
But to say that a punishment might be inappropriate and
disproportionate for certain juvenile offenders is not to say that
it is unconstitutionally void. All of the statements relied on by
the majority do nothing more than express the
reason why the
new, youth-protective
procedure prescribed by
Miller
is desirable: to deter life sentences for certain juvenile
offenders. On the issue of whether
Miller rendered
life-without-parole penalties unconstitutional, it is impossible to
get past
Miller’s unambiguous statement that “[o]ur decision
does not categorically bar a penalty for a class of offenders” and
“mandates only that a sentencer follow a certain process
. . . before imposing a particular penalty.” 567
U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 20). It is plain as day that the
majority is not applying
Miller, but rewriting it.[
1]
And the rewriting has consequences beyond merely
making
Miller’s procedural guarantee retroactive. If,
indeed, a State is categorically prohibited from imposing life
without parole on juvenile offenders whose crimes do not “reflect
permanent incorrigibility,” then even when the procedures that
Miller demands are provided the constitutional requirement
is not necessarily satisfied. It remains available for the
defendant sentenced to life without parole to argue that his crimes
did not in fact “reflect permanent incorrigibility.” Or as the
majority’s opinion puts it: “That
Miller did not impose a
formal factfinding requirement does not leave States free to
sentence a child[[
2]] whose
crime reflects transient immaturity to life without parole. To the
contrary,
Miller established that this punishment is
disproportionate under the Eighth Amendment.”
Ante, at
20.
How wonderful. Federal and (like it or not)
state judges are henceforth to resolve the knotty “legal” question:
whether a 17-year-old who murdered an innocent sheriff’s deputy
half a century ago was at the time of his trial “incorrigible.”
Under
Miller, bear in mind, the inquiry is whether the
inmate was seen to be incorrigible when he was sentenced—not
whether he has proven corrigible and so can safely be paroled
today. What silliness. (And how impossible in practice, see Brief
for National District Attorneys Assn. et al. as
Amici
Curiae 9–17.) When in
Lockett v.
Ohio, 438
U. S. 586, 608 (1978) , the Court imposed the thitherto
unheard-of requirement that the sentencer in capital cases must
consider and weigh all “relevant mitigating factors,” it at least
did not impose the substantive (and hence judicially reviewable)
requirement that the aggravators must outweigh the mitigators; it
would suffice that the sentencer
thought so. And, fairly
read,
Miller did the same. Not so with the “incorrigibility”
requirement that the Court imposes today to make
Miller
retroactive.
But have no fear. The majority does not
seriously expect state and federal collateral-review tribunals to
engage in this silliness, probing the evidence of “incorrigibility”
that existed decades ago when defendants were sentenced. What the
majority expects (and intends) to happen is set forth in the
following not-so-subtle invitation: “A State may remedy a
Miller violation by permitting juvenile homicide offenders
to be considered for parole, rather than by resentencing them.”
Ante, at 21. Of course. This whole exercise, this whole
distortion of
Miller, is just a devious way of eliminating
life without parole for juvenile offenders. The Court might have
done that expressly (as we know, the Court can decree
anything), but that would have been something of an
embarrassment. After all, one of the justifications the Court gave
for decreeing an end to the death penalty for murders (no matter
how many) committed by a juvenile was that life without parole was
a severe enough punishment. See
Roper, 543 U. S., at
572. How could the majority—in an opinion written by the very
author of
Roper—now say
that punishment is
also unconstitutional? The Court expressly refused to say so
in
Miller. 567 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 17). So the
Court refuses again today, but merely makes imposition of that
severe sanction a practical impossibility. And then, in Godfather
fashion, the majority makes state legislatures an offer they can’t
refuse: Avoid all the utterly impossible nonsense we have
prescribed by simply “permitting juvenile homicide offenders to be
considered for parole.”
Ante, at 21. Mission
accomplished.