SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 11–94
_________________
SOUTHERN UNION COMPANY, PETITIONER
v.
UNITED STATES
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the first circuit
[June 21, 2012]
Justice Breyer, with whom Justice Kennedy and
Justice Alito join, dissenting.
Where a criminal fine is at issue, I believe the
Sixth Amendment permits a sentencing judge to determine sen-
tencing facts—facts that are not elements of the crime but are
relevant only to the amount of the fine the judge will impose.
Those who framed the Bill of Rights understood that “the finding of
a particular fact” of this kind was ordinarily a matter for a judge
and not necessarily “within ‘the domain of the jury.’ ”
Oregon v.
Ice,
555
U.S. 160, 168 (2009) (quoting
Harris v.
United
States,
536 U.S.
545, 557 (2002) (plurality opinion)). The Court’s contrary
conclusion, I believe, is ahistorical and will lead to increased
problems of unfairness in the administration of our criminal
justice system.
I
Although this dissent does not depend upon the
dissents in
Apprendi v.
New Jersey,
530 U.S.
466 (2000), and its progeny, summarizing those earlier dissents
will help the reader understand this one. See
id., at
523–554 (O’Connor, J., dissenting);
id., at 555–556 (Breyer,
J., dissenting); see also
United States v.
Booker,
543 U.S.
220, 327 (2005) (Breyer, J., dissenting in part) (citing
cases);
Blakely v.
Washington,
542 U.S.
296, 329 (2004) (Breyer, J., dissenting) (same). The
Apprendi dissenters argued that the law had long
distinguished between (1) facts that constitute elements of the
offense and (2) facts relevant only to sentencing. The term
“elements of the offense” means “constituent parts of a crime
. . . that the prosecution must prove to sustain a
conviction.” Black’s Law Dictionary 597 (9th ed. 2009). The statute
that creates the crime in question typically sets forth those
constituent parts. And a jury must find the existence of each such
element “beyond a reasonable doubt.” See,
e.g., United
States v.
Gaudin,
515 U.S.
506, 510 (1995);
In re Winship,
397
U.S. 358, 364 (1970).
Thus, a bank robbery statute might prohibit an
offender from (1) taking by force or by intimidation (2) in the
presence of another person (3) a thing of value (4) belonging to,
or in custody of, a bank. In that case, the jury can convict only
if it finds the existence of each of these four factual “elements”
beyond a reasonable doubt. But it need not find other facts beyond
a reasonable doubt, for these four factual elements alone
constitute the crime.
Other facts may be relevant to the length or
kind of sentence the court will impose upon a convicted offender.
These sentencing facts typically characterize the manner in which
the offender carried out the crime or set forth relevant features
characterizing the offender. For example, in respect to manner, an
offender might have carried out a particular bank robbery
“with (or without) a gun, which the robber
kept hidden (or brandished), might have frightened (or merely
warned), injured seriously (or less seriously), tied up (or simply
pushed) a guard, teller, or customer, at night (or at noon), in an
effort to obtain money for other crimes (or for other purposes), in
the company of a few (or many) other robbers
. . . .” United States Sentencing Commission,
Guidelines Manual §1A1.3, p. 3 (Nov. 2011) (USSG).
In respect to characteristics of the offender, a
current bank robbery conviction might be that offender’s first (or
his fourth) criminal conviction.
Traditionally, sentencing facts help the
sentencing judge determine where, within say a broad statutory
range of, say, up to 20 years of imprisonment, the particular bank
robber’s punishment should lie. The
Apprendi dissenters
concluded that the Constitution did not require the jury to find
the existence of those facts beyond a reasonable doubt. Rather the
law, through its rules, statutes, and the Constitution’s Due
Process Clause would typically offer the defendant factfinding
protection. See,
e.g., Fed. Rule Crim. Proc. 32 (federal
presentence report prepared by probation office sets forth facts,
which defendant may contest at sentencing proceeding);
Almendarez-Torres v.
United States,
523
U.S. 224, 239–247 (1998) (constitutional inquiry).
The dispute in
Apprendi and its line of
cases arose after Congress and many States codified these
sentencing facts during the sentencing reform movement of the
1970’s and 1980’s. Congress, for example, concluded that too many
different judges were imposing too many different sentences upon
too many similar offenders who had com- mitted similar crimes in
similar ways. It subsequently enacted the Sentencing Reform Act of
1984, creating a federal Sentencing Commission which would produce
greater uniformity in sentencing through the promulgation of
mandatory uniform Guidelines structuring how judges, in ordinary
cases, should typically use sentencing facts to determine
sentences. 28 U. S. C. §§991, 994 (2006 ed. and Supp.
IV); see also 18 U. S. C. §§3553(b)(1), 3742(e). The
Apprendi-line majority agreed that, where a statute set a
higher maximum sentence, a Commission might structure how a judge
found sentencing facts relevant to the sentence imposed below that
otherwise applicable maximum, at least if the resulting guidelines
were not mandatory. See
Booker, 543 U. S., at 245. But
the majority held that where a sentencing fact increased the
otherwise applicable maximum penalty, that fact had to be found by
a jury.
Apprendi, 530 U. S., at 490.
As I have said, the dissenters thought that the
Sixth Amendment did not require a jury to find any of these
sentencing facts. Why, asked the dissenters, should Congress’ or a
State’s desire for greater sentencing uniformity achieved through
statutes seeking more uniform treatment (of similar offenders
committing similar offenses in similar ways) suddenly produce new
Sixth Amendment jury trial requirements?
Those requirements would work against greater
sentencing fairness. To treat all sentencing facts (where so
specified in a statute or rule) as if they were elements of the
offense could lead Congress simply to set high maximum ranges for
each crime, thereby avoiding
Appren- di’s jury trial
requirement. Alternatively, Congress might enact statutes that more
specifically tied particular punishments to each crime (limiting or
removing judicial discretion), for example, mandatory minimum
statutes. But this system would threaten disproportionality by in-
sisting that similar punishments be applied to very dif- ferent
kinds of offense behavior or offenders.
Apprendi’s jury
trial requirements might also prove unworkable. Con- sider the
difficulty of juries’ having to find the differ- ent facts in the
bank robbery example I have set forth above. Moreover, how is a
defendant, arguing that he did not have a gun, alternatively to
argue that, in any event, he did not fire the gun?
Finally, the dissenters took a different view of
Sixth Amendment history. They believed that under the common law
and at the time the Constitution was ratified, judges, not juries,
often found sentencing facts,
i.e., facts relevant only to
the determination of the offender’s punishment. See,
e.g.,
Booker,
supra, at 329 (Breyer, J., dissenting in
part);
Apprendi, 530 U. S., at 527–529 (O’Connor, J.,
dissenting).
The dissenters lost the argument. The Court in
Apprendi held that (other than the fact of a prior
conviction) “any fact that increases the penalty for a crime beyond
the prescribed statutory maximum must be submitted to a jury, and
proved beyond a reasonable doubt.”
Id., at 490. But the
dissenters’ views help to explain why I continue to believe this
Court should not extend
Apprendi’s rule beyond “ ‘the
central sphere of [its] concern.’ ”
Ice, 555
U. S., at 172 (quoting
Cunningham v.
California,
549 U.S.
270, 295 (2007) (Kennedy, J., dissenting)). That is the Court’s
view, too, as set forth in
Ice. And I base my dissent here
primarily upon
Ice.
II
This case involves sentencing facts, not
elements of a crime. The criminal statute at issue constitutes one
part of the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of 1976 (RCRA),
which, among others things, authorizes the Environmental Protection
Agency to create a list of hazardous wastes. 42 U. S. C.
§6921. The criminal statute says:
“Any person who . . . knowingly
treats, stores, or disposes of any hazardous waste identified or
listed under [RCRA] . . . without [an RCRA-authorized]
permit . . . shall, upon conviction, be subject to a fine
of not more than $50,000 for each day of violation, or imprisonment
not to exceed . . . five years . . . , or
both.” §6928(d)(2)(A).
No one here denies that this statute creates a
crime with four elements: (1) knowing treatment, storage, or
disposal of a waste (2) that is hazardous, (3) without a permit,
and (4) knowing that the waste has a substantial potential of
causing harm to others or to the environment. App. 129–130; see
Brief for Petitioner 30.
The number of “day[s] of each violation,”
however, is not an additional element of the crime. The statute
says that the number of days becomes relevant only “upon
conviction” of the crime as previously defined. Moreover, the
number of days is relevant to application of only one of two kinds
of punishment that the statute mentions (fine and imprisonment);
one cannot easily read this statute as creating two separate crimes
identical but for the punishment. Finally, Congress did not include
here, as it sometimes has done, statutory words such as “each day
of violation shall constitute a separate offense.”
E.g., 47
U. S. C. §223(b); see also 42 U. S. C.
§4910(b). Rather, as in many other similar statutes, the statute
here sets forth the crime and kinds of punishments (fine and
imprisonment), while separately specifying facts that determine the
maximum punishment of one kind (fines).
In this particular case, the indictment set
forth a violation period of 762 days (from “on or about September
19, 2002 until on or about October 19, 2004”). App. 104. The jury’s
guilty verdict did not specify the number of days on which the
defendant committed the offense.
Id., at 141. But after the
conviction and sentencing hearing, the judge found that, among
other things, the “clear and essentially irrefutable evidence” at
trial supported the conclusion set forth in the presentence report,
namely, that the maximum fine available amounted to $50,000 per day
for 762 days—or $38.1 million. App. to Pet. for Cert. 47a–48a. The
judge imposed a fine of $6 million along with a $12 million
community service obligation. App. 162–163.
III
Apprendi says that “any fact that
increases the penalty for a crime beyond the prescribed statutory
maximum must be submitted to a jury, and proved beyond a reasonable
doubt.” 530 U. S., at 490. The number of days (beyond one) on
which the defendant violated this criminal statute is such a fact.
Nonetheless, like the majority, I believe that
Apprendi’s
rule does not automatically control the outcome in this case.
That is because this case concerns a fine, not,
as in
Apprendi, a term of imprisonment. And we made clear in
Oregon v.
Ice,
555 U.S.
160, that
Apprendi does not encompass every kind of
fact-related sentencing decision that increases the statutory
maximum. In
Ice, we considered
Apprendi’s application
to a sentencing decision about whether two prison sentences for
conviction of two separate crimes (
e.g., illegal drug
possession and illegal gun possession) would run concurrently or
consecutively. 555 U. S., at 163. An Oregon statute required a
concurrent sentence unless the sentencing judge found certain
facts.
Id., at 165. Those facts could make a large
difference in a term of imprisonment. Their presence could mean
that a 5-year sentence for illegal drug possession and a 5-year
sentence for illegal gun possession would amount to 10 years of
imprisonment rather than 5 (indeed, in
Ice itself, the
judge’s factfinding increased the sentence by 20 years, see
id., at 166, and n. 5). Thus, the presence of those
“fact[s]” could “increas[e] the penalty” beyond what would
otherwise be “the prescribed statutory maximum.”
Id., at 167
(internal quotation marks omitted). Nonetheless, we held that the
Sixth Amendment permitted a judge—it did not require a jury—to make
that factual determination.
Id., at 164.
We consequently concluded that
Apprendi
does not encompass every kind of fact-related sentencing decision
that increases the statutory maximum. In doing so, we wrote that
the “animating principle” of
Apprendi’s rule “is the
preservation of the jury’s historic role as a bul- wark between the
State and the accused at the trial for an alleged offense.” 555
U. S., at 168. And we refused to extend
Apprendi’s rule
to a new category of sentence-related facts for two basic
reasons.
First, we considered a historical question,
namely, whether “the finding of a particular fact was understood as
within ‘the domain of the jury . . . by those who framed
the Bill of Rights.’ ” 555 U. S., at 168 (quoting
Harris, 536 U. S., at 557). And we read the “historical
record” as showing that “in England before the founding of our
Nation, and in the early American States,” the jury “played no role
in the decision to impose sentences consecutively or concurrently.”
555 U. S., at 168–169 (footnote omitted). Rather, that
decision “rested exclusively with the judge.”
Id., at
168.
Second, recognizing that “administration of a
discrete criminal justice system is among the [States’] basic
sovereign prerogatives,” we considered the need to “respect
. . . state sovereignty.”
Ibid. We expressed
concern lest application of
Apprendi to this kind of
decision inhibit state legislative efforts to establish a fairer
sentencing system by helping to bring about more uniform
sentencing.
Ice, 555 U. S., at 171. We concluded
that “[n]either
Apprendi nor our Sixth Amendment traditions
compel straitjacketing the States” in this respect.
Ibid.
This case presents another new category of
fact-related sentencing decisions, namely, decisions about the
amount of a fine. Thus, as the majority recognizes, we must be- gin
with a historical question.
Ante, at 8. Who—judge or
jury—found the facts that determine the amount of a criminal fine
“in England before the founding of our Nation, and in the early
American States?”
Ice,
supra, at 169 (footnote
omitted). Unlike the majority, I believe the answer to this
question is that, in most instances, the judge made that
determination.
IV
A
Apprendi relied heavily upon the fact
that in “England before the founding of our Nation” the prescribed
punishment for more serious crimes,
i.e., felonies, was
typically fixed—indeed, fixed at death. 530 U. S., at 478–480;
see J. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History 512 (4th ed.
2007); J. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England, 1660–1800, pp.
409, 450–451 (1986) (hereinafter Beattie); Langbein, The English
Criminal Trial on the Eve of the French Revolution, in The Trial
Jury in England, France, Germany 1700–1900, pp. 13, 16, 36–37
(A. Schioppa ed. 1987). The facts related to the application of
that punishment were typically elements of the crime. And the jury,
not the judge, determined the existence of those facts. See 4 W.
Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 343 (1769)
(hereinafter Blackstone); see also Baker,
supra, at 512–518
(in practice, the jury or judge could ameliorate capital punishment
through application of doctrines such as “pious perjury,” “benefit
of clergy,” and reprieves, or the King could grant a royal pardon);
Beattie 419–435 (same).
Punishment for lesser crimes, however, included
fines. And under the common law, the judge, not the jury,
determined the amount of the fine and the sentencing facts relevant
to the setting of that amount. See Baker,
supra, at 512;
Beattie 459. Pertinent sentencing facts typically concerned the
manner in which the offender committed the crime and the
characteristics of that offender. See
id., at 456–460. Thus,
in 1769, Blackstone wrote:
“Our statute law has not therefore often
ascertained the quantity of fines,
nor the common law ever;
it directing such an offense to be punished by fine, in general,
without specifying the certain sum.” Blackstone 372 (emphasis
added).
That is because
“the
quantum, in particular, of
pecuniary fines neither can, nor ought to be, ascertained by any
invariable law. The value of money itself changes from a thousand
causes; and, at all events, what is ruin to one man’s fortune, may
be a matter of indifference to another.”
Id., at 371.
Moreover, the “quantum” of pecuniary fines
“must frequently vary, from aggravations
or otherwise of the offense [
i.e., the
manner in
which the crime was committed], the quality and conditions of the
parties
[e.g., the
offender’s characteristics], and
from innumerable other circumstances.”
Ibid.
Similarly, the 18th-century statesman and
treatise-writer Baron Auckland pointed out that in 10th-century
England pre-Norman law had attached a fixed financial penalty to
each specific crime. Principles of Penal Law 69 (2d ed. 1771). That
law, for example, imposed a penalty of 3 cows for perjury and 12
cows for the rape of a maid.
Ibid. This system, Baron
Auckland added, ignored variations in, for example, the differing
value of a fixed fine, say a cow, over time and among individuals;
it also ignored the manner in which the offense was committed and
the characteristics of the offender.
Id., at 69–72. For
those reasons, 18th-century English law ordinarily left “the
quantum of the fine” to “the discretion of the Judges.”
Id.,
at 68 (emphasis deleted).
“[Because t]he enormity and tendency of
the crime, the malice and wilfulness of the intention, the
inconsiderateness and suddenness of the act, the age, faculties,
and fortune of the offender, form a chain of complex questions;
which can be resolved only by
the evidence of each separate
charge, and for which no human foresight can provide
. . . then arises a necessary appeal
to the breast of
the judge.”
Id., at 72 (emphasis added).
The only generally applicable limitations on the
judge, when imposing the fine, were those contained in the English
Bill of Rights and the Magna Carta. 1 W. & M., ch. 2, §11,
in 3 Eng. Stat. at Large 440 (forbidding “excessive Fines”); Magna
Carta §20, 9 Hen. III, §14, in 1 Eng. Stat. at Large 5 (1225) (fine
cannot deprive offender of means of livelihood); see Auckland,
supra, at 73 (so interpreting Magna Carta); Blackstone
372–373 (same).
To be sure, the jury, not the judge, would
determine the facts that made up the elements of the crime, even
though those elements might be relevant to whether a fine could
apply and, if so, the amount of the fine imposed as well. The
common law, for example, defined larceny as the theft of goods that
had some intrinsic value and divided the offense into grand
larceny, which was theft of goods valued at more than a shilling,
and petit larceny, which was theft of goods worth less than a
shilling. Blackstone 229–234; Langbein,
supra, at 16–17; see
also Beattie 424 (whether “benefit of clergy” was available
depended on value stolen). Consequently, the jury would determine
the value of the goods in question. In doing so, the jury might
“manipulate the sentence by valuing the goods at under a shilling
and thereby spare the defendant the capital sanction.” Lillquist,
The Puzzling Return of Jury Sentencing: Misgivings About
Apprendi, 82 N. C. L. Rev. 621, 636 (2004). But
otherwise “the jury could not influence what other penalties” like
fines the defendant might face because in “non-capital criminal
cases” the amount of punishment “was left solely in the hands of
the justices.”
Ibid.
I cannot determine with any certainty the extent
to which 18th-century law placed other relevant limitations upon
the judges’ authority to determine fine-related sentencing facts. I
have found an 1814 English treatise on criminal pleading that says,
unlike in cases “where to constitute the offence the value must
[only] be of a certain amount,” in cases “where the offence, or its
defined measure of punishment, depends upon the quantity of that
excess . . . a variance from the amount averred
. . . will be fatal.” 1 T. Starkie, A Treatise on
Criminal Pleading 187–188 (emphasis deleted). It then adds that “in
the case of usury, where the judgment
depends upon the quantum
taken, the usurious contract must be averred according to the
fact; and a variance from it, in evidence, would be fatal, because
the penalty is apportioned to the value.”
Id., at 188. And
an 18th-century treatise says that it is questionable whether it is
necessary “to set forth the Value of the Goods in an Indictment of
Trespass
for any other Purpose than to aggravate the Fine.”
2 W. Hawkins, A Treatise of the Pleas of the Crown, ch. 25, §75,
pp. 234–235 (3d ed. 1739) (emphasis added). One
might read
these statements as supporting the majority, for they
might
in- dicate that, where a statute sets forth facts that deter- mine
a pecuniary penalty, then a jury, not judge, would determine those
facts.
But whether that is the correct reading is
unclear. For one thing, prosecutions for economic crimes were
usually brought by injured parties and the “fine” in such cases
went in whole or in part to compensate that party for damages. See
Beattie 35–36, 192. For example, immediately following the sentence
I have just quoted, Hawkins wrote that it is questionable whether
it is necessary “to set forth the Value of the Goods
. . . in an Indictment of Larceny for any other Purpose
than to sh[o]w that the Crime amounts to grand Larceny, and to
ascertain the Goods, thereby the better to [e]ntitle
the
Prosecutor to a
Resti- tution.” Hawkins,
supra,
at 234–235 (emphasis added; footnote omitted). Likewise, Blackstone
dated English usury law back to a 1545 statute that provided as the
penalty that the offending lender shall both “make f[i]ne
. . . at the King’s will and pleasure” and forfeit
“treble value” of the money borrowed—with half to the King and the
other half “
to him or them that will sue for the same.” 37
Hen. VIII, ch. 9, in 3 Stat. of Realm 997 (emphasis added); see
Blackstone 156; see also M. Ord, An Essay on the Law of Usury
122–123 (3d ed. 1809) (treble-value forfeitures recovered through
information
qui tam but dis- cretionary fines recovered
through criminal indictment). Thus, the statutes at issue were what
American courts would later call quasi
-civil statutes—part
civil, part criminal; see also Beattie 457.
Parliament consequently would have had a special
rea- son for requiring jury determinations of the amount of the
pecuniary penalty. And Parliament had the authority to depart from
the common law and to insist that juries determine sentencing facts
without establishing a generally applicable principle. The relevant
question here is how often and for what purposes Parliament did so.
Blackstone himself wrote that such statutes fixing fines in amounts
were both in derogation of the common law and uncommon. Blackstone
372. Finally, no one here argues that we adopt the rule actually
suggested by the treatises. That rule is not that sentencing is to
be done according to value found by the jury but instead that a
discrepancy between the value alleged and value found by the jury
might render the entire case fatal. See Starkie,
supra, at
188.
Thus, I cannot place great weight upon these
statutes. The parties did not refer to them in their briefs. And in
any event, the historical sources taken together make clear that
the predominant practice in 18th-century England was for a judge,
not a jury, to find sentencing facts related to the imposition of a
fine.
Indeed, the Court in
Apprendi conceded
the point. It distinguished 18th-century punishments for greater
crimes (fixed punishments) from punishments for lesser crimes
(included fines). 530 U. S., at 480, n. 7. And it wrote
that “judges most commonly imposed
discretionary ‘sentences’
of fines . . . upon misdemeanants.”
Ibid.
(emphasis added). Insofar as 18th-century English practice helps
determine what the Framers would have thought about the scope of
the Constitution’s terms—here, the Sixth Amendment’s right to trial
by an impartial jury—that practice suggests they would
not
have expected that right to include determination of sentencing
facts relevant only to the imposition of a fine.
B
Practice in the “early American States” is
even less am- biguous. In the colonial era, judges would normally
determine the amount of a fine (within an unlimited or otherwise
broad range) while also determining related sentencing facts (say,
about the manner in which the offender committed the crime and the
offender’s characteristics). Legal historians tell us that in the
American colonies a criminal fine was “overwhelmingly the most
common of the non-capital punishments,” that in most instances the
range of the fine was “apparently without limit except insofar as
it was within the expectation of the court that it would be paid,”
that the judge established the precise amount of the fine, and that
the amount was “tailored individually to the particular case.”
Preyer, Penal Measures in the American Colonies: An Overview, 26
Am. J. Legal Hist. 326, 350 (1982). “[C]olonial judges, like their
English brethren, possessed a great deal of discretion” and could
set the amount of fine “depending upon the nature of the defendant
and the crime.” Lillquist, 82 N. C. L. Rev., at
640–641.
Enactment of the Constitution and Bill of Rights
did not change this practice. Some early American statutes
specified that the judge has discretion to set the amount of the
fine while saying nothing about amount.
E.g., Crimes Act of
1790, ch. 9, §21, 1Stat. 117 (any person who bribes a judge “on
conviction thereof shall be fined and imprisoned at the discretion
of the court”); §28, 1Stat. 118 (any person who does violence to an
ambassador or public min- ister, “on conviction, shall be
imprisoned not exceeding three years, and fined at the discretion
of the court”). Others set only a maximum limitation.
E.g.,
Act of Mar. 3, 1791, ch. 15, §39, 1Stat. 208 (officer of inspection
con- victed of oppression or extortion “shall be fined not exceed-
ing five hundred dollars, or imprisoned not exceeding six months,
or both, at the discretion of the court”). In respect to these
statutes, Justice Iredell wrote in 1795 that the “common law
practice . . . must be adhered to; that is to say, the
jury are to find whether the prisoner be guilty, and
. . . the court must assess the fine.”
United
States v.
Mundell, 27 F. Cas. 23, 24 (No. 15,834) (CC
Va.).
Still other statutes, as in England,
specifically keyed the amount of the fine to a specific factual
finding. A section of the Crimes Act of 1790, for example, said
that any person who upon United States property or the high seas
“shall take and carry away, with an intent to steal or purloin the
personal goods of another . . . shall, on conviction, be
fined not exceeding the fourfold value of the property so stolen.”
§16, 1Stat. 116. This crime has several elements: (1) taking and
(2) carrying away (3) with intent to steal (4) personal goods (5)
belonging to another (6) on United States property or the high
seas. The jury must find the existence of these facts beyond a
reasonable doubt to establish a conviction. But the statute also
says that the fine cannot exceed “the fourfold value of the
property so stolen.” And it thereby requires the finding of a
sentencing fact, namely the value of the stolen property. Who would
make this determination—judge or jury?
Unlike in 18th-century England, in the United
States there is case law directly answering the question. In
United States v.
Tyler, 7 Cranch 285 (1812), this
Court considered a federal embargo statute making it a crime to
“put” certain “goods” on board a ship with intent to “export” them
outside of the United States. See Act of Jan. 9, 1809, ch. 5,
§1, 2Stat. 506. The statute also provided that an offender’s
“goods” and ship “shall be forfeited,” and the offender, “shall,
upon conviction,” be “fined a sum, by the court before which the
conviction is had, equal to four times the value of such specie,
goods, wares and merchandise.”
Ibid. The statute thereby
required determination of a sentencing fact, namely “the value of
such . . . goods.” Was the finding of this sentencing
fact for the judge or for the jury?
In
Tyler, the defendant had been indicted
for attempting to export 19 barrels of pearl-ashes, valued at $600.
Ante, at 13–14. The jury convicted the defendant, but when
doing so, it said that it found the defendant guilty of having
tried to export “ ‘pot-ashes . . . worth two hundred
and eighty dollars.’ ” 7 Cranch, at 285 (emphasis deleted).
The defendant appealed, claiming a difference between the jury’s
basis for conviction and the crime as charged in the indictment.
The difference between the words “pearl-ashes” and “pot-ashes” is
unlikely to have mattered, for pearl-ash is simply a refined grade
of pot-ash (potassium carbonate). See T. Barker, R. Dickinson,
& D. Hardie, Origins of the Synthetic Alkali Industry in
Britain, 23 Economica 158, 163 (1956). Thus, the defendant did not
focus upon that difference. Rather, he claimed that the jury’s
verdict “was not sufficiently certain as to the
value of the
property charged in the indictment.”
Tyler, 7 Cranch, at 285
(emphasis added). Because $280 differs from $600, the jury had not
found him guilty of the crime charged.
The Supreme Court, however, found that the
jury’s finding as to valuation was not
relevant. It upheld
the conviction because it was “of the opinion that, under this law,
no valuation by the jury was necessary to enable the Circuit
Court to impose the proper fine.”
Ibid. (emphasis
added). The Court did not say explicitly that the Sixth Amendment
permitted the judge to find the relevant sen- tencing fact. See
ante, at 14. But it seems unlikely that a Court that
included Chief Justice John Marshall, Justice Joseph Story, and
others familiar with both the common law and the Constitution would
have interpreted a federal statute as they did if
either
contemporary legal practice
or the Constitution suggested or
required a different interpretation.
Nor can we say that the Court did not fully
consider the matter. Justice Story later authoritatively
interpreted
Tyler. Sitting as a Circuit Justice in
United
States v.
Mann, 26 F. Cas. 1153 (No. 15,717) (CCNH
1812), he considered the same judge/jury question in respect to the
same embargo statute. His court wrote that in “
Tyler, 7
Cranch 285, in a prosecution on this same clause,
the court held
that the fine and quadruple value must be assessed and adjudged by
the court, and not by the jury.”
Id., at 1153 (emphasis
added); see also 26 F. Cas. 1153, 1155 (No. 15,718) (CCNH
1812) (Story, J.) (noting that the Su- preme Court would not have
reached its result unless satisfied “that the fine was to be
imposed by the court, and not found by the jury”).
Thus, nothing in early American practice
suggests that the Framers thought that the Sixth Amendment jury
trial right encompassed a right to have a jury determine
fine-related sentencing facts. But, to the contrary, there is a
Supreme Court opinion, namely
Tyler, that holds, or at least
strongly indicates, the opposite.
C
The majority reaches a different conclusion.
But the majority does not pose what I believe to be the relevant
historical question, namely whether traditionally “in England
before the founding of our Nation, and in the early American
States,” see
Ice, 555 U. S., at 169 (footnote omitted),
judges, not juries, normally determined fine-related sentencing
facts. Instead, it asks whether a jury, rather than the judge,
found those facts in that subclass of cases where a statute
“peg[ged] the amount of a fine to the determination of specified
facts.”
Ante, at 10. It concludes that “the predominant
practice was for such facts to be alleged in the indictment and
proved to the jury.”
Ibid.
Putting the question this way invites a circular
response. As is true of the English usury cases, nothing prohibits
a legislature from requiring a jury to find a sentencing fact in a
particular subset of cases. And obviously when a State does so, the
jury will indeed have to find those facts. Thus, if, say, 10 States
decide to make juries find facts that will set the fine for, say,
simple larceny, then jury practice in those States (during, say,
the 19th century) will include the jury’s finding of those
sentencing facts. But that circumstance tells us only that in those
10 States for those specific statutes the legislatures so required.
It tells us little, if anything, about practices in most States,
and it tells us nothing at all about traditional practice in
England or 18th-century America. Nor does a discovery that, say, 10
state legislatures once required juries, rather than judges,
generally to set fines tell us about the scope of the Sixth
Amendment’s constitu- tional right to trial by jury. The matter is
important be- cause the majority rests its conclusion almost
exclusively upon reports of mid-19th-century jury trials in a
handful of States, namely Alabama, Illinois, Indiana,
Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, and a treatise that bases its
statements upon those cases.
Ante, at 10–12.
Scholars tell us that in fact there were about
10 States—including Alabama, Illinois, and Indiana—that (after
ratification of the Sixth Amendment) enacted statutes that required
juries, not judges, to determine a defendant’s punishment,
including not only the length of a prison term but also the amount
of a fine. See Iontcheva, Jury Sentencing as Democratic Practice,
89 Va. L. Rev. 311, 317 (2003); King, Origins of Felony Jury
Sentencing in the United States 78 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 937, 963
(2003). The courts that considered this practice, however, did not
believe that the constitutional right to jury trial compelled
it.
Alabama’s Supreme Court, for example, explained
that its State’s jury-sentencing system, which allowed the jury “to
determine both the fine and imprisonment,” was in derogation of,
and created “an innovation upon[,] the rules of the common law, so
far as it transfers [those] powers from the court to the jury.”
Hawkins v.
State, 3 Stew. & P. 63 (1832). Thus,
in
State v.
Garner, 8 Port. 447 (1839), see
ante, at 10, the malicious mischief statute at issue said
that the offender would “ ‘be fined in such sum as
the jury
trying the same may assess, not exceeding four fold the value
of the property injured or destroyed.’ ” 8 Port., at 448
(emphasis added). The statute, in other words, transferred all
sentencing facts to the jury and was not illus- trative of
18th-century practice. Further, the statute said that the
“ ‘fine shall be paid to the party injured.’ ”
Ibid. The court held that it was consequently proper to
allege the amount of the property’s value in the indictment, not
because the State’s constitution required any such thing, but
because “the fine thus assesse[d] is for the benefit of the injured
party”; the case “is, therefore, a
quasi civil proceeding”;
and for that reason “it would be more con- sonant to the rules of
pleading, and to the principles which govern analogous cases, that
the indictment should contain an averment of the value of the
property.”
Ibid.; Ord, Law of Usury, at 122–123 (usury as
quasi-civil proceeding).
Illinois law was similar. Illinois became a
jury-sentencing State in 1831. See Iontcheva,
supra, at 317,
n. 28 (citing Act of Feb. 15, 1831, §42, 1830 Ill. Laws 103,
113). The Illinois Supreme Court subsequently wrote that, even
though “at common law . . . juries . . . never
were invested with the power of determining the character or extent
of the punishment . . . , we are to be governed
entirely the provisions and enactments of our code of criminal
jurisprudence.”
Blevings v.
People, 1 Scam. 172
(1835). And in
Clark v.
People, 1 Scam. 117 (1833),
see
ante, at 10, the court made clear that the arson statute
at issue
“ha[d] changed the common law,
. . . [that the] fine equal in value to the property
burne[d] is imposed as part of the punishment[; hence,] [t]he
indictment . . . should have charged the value of the
property destroyed, [for] otherwise it could not properly have been
inquired into by the jury.” 1 Scam., at 117.
Indiana was another jury-sentencing State.
Iontcheva,
supra, at 317, n. 28; King,
supra, at
937. Indiana case law decided before Indiana changed its system
indicates that the judge could decide certain facts required to set
the applicable maximum fine.
E.g., Morris v.
State, 1 Blackf. 37 (1819). But after Indiana became a
jury-sentencing State, its courts held, not surprisingly, that
under Indiana law the jury must determine sentencing facts. See
Ritchey v.
State, 7 Blackf. 168, 169 (1844);
ante, at 10.
Massachusetts presents a special circumstance.
The two Massachusetts cases that the majority cites,
ante,
at 10–11, are larceny cases. Value traditionally was an element of
the crime of larceny—both because larceny was theft of goods that
had some intrinsic value and because value distinguished grand
larceny from petit larceny—and thus juries traditionally had to
determine at least some facts about the value of the property
stolen. See Blackstone 229, 234. Massachusetts had abolished the
distinction between grand and petit larceny before its courts
decided the two cases the majority cites. See
Commonwealth
v.
Smith, 1 Mass. 245, 246 (1804). But those decisions
nonetheless rest in significant part upon the jury’s traditional
larceny factfinding role. In
Hope v.
Commonwealth, 9
Metcalf 134 (1845), for example, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial
Court wrote:
“The well settled practice, familiar to us
all, has been that of stating in the indictment the value of the
article alleged to have been stolen. . . . The
reason for requiring this allegation and finding of value may have
been, originally, that a distinction might appear between the
offences of grand and petit larceny . . . . Our
statutes . . . prescribe the punishment for larceny, with
reference to the value of the property stolen; and for this reason,
as well as because it is in conformity with long established
practice, the court are of opinion that the value of the property
alleged to be stolen must be set forth in the indictment.”
Id., at 136–137.
The “long established practice” to which the
court refers is
larceny case practice, not practice in all
criminal cases.
The New Hampshire case to which the majority
refers,
State v.
Goodrich, 46 N. H. 186 (1865),
ante, at 11, is also a larceny case that relied on the
“established” larceny case practice. The court explained:
“The indictment ought to state the value
of the articles stolen that it may appear whether the offence be
grand or petit larceny, and such we believe is the settled
practice. . . . It has been held in some
jurisdictions, that, in case no value is alleged, the offence
charged may be regarded as simple larceny, and a conviction be had
accordingly . . . but we think it best to adhere to the
well established doctrine in such cases . . . . It
may also be suggested, that, in the case of simple larceny, the
respondent may be sentenced to pay the owner of the goods stolen,
treble the value thereof, which is an additional reason for
requiring the character of the offence to be stated.” 46
N. H., at 187–188.
The court wrote nothing to suggest that its
holding rested on generally applicable constitutional grounds. And
it was in the
New Hampshire federal circuit court a
half-century earlier when Justice Story had indicated that the
Federal Constitution did
not impose any such requirement.
See
Mann, 26 F. Cas., at 1155 (No. 15,718).
That leaves the majority’s puzzling 1895 Federal
District Court case from Kansas.
United States v.
Woodruff, 68 F. 536 (D. Kan. 1895);
ante, at 11. The
circumstances of this case are highly unusual, and the District
Court’s reasoning as to why no fine could be set seems to have
rested on a combination of statutory construction and
constitutional principle. See
Woodruff v.
United
States, 58 F. 766, 767–768 (CC Kan. 1893);
Woodruff, 68
F., at 538–539. Still, I concede this case to the majority—as the
lone swallow that cannot make the majority’s summer.
Taken together, the 19th-century cases upon
which the majority rests its holding do not show anything about
practice in the vast majority of States. They concede that
common-law practice was to the contrary. And they tell us little
about the meaning of the Sixth Amendment. Even were that not so, I
do not understand why these mid-19th-century cases should tell us
more about the Constitution’s meaning than, say, the common
20th-century practice of leaving sentencing fact determinations to
the judge. This Court apparently once approved the latter practice
as constitutional.
E.g., McMillan v.
Pennsylvania,
477 U.S.
79 (1986);
Almendarez-Torres,
523
U.S. 224. And these cases seem more closely related to the
present topic.
D
The upshot is that both 18th-century English
common law and 18th-century American law typically provided judges
with broad discretion to assess fines. The judge, not the jury,
would normally determine fine-related sentencing facts. In this
respect, ordinary 18th-century sentencing practice related to fines
was unlike sentencing practice in respect to felonies. In the
latter case, in
Apprendi’s view, punishment was normally
“fixed” and the judge’s sentencing role was consequently minimal.
530 U. S., at 478–480. In the former case, namely fines, the
judge’s role was not normally minimal, but the opposite. For these
reasons, I believe that allowing a judge to determine sentencing
facts related to imposition of a fine does not invade the historic
province of the jury. The historical test that we set forth in
Ice is satisfied.
V
In
Ice, we also took account of the
practical extent to which extending
Apprendi’s rule beyond
the “ ‘central sphere of [its] concern’ ” would
“diminish” the States’ “role” in “devising solutions to difficult
legal problems . . . absent impelling reason to do so.”
555 U. S., at 171–172. In particular, we feared that insisting
that juries determine the relevant sentencing facts (concerning
concurrent, as opposed to consecutive, punishment) would
unjustifiably interfere with a State’s legislative efforts “to rein
in the discretion judges possessed at common law to impose
consecutive sentences at will.”
Id., at 171. It would in-
hibit (indeed “straightjacke[t]”) States seeking to make
“concurrent sentences the rule, and consecutive sentences the
exception.”
Ibid. We said that we were “unclear how many
other state initiatives would fall” if
Apprendi were
extended, and that expansion would be “difficult for States to
administer.”
Id., at 171–172. We believed that these
considerations argued strongly against any such “expansion.”
Here, the same kinds of considerations similarly
argue against “expansion” of
Apprendi’s rule. Today’s
decision applies to the States. In the 1950’s and thereafter,
States as well as the Federal Government recognized a serious
problem in respect to the sentencing of corporations. Fines,
imposed as a punishment upon corporate offenders, were both
nonuniform (treating identical offenders differently)
and
too often they were set too low. Judges would frequently fine
corporations in amounts that failed to approximate the harm a
corporation had caused or the gain that it had obtained through its
illegal activity, both because often the statutory maximums were
low and be- cause often the fines imposed tended to be
substantially lower than those maximums. See Gruner, Towards an
Organizational Jurisprudence: Transforming Corporate Criminal Law
Through Federal Sentencing Reform, 36 Ariz. L. Rev. 407, 408
(1994); Kadish, Some Observa- tions on the Use of Criminal
Sanctions in Enforcing Economic Regulations, 30 U. Chi.
L. Rev. 423, 435, n. 55 (1963); Nagel & Swenson,
Federal Sentencing Guidelines for Corporations: Their Development,
Theoretical Underpinnings, and Some Thoughts About Their Future, 71
Wash. U. L. Q. 205, 215 (1993).
Consequently, the authors of the Model Penal
Code adopted a model provision stating that, in respect to offenses
involving financial gain, a court could impose an alternative
“higher” fine “equal to double the pecuniary gain derived from the
offense by the offender.” Model Penal Code §6.03(5), 10A
U. L. A. 259 (2001). New York soon thereafter adopted
such a provision. N. Y. Penal Law Ann. §80.10(2)(b) (West
2009). And other States followed New York’s example with similar
provisions permitting judges to set fines equal to twice the gain
to the offender or twice the loss to the victim, thereby helping to
diminish disparity while helping potential victims by increasing
deterrence.
E.g., Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. §53a–44 (West 2007);
Fla. Stat. §775.083(1)(f) (2010). Many of these statutes say in
particular that the “court” shall make the finding of gain or loss,
in a separate hearing if necessary.
E.g., N. Y. Penal
Law Ann. §80.00(3) (West 2009); N. J. Stat. Ann. §2C:43–3(e)
(West 2005).
The Federal Government followed suit. In some
instances, such as RCRA, where environmental harm likely varies
with the length of the violation period, Congress advanced its
uniformity and deterrence goals by tying a dollar-limited fine to
the length of time during which that violation took place. 42
U. S. C. §6928(d)(2)(A). In other instances, it did so
through a new general gain-or-loss provision, applying to all
offenses, including such crimes as corporate fraud, antitrust
violations, and environmental pollution. That provision says:
“Alternative Fine Based on Gain or
Loss.—If any person derives pecuniary gain from the offense, or if
the offense results in pecuniary loss to a person other than the
defendant, the defendant may be fined not more than the greater of
twice the gross gain or twice the gross loss, unless imposition of
a fine under this subsection would unduly complicate or prolong the
sentencing process.” 18 U. S. C. §3571(d).
To apply
Apprendi’s rule to the fines set
forth in such statutes, no less than in
Ice, would weaken or
destroy the States’ and Federal Government’s efforts “to rein in
the discretion judges possessed at common law,”
Ice, 555
U. S., at 171, over fines. Congress, in enacting such
statutes, expected judges, not juries, to determine fine-related
sen- tencing facts because doing so will often involve highly
complex determinations. Where, say, major fraud is at issue, the
full extent of the loss (or gain) may be unknown at the time of
indictment or at any other time prior to the conclusion of the
trial. And in an antitrust or an environmental pollution case, the
jury may have particular difficulty assessing different estimates
of resulting losses.
The consequence of the majority’s holding,
insisting that juries make such determinations, is likely to
diminish the fairness of the criminal trial process. A defendant
will not find it easy to show the jury at trial that (1) he
committed no environmental crime, but (2) in any event, he
committed the crime only on 20 days, not 30. Moreover, the
majority’s holding will sometimes permit prosecutors to introduce
newly relevant evidence that would otherwise have been kept from
the jury on the ground that it was cumulative or unduly
prejudicial. If victims’ losses are relevant, the prosecutor may be
able to produce witness after witness testifying only about the
amount of life savings lost to the fraud. The defendant in this
case, for example, thought the introduction of evidence about the
discovery of mercury and remediation and evacuation of a nearby
apartment complex was unduly prejudicial. Brief for United States
51 (citing App. 15 (defendant’s motion in limine to exclude such
evidence)). But even if that were so, that evidence might now be
admitted as showing the amount of harm caused or the number of days
upon which the defendant’s unlawful activity took place.
Administrative problems here may prove more
serious than where, as in
Apprendi, prison terms were at
stake. In part, that is because corporate criminal cases often
focus upon complex frauds, criminal price fixing, extended
environmental pollution, food-and-drug safety violations, and the
like. Both Congress and the Sentencing Commission have recognized
as much. The federal criminal fine statute to which I earlier
referred specifically creates an exception where assessing total
loss or gain “would unduly complicate or prolong the sentencing
process.” 18 U. S. C. §3571(d). Similarly, Sentencing
Guidelines applicable to corporations exclude fine provisions for
environmental crimes (along with most crimes involving export
violations, food-and-drug safety, agricultural-and-consumer
products, and RICO violations) because of the “potential difficulty
. . . of defining and computing loss.” Nagel &
Swenson,
supra, at 256; see USSG §8C2.1, and comment.,
§8C2.10. Where the defendant is a human being, the Government can
avoid problems of proof simply by abandoning any effort to obtain a
fine; instead, perhaps to the individual defendant’s dismay, the
prosecution can seek a longer prison term. Where the criminal
defendant is a corporation, however, no such possibility
exists.
If, as seems likely, it becomes too difficult to
prove fine-related sentencing facts to a jury, legislatures will
have to change their statutes. Some may choose to return to highly
discretionary sentencing, with its related risks of nonuniformity.
Others may link conviction with fines specified in amount, rather
like the 10th-century pre-Norman system of three cows for perjury
or more modern mandatory minimum penalties. As Blackstone pointed
out, those systems produce sentences that are not proportionate;
they tend to treat alike offenders who committed the same crime in
very different ways. See 4 Blackstone 371–372.
The majority believes that 10 years of
experience with
Apprendi “attenuate[s]” any legal claim of
reliance on different rule of constitutional law here.
Ante,
at 16. Perhaps so. Perhaps that experience shows that
Apprendi’s jury trial requirement is workable. But there is
another less optimistic possibility.
Perhaps that experience, like the canary in a
mine-shaft, tells us only that our criminal justice system is no
longer the jury-trial-based adversarial system that it once was. We
have noted that “[n]inety-seven percent of fed- eral convictions
and ninety-four percent of state convictions are the result of
guilty pleas.”
Missouri v.
Frye, 566 U. S. ___,
___ (2012) (slip op., at 7). We have added that today “ ‘plea
bargaining” is “not some adjunct to the criminal justice system; it
is the criminal justice system.’ ”
Ibid. (quoting Scott
& Stuntz, Plea Bargaining as Contract, 101 Yale L. J.
1909, 1912 (1992)). And in such a system, complex jury trial
requirements may affect the strength of a party’s bargaining
position rather than the conduct of many actual trials.
At the same time, the prosecutor in such a
system, perhaps armed with statutes providing for mandatory minimum
sentences, can become the ultimate adjudicator. The
prosecutor/adjudicator plays an important role in many “European
inquisitorial” systems. But those prosecutors, unlike ours,
typically are trained formally to be more like neutral adjudicators
than advocates. Cf. Langbein & Weinreb, Continental Criminal
Procedure: “Myth” and Reality, 87 Yale L. J. 1549, 1559
(1978); see,
e.g., Ècole Nationale de la Magistrature.
Today’s holding, by unnecessarily complicating the trial process,
may prove workable only because it nudges our system slightly
further in this direction. I see no virtue in doing so.
For these reasons, with respect, I dissent.