Under Texas' "key man" system for selecting grand juries, jury
commissioners are appointed by a state district judge to select
prospective jurors from different portions of the county, after
which the district judge proceeds to test their qualifications. A
grand juror, in addition to being a citizen of the State and of the
county in which he is to serve and a qualified voter in the county,
must be "of sound mind and good moral character," be literate, have
no prior felony conviction, and be under no pending indictment or
other accusation. After respondent, a Mexican-American, had been
convicted of a crime in a Texas District Court and had exhausted
his state remedies on his claim of discrimination in the selection
of the grand jury that had indicted him, he filed a habeas corpus
petition in the Federal District Court, alleging a denial of due
process and equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment,
because of gross underrepresentation of Mexican-Americans on the
county grand juries. On the basis of the evidence before it, the
District Court concluded that respondent had made out a weak
prima facie case of invidious discrimination, and, on
balance, the court's doubts about the reliability of population and
grand jury statistics offered by respondent from census and county
records, coupled with its opinion that Mexican-Americans
constituted a "governing majority" in the county, caused it further
to conclude that the
prima facie case was rebutted by the
State, and the petition was dismissed. The Court of Appeals
reversed, holding that the State had failed to rebut respondent's
prima facie case.
Held: Based on all the facts that bear on the grand
jury discrimination issue, such as the statistical disparities (the
county population was 79% Mexican-American, but, over an 11-year
period, only 39% of those summoned for grand jury service were
Mexican-American), the method of jury selection, and any other
relevant testimony as to the manner in which the selection process
was implemented, the proof offered by respondent was sufficient to
demonstrate a
prima facie case of intentional
discrimination in grand jury selection, and the State failed to
rebut such presumption by competent evidence. Pp.
430 U. S.
492-501.
(a) None of the evidence in the record rebutted respondent's
prima facie case. The State offered only the testimony of
the State District
Page 430 U. S. 483
Judge who had selected the jury commissioners, dealing
principally with the selection of the commissioners and the
instructions given them, and did not call the commissioners
themselves to testify. Without evidence about the method by which
the commissioners determined the other qualifications for grand
jurors prior to the statutory time for testing qualifications, no
inference explaining the disparity by reference to the literacy,
sound mind, moral character, and criminal record qualifications can
be drawn from the statistics about the population as a whole. Pp.
430 U. S.
497-499.
(b) Nor did the District Court's "governing majority" theory
dispel the presumption of intentional discrimination. Because of
the many facets of human motivation, it would be unwise to presume
as a matter of law that human beings of one definable group will
not discriminate against other members of their group. Furthermore,
the relevance of a governing majority of elected officials to the
grand jury selection process is questionable, and even if a
"governing majority" theory has general applicability in cases of
this kind, the record in this case is inadequate to permit such an
approach. Pp.
430 U. S.
499-500.
524 F.2d 481, affirmed.
BLACKMUN, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which
BRENNAN WHITE, MARSHALL, and STEVENS, JJ., joined. MARSHALL, J.,
filed a concurring opinion,
post, p.
430 U. S. 501.
BURGER, C.J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which POWELL and
REHNQUIST, JJ., joined,
post, p.
430 U. S. 504.
STEWART, J., filed a dissenting opinion,
post, p.
430 U. S. 507.
POWELL, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which BURGER, C.J., and
REHNQUIST, J., joined,
post, p.
430 U. S.
507.
MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN delivered the opinion of the Court.
The sole issue presented in this case is whether the State of
Texas, in the person of petitioner, the Sheriff of Hidalgo County,
successfully rebutted respondent prisoner's
prima facie
showing of discrimination against Mexican-Americans
Page 430 U. S. 484
in the state grand jury selection process. In his brief,
petitioner, in claiming effective rebuttal, asserts:
"This list [of the grand jurors that indicted respondent]
indicates that 50 percent of the names appearing thereon were
Spanish. The record indicates that 3 of the 5 jury commissioners, 5
of the grand jurors who returned the indictment, 7 of the petit
jurors, the judge presiding at the trial, and the Sheriff who
served notice on the grand jurors to appear had Spanish
surnames."
Brief for Petitioner 6.
I
This Court on prior occasions has considered the workings of the
Texas system of grand jury selection.
See Hernandez v.
Texas, 347 U. S. 475
(1954);
Cassell v. Texas, 339 U.
S. 282 (1950);
Akins v. Texas, 325 U.
S. 398 (1945);
Hill v. Texas, 316 U.
S. 400 (1942);
Smith v. Texas, 311 U.
S. 128 (1940). Texas employs the "key man" system, which
relies on jury commissioners to select prospective grand jurors
from the community at large. [
Footnote 1] The procedure begins with the state district
judge's appointment of from three to five persons to serve as jury
commissioners. Tex.Code Crim.Proc., Art.19.01 (1966). [
Footnote 2] The commissioners then
"shall select not less than 15 nor more than 20 persons from the
citizens of different portions of the county" to compose the list
from which the actual grand jury will be drawn. Art.19.06 (Supp.
1976-1977). [
Footnote 3] When
at least 12 of the persons on the list appear in
Page 430 U. S. 485
court pursuant to summons, the district judge proceeds to "test
their qualifications." Art.19.21. The qualifications themselves are
set out in Art.19.08: a grand juror must be a citizen of Texas and
of the county, be a qualified voter in the county, be "of sound
mind and good moral character," be literate, have no prior felony
conviction, and be under no pending indictment "or other legal
accusation for theft or of any felony." Interrogation under oath is
the method specified for testing the prospective juror's
qualifications. Art.19.22. The precise questions to be asked are
set out in Art.19.23, which, for the most part, tracks the language
of Art.19.08. After the court finds 12 jurors who meet the
statutory qualifications, they are impaneled as the grand jury.
Art. 1.26.
II
Respondent, Rodrigo Partida, was indicted in March, 1972, by the
grand jury of the 92d District Court of Hidalgo County for the
crime of burglary of a private residence at night with intent to
rape. Hidalgo is one of the border counties of southern Texas.
After a trial before a petit jury, respondent was convicted and
sentenced to eight years in the custody of the Texas Department of
Corrections. He first raised his claim of discrimination in the
grand jury selection process on a motion for new trial in the State
District Court. [
Footnote 4] In
support
Page 430 U. S. 486
of his motion, respondent testified about the general existence
of discrimination against Mexican-Americans in that area of Texas
and introduced statistics from the 1970 census and the Hidalgo
County grand jury records. The census figures show that, in 1970,
the population of Hidalgo County was 181,535. United States Bureau
of the Census, 1970 Census of Population, Characteristics of the
Population, vol. 1, pt. 45, § 1, Table 119, p. 914. Persons of
Spanish language or Spanish surname totaled 143,611,
ibid., and
id. Table 129, p. 1092. [
Footnote 5] On the assumption that all the
persons of Spanish language or Spanish surname were
Mexican-Americans, these figures show that 79.1% of the county's
population was Mexican-American. [
Footnote 6]
Page 430 U. S. 487
Respondent's data compiled from the Hidalgo County grand jury
records from 1962 to 1972 showed that, over that period, the
average percentage of Spanish-surnamed grand jurors was 39%.
[
Footnote 7] In the 2 1/2-year
period during which the District Judge who impaneled the jury that
indicted respondent was in charge, the average percentage was
45.5%. On the list from which the grand jury that indicted
respondent was selected, 50% were Spanish surnamed. The last set of
data that respondent introduced, again from the 1970 census,
illustrated a number of ways in which Mexican-Americans tend to be
underprivileged, including poverty level incomes, less desirable
jobs, substandard housing, and lower levels of
Page 430 U. S. 488
education. [
Footnote 8] The
State offered no evidence at all either attacking respondent's
allegations of discrimination or demonstrating that his statistics
were unreliable in any way.
Page 430 U. S. 489
The State District Court, nevertheless, denied the motion for a
new trial.
On appeal, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals affirmed the
conviction.
Partida v. State, 506
S.W.2d 209 (1974). Reaching the merits of the claim of grand
jury discrimination, the court held that respondent had failed to
make out a
prima facie case. In the court's view, he
should have shown how many of the females who served on the grand
juries were Mexican-Americans married to men with Anglo-American
surnames, how many Mexican-Americans were excused for reasons of
age or health, or other legal reasons, and how many
Page 430 U. S. 490
of those listed by the census would not have met the statutory
qualifications of citizenship, literacy, sound mind, moral
character, and lack of criminal record or accusation.
Id.
at 210-211. Quite beyond the uncertainties in the statistics, the
court found it impossible to believe that discrimination could have
been directed against a Mexican-American, in light of the many
elective positions held by Mexican-Americans in the county and the
substantial representation of Mexican-Americans on recent grand
juries. [
Footnote 9]
Id. at 211. In essence, the court refused to presume that
Mexican-Americans would discriminate against their own kind.
After exhausting his state remedies, respondent filed his
petition for habeas corpus in the Federal District Court, alleging
a denial of due process and equal protection, guaranteed by the
Fourteenth Amendment, because of gross underrepresentation of
Mexican-Americans on the Hidalgo County grand juries. At a hearing
at which the state transcript was introduced, petitioner presented
the testimony of the state judge who selected the jury
commissioners who had compiled the list from which respondent's
grand jury was taken. The judge first reviewed the State's grand
jury selection process. In selecting the jury commissioners, the
judge stated that he tried to appoint a greater number of
Mexican-Americans than members of other ethnic groups. He testified
that he instructed the commissioners about the qualifications of a
grand juror and the exemptions provided by law. The record is
silent, however, with regard to instructions dealing with the
potential problem of discrimination directed against any
identifiable group. The judge admitted that the actual results
Page 430 U. S. 491
of the selection process had not produced grand jury lists that
were "representative of the ethnic balance in the community."
[
Footnote 10] App. 84. The
jury commissioners themselves, who were the only ones in a position
to explain the apparent substantial underrepresentation of
Mexican-Americans and to provide information on the actual
operation of the selection process, were never called.
On the basis of the evidence before it, the court concluded that
respondent had made out a "
bare prima facie case" of
invidious discrimination with his proof of "a long continued
disproportion in the composition of the grand juries in Hidalgo
County."
384 F. Supp.
79, 90 (SD Tex.1974) (emphasis in original). Based on an
examination of the reliability of the statistics offered by
respondent, however, despite the lack of evidence in the record
justifying such an inquiry, the court stated that the
prima
facie case was weak. The court believed that the census
statistics did not reflect the true situation accurately, because
of recent changes in the Hidalgo County area and the court's own
impression of the demographic characteristics of the
Mexican-American community. On the other hand, the court recognized
that the Texas key-man system of grand jury selection was highly
subjective, and was "archaic and inefficient,"
id. at 91,
and that this was a factor arguing for less tolerance in the
percentage differences. On balance, the court's doubts about the
reliability of the statistics, coupled with its opinion that
Mexican-Americans constituted a "governing majority" in the county,
caused it to conclude that the
prima facie case was
rebutted. The "governing majority"
Page 430 U. S. 492
theory distinguished respondent's case from all preceding cases
involving similar disparities. On the basis of those findings, the
court dismissed the petition. [
Footnote 11]
The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
reversed. 524 F.2d 481 (1975). It agreed with the District Court
that respondent had succeeded in making out a
prima facie
case. It found, however, that the State had failed to rebut that
showing. The "governing majority" theory contributed little to the
State's case in the absence of specific proof to explain the
disparity. In light of the State's abdication of its responsibility
to introduce controverting evidence, the court held that respondent
was entitled to prevail.
We granted certiorari to consider whether the existence of a
"governing majority," in itself, can rebut a
prima facie
case of discrimination in grand jury selection, and, if not,
whether the State otherwise met its burden of proof. 426 U.S. 934
(1976).
III
A. This Court has long recognized that
"it is a denial of the equal protection of the laws to try a
defendant of a particular race or color under an indictment issued
by a grand jury . . . from which all persons of his race or color
have, solely because of that race or color, been excluded by the
State. . . . [
Footnote
12]"
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. at
347 U. S. 477.
See
Page 430 U. S. 493
Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U.
S. 625,
405 U. S. 628
(1972);
Carter v. Jury Comm'n, 396 U.
S. 320,
396 U. S. 330
(1970).
See also Peters v. Kiff, 407 U.
S. 493,
407 U. S. 497
(1972) (plurality opinion);
id. at
407 U. S. 507
(dissenting opinion). While the earlier cases involved absolute
exclusion of an identifiable group, later cases established the
principle that substantial underrepresentation of the group
constitutes a constitutional violation as well, if it results from
purposeful discrimination.
See Turner v. Fouche,
396 U. S. 346
(1970);
Carter v. Jury Comm'n, supra; Whitus v. Georgia,
385 U. S. 545,
385 U. S. 552
(1967);
Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.
S. 202 (1965);
Cassell v. Texas, 339 U.
S. 282 (1950). Recent cases have established the fact
that an official act is not unconstitutional solely because it has
a racially disproportionate impact.
Washington v. Davis,
426 U. S. 229,
426 U. S. 239
(1976);
see Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev.
Corp., 429 U. S. 252,
429 U. S.
264-265 (1977). Nevertheless, as the Court recognized in
Arlington Heights,
"[s]ometimes a clear pattern, unexplainable on grounds other
than race, emerges from the effect of the state action even when
the governing legislation appears neutral on its face."
Id. at
429 U. S. 266.
In
Washington v. Davis, the application of these
principles to the jury cases was considered:
"It is also clear from the cases dealing with racial
discrimination in the selection of juries that the systematic
exclusion of Negroes is itself such an 'unequal application of the
law . . . as to show intentional discrimination.' . . . A
prima
facie case of discriminatory purpose may be proved as well by
the absence of Negroes on a particular jury combined with the
failure of the jury commissioners to be informed of eligible Negro
jurors in a community,
Page 430 U. S. 494
. . . or with racially non-neutral selection procedures. . . .
With a
prima facie case made out, 'the burden of proof
shifts to the State to rebut the presumption of unconstitutional
action by showing that permissible racially neutral selection
criteria and procedures have produced the monochromatic result.'
Alexander [v. Louisiana, 405 U.S.] at
405 U. S.
632."
426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 241.
See Arlington Heights, supra at
429 U. S. 266
n. 13.
Thus, in order to show that an equal protection violation has
occurred in the context of grand jury selection, the defendant must
show that the procedure employed resulted in substantial
underrepresentation of his race or of the identifiable group to
which he belongs. The first step is to establish that the group is
one that is a recognizable, distinct class, singled out for
different treatment under the laws, as written or as applied.
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. at
347 U. S.
478-479. Next, the degree of underrepresentation must be
proved, by comparing the proportion of the group in the total
population to the proportion called to serve as grand jurors, over
a significant period of time.
Id. at
347 U. S. 480.
See Norris v. Alabama, 294 U. S. 587
(1935). This method of proof, sometimes called the "rule of
exclusion," has been held to be available as a method of proving
discrimination in jury selection against a delineated class.
[
Footnote 13]
Hernandez
v. Texas, 347 U.S. at
347 U. S. 480. Finally, as noted above, a selection
procedure that is susceptible of abuse or is not racially neutral
supports the presumption of discrimination raised by the
statistical showing.
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 241;
Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U.S. at
405 U. S.
630.
Page 430 U. S. 495
Once the defendant has shown substantial underrepresentation of
his group, he has made out a
prima facie case of
discriminatory purpose, and the burden then shifts to the State to
rebut that case.
B. In this case, it is no longer open to dispute that
Mexican-Americans are a clearly identifiable class.
See, e.g.,
Hernandez v. Texas, supra. Cf. White v. Regester,
412 U. S. 755,
412 U. S. 767
(1973). The statistics introduced by respondent from the 1970
census illustrate disadvantages to which the group has been
subject. Additionally, as in
Alexander v. Louisiana, the
selection procedure is not racially neutral with respect to
Mexican-Americans; Spanish surnames are just as easily identifiable
as race was from the questionnaires in
Alexander or the
notations and card colors in
Whitus v. Georgia, supra, and
in
Avery v. Georgia, 345 U. S. 559
(1953). [
Footnote 14]
The disparity proved by the 1970 census statistics showed that
the population of the county was 79.1% Mexican-American, but that,
over an 11-year period, only 39% of the persons summoned for grand
jury service were Mexican-American. [
Footnote 15] This difference of 40% is greater than that
found significant in
Turner v. Fouche, 396 U.
S. 346 (1970)
Page 430 U. S. 496
(60% Negro in the general population, 37% on the grand jury
lists). Since the State presented no evidence showing by the
11-year period was not reliable, we take it as the relevant base
for comparison. [
Footnote
16] The mathematical disparities that have been accepted by
this Court as adequate for a
prima facie case have all
been within the range presented here. For example, in
Whitus v.
Georgia, 385 U. S. 545
(1967), the number of Negroes listed on the tax digest amounted to
27.1% of the taxpayers, but only 9.1% of those on the grand jury
venire. The disparity was held to be sufficient to make out a
prima facie case of discrimination.
See Sims v.
Georgia, 389 U. S. 404
(1967) (24.4% of tax lists, 4.7% of grand jury lists);
Jones v.
Georgia, 389 U. S. 24 (1967)
(19.7% of tax lists, 5% of jury list). We agree with the District
Court and the Court of Appeals that the proof in this case was
enough to establish a
prima facie case of discrimination
against the Mexican-Americans in the Hidalgo County grand jury
selection. [
Footnote 17]
Page 430 U. S. 497
Supporting this conclusion is the fact that the Texas system of
selecting grand jurors is highly subjective. The facial
constitutionality of the key-man system, of course, has been
accepted by this Court.
See, e.g., Carter v. Jury Comm'n,
396 U. S. 320
(1970);
Akins v. Texas, 325 U. S. 398
(1945);
Smith v. Texas, 311 U. S. 128
(1940). Nevertheless, the Court has noted that the system is
susceptible of abuse as applied. [
Footnote 18]
See Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. at
347 U. S. 479.
Additionally, as noted, persons with Spanish surnames are readily
identifiable.
The showing made by respondent therefore shifted the burden of
proof to the State to dispel the inference of intentional
Page 430 U. S. 498
discrimination. Inexplicably, the State introduced practically
no evidence. The testimony of the State District Judge dealt
principally with the selection of the jury commissioners and the
instructions given to them. The commissioners themselves were not
called to testify. A case such as
Swan v. Alabama, 380
U.S. at
380 U. S. 207
n. 4,
380 U. S. 209,
illustrates the potential usefulness of such testimony, when it
sets out in detail the procedures followed by the commissioners.
[
Footnote 19] The opinion of
the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals is particularly revealing as to
the lack of rebuttal evidence in the record:
"How many of those listed in the census figures with
Mexican-American names were not citizens of the state, but were
so-called 'wet-backs' from the south side of the Rio Grande; how
many were migrant workers and not residents of Hidalgo County; how
many were illiterate, and could not read and write; how many were
not of sound mind and good moral character; how many had been
convicted of a felony or were under indictment or legal accusation
for theft or a felony;
none of these facts appear in the
record."
506 S.W.2d at 211 (emphasis added). In fact, the census figures
showed that only a small part of the population reported for
Hidalgo County was not native born.
See n 6,
supra. Without some testimony
from the grand jury commissioners about the method by which they
determined the other qualifications for grand jurors prior to the
statutory time for testing qualifications, it is impossible
Page 430 U. S. 499
to draw any: inference about literacy, sound mind and moral
character, and criminal record from the statistics about the
population as a whole.
See n 8,
supra. These are questions of disputed fact
that present problems not amenable to resolution by an appellate
court. We emphasize, however, that we are not saying that the
statistical disparities proved here could never be explained in
another case; we are simply saying that the State did not do so in
this case.
See Turner v. Fouche, 396 U.S. at
396 U. S.
361.
C. In light of our holding that respondent proved a
prima
facie case of discrimination that was not rebutted by any of
the evidence presently in the record, we have only to consider
whether the District Court's "governing majority" theory filled the
evidentiary gap. In our view, it did not dispel the presumption of
purposeful discrimination in the circumstances of this case.
Because of the many facets of human motivation, it would be unwise
to presume as a matter of law that human beings of one definable
group will not discriminate against other members of their group.
Indeed, even the dissent of MR. JUSTICE POWELL does not suggest
that such a presumption would be appropriate.
See post at
430 U. S.
514-516, n. 6,
430 U. S. 516
n. 7. The problem is a complex one, about which widely differing
views can be held, and, as such, it would be somewhat precipitate
to take judicial notice of one view over another on the basis of a
record as barren as this. [
Footnote 20]
Furthermore, the relevance of a governing majority of elected
officials to the grand jury selection process is questionable. The
fact that certain elected officials are Mexican-American
demonstrates nothing about the motivations and methods of the grand
jury commissioners who select persons for grand jury lists. The
only arguably relevant fact in this
Page 430 U. S. 500
record on the issue is that three of the five jury commissioners
in respondent's case were Mexican-American. Knowing only this, we
would be forced to rely on the reasoning that we have rejected --
that human beings would not discriminate against their own kind --
in order to find that the presumption of purposeful discrimination
was rebutted. Without the benefit of this simple behavioral
presumption, discriminatory intent can be rebutted only with
evidence in the record about the way in which the commissioners
operated and their reasons for doing so. It was the State's burden
to supply such evidence, once respondent established his
prima
facie case. The State's failure in this regard leaves
unchallenged respondent's proof of purposeful discrimination.
Finally, even if a "governing majority" theory has general
applicability in cases of this kind, the inadequacy of the record
in this case does not permit such an approach. Among the
evidentiary deficiencies are the lack of any indication of how long
the Mexican-Americans have enjoyed "governing majority" status, the
absence of information about the relative power inherent in the
elective offices held by Mexican-Americans, and the uncertain
relevance of the general political power to the specific issue in
this case. Even for the most recent time period, when presumably
the political power of Mexican-Americans was at its greatest, the
discrepancy between the number of Mexican-Americans in the total
population and the number on the grand jury lists was substantial.
Thus, under the facts presented in this case, the "governing
majority" theory is not developed fully enough to satisfy the
State's burden of rebuttal.
IV
Rather than relying on an approach to the jury discrimination
question that is as faintly defined as the "governing majority"
theory is on this record, we prefer to look at all the facts that
bear on the issue, such as the statistical disparities the method
of selection, and any other relevant testimony as
Page 430 U. S. 501
to the manner in which the selection process was implemented.
Under this standard, the proof offered by respondent was sufficient
to demonstrate a
prima facie case of discrimination in
grand jury selection. Since the State failed to rebut the
presumption of purposeful discrimination by competent testimony,
despite two opportunities to do so, we affirm the Court of Appeals'
holding of a denial of equal protection of the law in the grand
jury selection process in respondent's case.
It is so ordered.
[
Footnote 1]
The other principal state mode of juror selection is a random
method similar to that used in the federal system.
See 28
U.S.C. § 1864.
See generally Sperlich & Jaspovice,
Grand Juries, Grand Jurors and the Constitution, 1 Hastings
Const.L.Q. 63, 68 (1974).
[
Footnote 2]
During the time period covered by this case, the statute was
amended to omit the requirement that the commissioners be
freeholders in the county. 1971 Tex. Gen.Laws, c. 131, § 1. That
change has no bearing on the issues before us.
[
Footnote 3]
Prior to 1965, the law directed the commissioners to select
"sixteen men." The legislature amended the statute that year to
substitute the words "twenty persons" for "sixteen men." 1965 Tex.
Gen.Laws, c. 722, p. 317. In 1967, the law was amended again to
provide the present range of from 15 to 20 persons. 1967 Tex.
Gen.Laws, c. 515, § 1. These changes in the number of persons
required to be on the list account for the jump from 16 to 20 in
the grand jury list statistics set forth in
n 7,
infra.
[
Footnote 4]
In the state courts and in the federal courts on habeas, the
State argued that respondent's challenge was not timely raised as a
matter of state procedure, and therefore that he waived any
complaint of this kind that he might have. Since the Texas courts
considered the claim on its merits, however, we are free to do so
here.
See Coleman v. Alabama, 377 U.
S. 129 (1964);
cf. Francis v. Henderson,
425 U. S. 536,
425 U. S. 542
n. 5 (1976). Furthermore, petitioner abandoned the waiver point in
his petition for certiorari.
[
Footnote 5]
For our purposes, the terms "Spanish-surnamed" and
"Mexican-American" are used as synonyms for the census designation
"Persons of Spanish Language or Spanish Surname." Persons of
Spanish language include both those whose mother tongue is Spanish
and all other persons in families in which the head of the
household or spouse reported Spanish as the mother tongue. Persons
of Spanish surname, as the census uses that term, are determined by
reference to a list of 8,000 Spanish surnames compiled by the
Immigration and Naturalization Service. For Texas, social and
economic characteristics are presented for persons of Spanish
language combined with all other persons of Spanish surname in the
census reports. United States Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of
Population, Characteristics of the Population, vol. 1, pt. 45, § 2,
App. B.
[
Footnote 6]
At oral argument, counsel for petitioner appears to have
suggested that the presence of illegal aliens who have Spanish
surnames might inflate the percentage of Mexican-Americans in the
county's population. Tr. of Oral Arg. 10-12. We cannot agree that
the presence of noncitizens makes any practical difference. Table
119 of the census breaks down the 181,535 people who composed the
total county population into three groups: native of native
parentage, native of foreign parentage, and foreign born. The only
persons as to whom the assumption of noncitizenship would be
logically sustainable are the foreign born. Even for them, it is
probable that some were naturalized citizens. Furthermore, only
22,845 persons were in the "foreign born" category. If those
persons are excluded from the population of the county, the total
becomes 158,690. Assuming that every foreign-born person was
counted as a Spanish-surnamed person (an assumption that favors the
State), the total number of Mexican-Americans is reduced from
143,611 to 120,766. Using these adjusted figures, Mexican-Americans
constitute 76.1% of the county's population, a figure only 3%, and
thus negligibly, smaller than the one used throughout this
litigation. For consistency, we shall continue to refer to the
population figures for the entire county, particularly since the
State has not shown why those figures are unreliable.
[
Footnote 7]
The statistics for grand jury composition can be organized as
follows:
bwm:
Year No. persons on Av. No. Spanish Percentage
grand jury list surnamed per list Spanish surnamed
1962 16 6 37.5%
1963 16 5.75 35.9%
1964 16 4.75 29.7%
1965 16.2 5 30.9%
1966 20 7.5 37.5%
1967 20.25 7.25 35.8%
1968 20 6.6 33%
1969 20 10 50%
1970 20 8 40%
1971 20 9.4 47%
1972 20 10.5 52.5%
ewm:
Of the 870 persons who were summoned to serve as grand jurors
over the 11-year period, 339, or 39%, were Spanish surnamed.
See table showing Hidalgo County grand jury panels from
1962 to 1972, App. 17-18.
[
Footnote 8]
At oral argument, counsel for petitioner suggested that the data
regarding educational background explained the discrepancy between
the percentage of Mexican-Americans in the total population and the
percentage on the grand jury lists. Tr. of Oral Arg. 8. For a
variety of reasons, we cannot accept that suggestion. First, under
the Texas method of selecting grand jurors, qualifications are not
tested until the persons on the list appear in the District Court.
Prior to that time, assuming an unbiased selection procedure,
persons of all educational characteristics should appear on the
list. If the jury commissioners actually exercised some means of
winnowing those who lacked the ability to read and write, it was
incumbent on the State to call the commissioners and to have them
explain how this was done. In the absence of any evidence in the
record to this effect, we shall not assume that the only people
excluded from grand jury service were the illiterate.
Second, it is difficult to draw valid inferences from the raw
census data, since the data are incomplete in some places and the
definition of "literacy" would undoubtedly be the subject of some
dispute in any event. The State's failure to discuss the literacy
problem at any point prior to oral argument compounds the
difficulties. One gap in the data occurs with respect to the
younger persons in the jury pool. The census reports for
educational background cover only those who are 25 years of age and
above. Yet the only age limitation on eligibility for grand jury
service is qualification to vote. Tex.Code Crim.Proc., Art.19.08
(Supp. 1976-1977). During the period to which the census figures
apply, a person became qualified to vote at age 21. Tex. Elec.Code,
Art 5.01 (1967). (In 1975, Art. 5.01 was amended to give the
franchise to all persons 18 and over. 1975 Tex. Gen.Laws, c. 682, §
3.) It is not improbable that the educational characteristics of
persons in the younger age group would prove to be favorable to
Mexican-Americans.
Finally, even assuming that the statistics for persons age 25
and over are sufficiently representative to be useful, a
significant discrepancy still exists between the number of
Spanish-surnamed people and the level of representation on grand
jury lists. Table 83 of the 1970 census shows that, of a total of
80,049 persons in that age group, 13,205 have no schooling. (Data
for McAllen-Pharr-Edinburg Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area.
This SMSA is identical to Hidalgo County.) Table 97 shows that, of
the 55,949 Spanish-surnamed persons in the group, 12,817 have no
schooling. This means that, of the 24,100 persons of all other
races and ethnic groups, 388 have no schooling. Translated into
percentages, 22.9% of the Spanish-surnamed persons have no
schooling, and 1.6% of the others have no schooling. This means
that 43,132 of the Spanish-surnamed persons have some schooling and
23,712 of the others have some schooling. The Spanish-surnamed
persons thus represent 65% of the 66,844 with some schooling, and
the others 35%. The 65% figure still creates a significant
disparity when compared to the 39% representation on grand juries
shown over the 11-year period involved here.
The suggestion is made in the dissenting opinion of THE CHIEF
JUSTICE,
post at
430 U. S.
504-506, that reliance on eligible population figures
and allowance for literacy would defeat respondent's
prima
facie showing of discrimination. But the 65% to 39% disparity
between Mexican-Americans over the age of 25 who have some
schooling and Mexican-Americans represented on the grand jury
venires takes both of THE CHIEF JUSTICE's concerns into account.
Statistical analysis, which is described in more detail in n.
17 infra indicates
that the discrepancy is significant. If one assumes that
Mexican-Americans constitute only 65% of the jury pool, then a
detailed calculation reveals that the likelihood that so
substantial a discrepancy would occur by chance is less than 1 in
10^50.
We prefer not to rely on the 65% to 39% disparity, however,
since there are so many implicit assumptions in this analysis, and
we consider it inappropriate for us, as an appellate tribunal, to
undertake this kind of inquiry without a record below in which
those assumptions were tested. We rest, instead, on the fact that
the record does not show any way by which the educational
characteristics are taken into account in the compilation of the
grand jury lists, since the procedure established by the State
provides that literacy is tested only after the group of 20 are
summoned.
[
Footnote 9]
The court. noted that the foreman of the grand jury that
indicted respondent was Mexican-American, and that 10 of the 20
summoned to serve had Spanish surnames. Seven of the 12 members of
the petit jury that convicted him were Mexican-American. In
addition, the state judge who presided over the trial was
Mexican-American, as were a number of other elected officials in
the county.
[
Footnote 10]
The Federal District Judge observed, during the state judge's
testimony, that the selection process for grand jurors in Hidalgo
County typically resulted in a progressive reduction of the number
of Mexican-Americans involved at each stage.
See Alexander v.
Louisiana, 405 U. S. 625
(1972). For example, said the court, if 60% of the jury
commissioners were Mexican-American, the jury panel might be only
55%, and the actual grand jury only 43%. The court speculated that
the reason for this might be cultural. App. 84-85.
[
Footnote 11]
The court suggested that the actual discrimination operating
might be economic. The jury commissioners were from the higher
socio-economic classes, and they tended to select prospective
jurors from among their peers. Consequently, the number of
Mexican-Americans was disproportionately low, since they were
concentrated at the lower end of the economic scale. We find it
unnecessary to decide whether a showing of simple economic
discrimination would be enough to make out a
prima facie
case in the absence of other evidence, since that case is not
before us.
Cf. Thiel v. Southern Pacific Co., 328 U.
S. 217 (1946).
[
Footnote 12]
Cases in this Court holding unconstitutional discriminatory
selection procedures in the grand jury context include
Alexander v. Louisiana, supra; Arnold v. North Carolina,
376 U. S. 773
(1964);
Eubanks v. Louisiana, 356 U.
S. 584 (1958);
Reece v. Georgia, 350 U. S.
85 (1955);
Cassell v. Texas, 339 U.
S. 282 (1950);
Hill v. Texas, 316 U.
S. 400 (1942);
Smith v. Texas, 311 U.
S. 128 (1940);
Pierre v. Louisiana,
306 U. S. 354
(1939);
Rogers v. Alabama, 192 U.
S. 226 (1904);
Carter v. Texas, 177 U.
S. 442 (1900); and
Bush v. Kentucky,
107 U. S. 110
(1883).
[
Footnote 13]
The idea behind the rule of exclusion is not at all complex. If
a disparity is sufficiently large, then it is unlikely that it is
due solely to chance or accident, and, in the absence of evidence
to the contrary, one must conclude that racial or other
class-related factors entered into the selection process.
See
Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp.,
429 U. S. 252,
429 U. S. 266
n. 13 (1977);
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.
S. 229,
426 U. S. 241
(1976);
Eubanks v. Louisiana, 356 U.S. at
356 U. S. 587;
Smith v. Texas, 311 U.S. at
311 U. S. 131.
Cf. n 17,
infra.
[
Footnote 14]
The dissenters argue that the subjectivity of the system cuts in
favor of the State where those who control the selection process
are members of the same class as the person claiming
discrimination. The fact remains, however, that the class to which
respondent belongs was substantially underrepresented on the grand
jury lists of Hidalgo County. The dissenters' argument here is
another aspect of the "governing majority" theory,
see
Part III-C,
infra; under the circumstances presented in
this case, that theory does not dispel the presumption of
purposeful discrimination created by the combined force of the
statistical showing and the highly subjective method of
selection.
[
Footnote 15]
Since the 1960 census did not compile separate statistics for
Spanish surnamed persons, it is impossible to ascertain whether the
percentage of Mexican-Americans in the county changed appreciably
over the period of time at issue. We therefore are forced to rely
on the assumption that the 79.1% figure remained constant.
[
Footnote 16]
Statistical analysis of the grand jury lists during the 2
1/2-year tenure of the State District Judge who selected the
commissioners in respondent's case reveals that a significant
disparity existed over this time period as well.
See
n 17,
infra. Thus,
the District Court's assumption that reference to a shorter time
period would show that the
prima facie case of
discrimination could not be proved was unwarranted.
[
Footnote 17]
If the jurors were drawn randomly from the general population,
then the number of Mexican-Americans in the sample could be modeled
by a binomial distribution.
See Finkelstein, The
Application of Statistical Decision Theory to the Jury
Discrimination Cases, 80 Harv.L.Rev. 338, 353-356 (1966).
See
generally P. Hoel, Introduction to Mathematical Statistics
58-61, 79-86 14th ed. (1971); F. Mosteller, R. Rourke, & G.
Thomas, Probability with Statistical Applications 130-146, 270-291
(2d ed.1970). Given that 79.1% of the population is
Mexican-American, the expected number of Mexican-Americans among
the 870 persons summoned to serve as grand jurors over the 11-year
period is approximately 688. The observed number is 339. Of course,
in any given drawing, some fluctuation from the expected number is
predicted. The important point, however, is that the statistical
model shows that the results of a random drawing are likely to fall
in the vicinity of the expected value.
See F. Mosteller,
R. Rourke, & G. Thomas,
supra at 270-290. The measure
of the predicted fluctuations from the expected value is the
standard deviation, defined for the binomial distribution as the
square root of the product of the total number in the sample (here
870) times the probability of selecting a Mexican-American (0.791)
times the probability of selecting a non-Mexican-American (0.209).
Id. at 213. Thus, in this case, the standard deviation is
approximately 12. As a general rule for such large samples, if the
difference between the expected value and the observed number is
greater than two or three standard deviations, then the hypothesis
that the jury drawing was random would be suspect to a social
scientist. The 1 l-year data here reflect a difference between the
expected and observed number of Mexican-Americans of approximately
29 standard deviations. A detailed calculation reveals that the
likelihood that such a substantial departure from the expected
value would occur by chance is less than 1 in 10^140.
The data for the 2 1/2-year period during which the State
District Judge supervised the selection process similarly support
the inference that the exclusion of Mexican-Americans did not occur
by chance. Of 220 persons called to serve as grand jurors, only 100
were Mexican-Americans. The expected Mexican-American
representation is approximately 174, and the standard deviation, as
calculated from the binomial model, is approximately six. The
discrepancy between the expected and observed values is more than
12 standard deviations. Again, a detailed calculation shows that
the likelihood of drawing not more than 100 Mexican-Americans by
chance is negligible, being less than 1 in 10^25.
[
Footnote 18]
It has been said that random selection methods similar to the
federal system would probably avoid most of the potential for abuse
found in the key-man system.
See Sperlich & Jaspovice,
supra, n 1.
[
Footnote 19]
This is not to say, of course, that a simple protestation from a
commissioner that racial considerations played no part in the
selection would be enough. This kind of testimony has been found
insufficient on several occasions.
E.g., Alexander v.
Louisiana, 405 U.S. at
405 U. S. 632;
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U. S. 475,
347 U. S. 481
(1954);
Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.
S. 587,
294 U. S. 598
(1935). Neither is the State entitled to rely on a presumption that
the officials discharged their sworn duties to rebut the case of
discrimination.
Jones v. Georgia, 389 U. S.
24 (1967).
[
Footnote 20]
This is not a case where a majority is practicing benevolent
discrimination in favor of a traditionally disfavored minority,
although that situation illustrates that motivations not
immediately obvious might enter into discrimination against "one's
own kind."
MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL, concurring.
I join fully MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN's sensitive opinion for the
Court. I feel compelled to write separately, however, to express my
profound disagreement with the views expressed by MR. JUSTICE
POWELL in his dissent.
As my Brother POWELL observes,
post at
430 U. S.
507-508, there are three categories of evidence in this
case that bear on the ultimate question whether respondent
"demonstrated by a preponderance of the evidence that the State
had 'deliberately and systematically den[ied] to members of
[respondent's class] the right to participate as jurors in the
administration of justice,'"
post at
430 U. S. 517,
quoting
Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U.
S. 625,
405 U. S.
628-629 (1972). First, there is the statistical
evidence. That evidence reveals that, for at least 10 years,
Mexican-Americans have been grossly underrepresented on grand
juries in Hidalgo County. As MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN demonstrates,
ante at
430 U. S.
496-497, n. 17, it is all but impossible that this
sizable disparity was produced by chance. The statistical evidence,
then, at the very least supports an inference that
Mexican-Americans were discriminated against in the choice of grand
jurors.
Second, there is testimony concerning the grand jury selection
system employed in this case. That testimony indicates that the
commissioners who constructed the grand jury panels
Page 430 U. S. 502
had ample opportunity to discriminate against Mexican-Americans,
since the selection system is entirely discretionary and since
Spanish surnamed persons are readily identified. Indeed, for over
35 years, this Court has recognized the potential for abuse
inherent in the Texas grand jury selection plan.
See Smith v.
Texas, 311 U. S. 128,
311 U. S. 130
(1940);
Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400,
316 U. S. 404
(1942);
Cassell v. Texas, 339 U.
S. 282,
339 U. S. 289
(1950);
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.
S. 475,
347 U. S. 479
(1954). Thus, the testimony concerning the selection system, by
itself, only buttresses the inference of purposeful discrimination
suggested by the statistics.
In every other case of which I am aware where the evidence
showed both statistical disparity and discretionary selection
procedures, this Court has found that a
prima facie case
of discrimination was established, and has required the State to
explain how ostensibly neutral selection procedures had produced
such nonneutral results. This line of cases begins with the
decision almost a century ago in
Neal v. Delaware,
103 U. S. 370
(1881), and extends to our recent decision in
Alexander v.
Louisiana, supra. [
Footnote
2/1] Yet my Brother POWELL would have us conclude that the
evidence here was insufficient to establish purposeful
discrimination, even though no explanation has been offered for the
marked underrepresentation of Mexican-Americans on Hidalgo County
grand juries.
Page 430 U. S. 503
The sole basis for MR. JUSTICE POWELL's conclusion lies in the
third category of evidence presented: proof of "the political
dominance and control by the Mexican-American majority in Hidalgo
County,"
post at
430 U. S.
507-508. Like the District Court, he appears to assume
-- without any basis in the record -- that all Mexican-Americans,
indeed, all members of all minority groups, have an "inclination to
assure fairness" to other members of their group.
Post at
430 U. S. 516.
Although he concedes the possibility that minority group members
will violate this "inclination,"
see post at
430 U. S.
514-515, n. 6, he apparently regards this possibility as
more theoretical than real. Thus, he would reject the inference of
purposeful discrimination here absent any alternative explanation
for the disparate results. I emphatically disagree.
In the first place, MR. JUSTICE POWELL's assumptions about human
nature, plausible as they may sound, fly in the face of a great
deal of social science theory and research. Social scientists agree
that members of minority groups frequently respond to
discrimination and prejudice by attempting to disassociate
themselves from the group, even to the point of adopting the
majority's negative attitudes towards the minority. [
Footnote 2/2] Such behavior occurs with
particular frequency among members of minority groups who have
achieved some measure of economic or political success, and thereby
have gained some acceptability among the dominant group. [
Footnote 2/3]
Page 430 U. S. 504
But even if in Brother POWELL's behavioral assumptions were more
valid, I still could not agree to making them the foundation for a
constitutional ruling. It seems to me that, especially in reviewing
claims of intentional discrimination, this Court has a solemn
responsibility to avoid basing its decisions on broad
generalizations concerning minority groups. If history has taught
us anything, it is the danger of relying on such stereotypes. The
question for decision here is not how Mexican-Americans treat other
Mexican-Americans, but how the particular grand jury commissioners
in Hidalgo County acted. The only reliable way to answer that
question, as we have said so many times, [
Footnote 2/4] is for the State to produce testimony
concerning the manner in which the selection process operated.
Because the State failed to do so after respondent established a
prima facie case of discrimination, I join the Court's
opinion affirming the Court of Appeals.
[
Footnote 2/1]
See also Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.
S. 587 (1935);
Hale v. Kentucky, 303 U.
S. 613 (1938);
Pierre v. Louisiana,
306 U. S. 354
(1939);
Smith v. Texas, 311 U. S. 128
(1940);
Hill v; Texas, 316 U. S. 400
(1942);
Patton v. Mississippi, 332 U.
S. 463 (1947);
Cassell v. Texas, 339 U.
S. 282 (1950);
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.
S. 475 (1954);
Eubanks v. Louisiana,
356 U. S. 584
(1958);
Arnold v. North Carolina, 376 U.
S. 773 (1964);
Whitus v. Georgia, 385 U.
S. 545 (1967);
Jones v. Georgia, 389 U. S.
24 (1967);
Sims v. Georgia, 389 U.
S. 404 (1967);
Turner v. Fouche, 396 U.
S. 346 (1970).
In
Akins v. Texas, 325 U. S. 398
(1945), the statistical evidence involved only two grand jury
panels; in
Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.
S. 202 (1965), the statistical disparity was small, and
the methods of selection were explained.
[
Footnote 2/2]
G. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice 150-153 (1954); A. Rose, The
Negro's Morale 85-95 (1949); G. Simpson & J. Yinger, Racial and
Cultural Minorities 192-195, 227, 295 (4th ed.1972); Bettelheim,
Individual and Mass Behavior in Extreme Situations, 38 J.Abnormal
& Social Psych. 417 (1943);
cf. Brown v. Board of
Education, 347 U. S. 483,
347 U. S. 494,
and n. 11 (1954) (noting the impact on sense of self of
de
jure segregation in schools).
[
Footnote 2/3]
E. Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie 213-216 (1957); Simpson &
Yinger,
supra at 209; A. Kardiner & L. Ovesey, The
Mark of Oppression 313-316 (1962); Lewin, Self-Hatred Among Jews, 4
Contemporary Jewish Record 219 (1941).
[
Footnote 2/4]
E.g, Norris v. Alabama, supra at
294 U. S. 592;
Pierre v. Louisiana, supra at
306 U. S. 361;
Alexander v. Louisiana, 406 U.S. at
406 U. S.
631.
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, with whom MR. JUSTICE POWELL and MR.
JUSTICE REHNQUIST join, dissenting.
In addition to the views expressed in MR. JUSTICE POWELL's
dissent, I identify one other flaw in the Court's opinion. What the
majority characterizes as a
prima facie case of
discrimination simply will not "wash." The decisions of this Court
suggest, and common sense demands, that eligible population
statistics, not gross population figures, provide the relevant
starting point. In
Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U.
S. 625,
405 U. S. 630
(1972), for example, the Court, in an opinion by MR. JUSTICE WHITE,
looked to the "proportion of blacks in the
eligible
population. . . ." (Emphasis supplied.)
The failure to produce evidence relating to the eligible
population in Hidalgo County undermines respondent's claim that any
statistical "disparity" existed in the first instance. Particularly
where, as here, substantial numbers of members
Page 430 U. S. 505
of the identifiable class actually served on grand jury panels,
the burden rightly rests upon the challenger to show a meaningful
statistical disparity. After all, the presumption of
constitutionality attaching to all state procedures has even
greater force under the circumstances presented here, where exactly
one-half the members of the grand jury list now challenged by
respondent were members of the allegedly excluded class of
Mexican-Americans.
The Court has not previously been called upon to deal at length
with the sort of statistics required of persons challenging a grand
jury selection system. The reason is that, in our prior cases,
there was little doubt that members of identifiable minority groups
had been excluded in large numbers. In
Alexander v. Louisiana,
supra, the challenger's venire included only one member of the
identifiable class, and the grand jury that indicted him had none.
In
Turner v. Fouche, 396 U. S. 346
(1970);
Jones v. Georgia, 389 U. S.
24 (1967);
Sims v. Georgia, 389 U.
S. 404 (1967); and
Whitus v. Georgia,
385 U. S. 545
(1967), there was, at best, only token inclusion of Negroes on
grand jury lists. The case before us, in contrast, involves neither
tokenism nor absolute exclusion; rather, the State has used a
selection system resulting in the inclusion of large numbers of
Spanish-surnamed citizens on grand jury lists. In this situation,
it is particularly incumbent on respondent to adduce precise
statistics demonstrating a significant disparity. To do that,
respondent was obligated to demonstrate that disproportionately
large numbers of eligible individuals were excluded systematically
from grand jury service.
Respondent offered no evidence whatever in this respect. He
therefore could not have established any meaningful case of
discrimination,
prima facie or otherwise. In contrast to
respondent's approach, which the Court's opinion accepts without
analysis, the Census Bureau's statistics for 1970 demonstrate that,
of the adults in Hidalgo County, 72%, not
Page 430 U. S. 506
79.1%, as respondent implies, are Spanish surnamed. At the
outset, therefore, respondent's gross population figures are
manifestly overinclusive.
But that is only the beginning. Respondent offered no evidence
whatever with respect to other basic qualifications for grand jury
service. [
Footnote 3/1] The
statistics relied on in the Court's opinion suggest that 22.9% of
Spanish-surnamed persons over age 25 in Hidalgo County have had no
schooling at all.
Ante at
430 U. S.
488-489, n. 8. Since one requirement of grand jurors in
Texas is literacy in the English language, approximately 20% of
adult-age Mexican-Americans are very likely disqualified on that
ground alone.
The Court's reliance on respondent's overbroad statistics is not
the sole defect. As previously noted, one-half of the members of
respondent's grand jury list bore Mexican-American surnames. Other
grand jury lists at about the same time as respondent's indictment
in March, 1972, were predominantly Mexican-American. Thus, with
respect to the September, 1971, grand jury list, 70% of the
prospective grand jurors were Mexican-American. In the January,
1972, Term, 55% were Mexican-American. Since respondent was
indicted in 1972, by what appears to have been a truly
representative grand jury, the mechanical use of Hidalgo County's
practices some 10 years earlier seems to me entirely indefensible.
We do not know, and, on this record, we cannot know, whether
respondent's 1970 gross population figures, which served as the
basis for establishing the "disparity" complained of in this case,
had any applicability at all to the period prior to 1970.
Accordingly, for all we know, the 1970 figures may be totally
Page 430 U. S. 507
inaccurate as to prior years; [
Footnote 3/2] if so, the apparent disparity alleged by
respondent would be increased improperly.
Therefore, I disagree both with the Court's assumption that
respondent established a
prima facie case and with the
Court's implicit approval of respondent's method for showing an
allegedly disproportionate impact of Hidalgo County's selection
system upon Mexican-Americans.
[
Footnote 3/1]
The burden of establishing a
prima facie case obviously
rested on respondent. It will not do to produce patently
overinclusive figures and thereby seek to shift the burden to the
State.
Cf. ante at
430 U. S.
486-487, n. 6,
430 U. S.
488-489, n. 8. Rather, a
prima facie case is
established only when the challenger shows a disparity between the
percentage of minority persons in the eligible population and the
percentage of minority individuals on the grand jury.
[
Footnote 3/2]
Indeed, Judge Reynaldo Garza in this case referred to Hidalgo
County as "rapidly changing" and as experiencing "rapid
growth."
MR. JUSTICE STEWART, dissenting.
In my view, the findings of the District Court in this case
cannot be said to be "clearly erroneous." Fed.Rule Civ.Proc. 52(a);
United States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333 U.
S. 364,
333 U. S.
394-395.
* Given those
findings, there was no constitutional violation in the selection of
the grand jury that indicted the respondent. Upon that basis, I
would reverse the judgment of the Court of Appeals. I add only that
I am in substantial agreement with the dissenting opinions of THE
CHIEF JUSTICE and MR. JUSTICE POWELL.
* The "clearly erroneous" standard applies to the review of
facts found by a district court in a habeas corpus proceeding.
Wade v. Mayo, 334 U. S. 672,
334 U. S.
683-684.
MR. JUSTICE POWELL, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE and MR. JUSTICE
REHNQUIST join, dissenting.
The evidence relevant to the issue of discrimination in this
case falls into three categories: first, the statistical evidence
introduced by respondent in both the state and federal proceedings
which shows that the 80% Mexican-American majority in Hidalgo
County was not proportionately represented on the grand jury lists;
second, the testimony of the state trial judge outlining the Texas
grand jury selection system as it operated in this case; and third,
the facts judicially noticed by the District Court with respect to
the political
Page 430 U. S. 508
dominance and control by the Mexican-American majority in
Hidalgo County.
The Court today considers it dispositive that the lack of
proportional representation of Mexican-Americans on the grand jury
lists in this county would not have occurred if jurors were
selected from the population wholly at random. But one may agree
that the disproportion did not occur by chance without agreeing
that it resulted from purposeful invidious discrimination. In my
view, the circumstances of this unique case fully support the
District Court's finding that the statistical disparity -- the
basis of today's decision -- is more likely to have stemmed from
neutral causes than from any intent to discriminate against
Mexican-Americans. [
Footnote
4/1]
A
The Court holds that a criminal defendant may demonstrate a
violation of the Equal Protection Clause merely by showing that the
procedure for selecting grand jurors "resulted in substantial
underrepresentation of his race or of
Page 430 U. S. 509
the identifiable group to which he belongs."
Ante at
430 U. S. 494.
By so holding, the Court blurs the traditional constitutional
distinctions between grand and petit juries, and misapplies the
equal protection analysis mandated by our most recent
decisions.
The Fifth Amendment right to a grand jury does not apply to a
state prosecution.
Hurtado v. California, 110 U.
S. 516 (1884). A state defendant cannot complain if the
State forgoes the institution of the grand jury and proceeds
against him instead through prosecutorial information, as many
States prefer to do.
See Gerstein v. Pugh, 420 U.
S. 103,
420 U. S.
116-119 (1975). Nevertheless, if a State chooses to
proceed by grand jury, it must proceed within the constraints
imposed by the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Thus, in a line of cases beginning with
Strauder v. West
Virginia, 100 U. S. 303
(1880), this Court has held that a criminal defendant is denied
equal protection of the law if, as a result of purposeful
discrimination, members of his own race are excluded from jury
service.
See, e.g., Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U.
S. 625,
405 U. S.
628-629 (1972);
Carter v. Jury Comm'n,
396 U. S. 320,
396 U. S.
335-337, 339 (1970);
Cassell v. Texas,
339 U. S. 282,
339 U. S. 287
(1950);
Akins v. Texas, 325 U. S. 398,
325 U. S.
403-404 (1945). As the Court points out, this right is
applicable where purposeful discrimination results only in
substantial, rather than total, exclusion of members of the
defendant's class,
see, e.g., Turner v. Fouche,
396 U. S. 346
(1970).
But a state defendant has no right to a grand jury that reflects
a fair cross-section of the community. [
Footnote 4/2] The right
Page 430 U. S. 510
to a "representative" grand jury is a federal right that derives
not from the requirement of equal protection, but from the Fifth
Amendment's explicit requirement of a grand jury. That right is
similar to the right -- applicable to state proceedings -- to a
representative petit jury under the Sixth Amendment.
See Taylor
v. Louisiana, 419 U. S. 522
(1975). To the extent that the Fifth and Sixth Amendments are
applicable, a defendant need only show that the jury selection
procedure "systematically exclude[s] distinctive groups in the
community, and thereby fail[s] to be reasonably representative
thereof."
Id. at
419 U. S. 538.
But in a state case in which the challenge is to the grand jury,
only the Fourteenth Amendment applies, and the defendant has the
burden of proving a violation of the Equal Protection Clause.
Proof of discriminatory intent in such a case was explicitly
mandated in our recent decisions in
Washington v. Davis,
426 U. S. 229
(1976), and
Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev.
Corp., 429 U. S. 252
(1977). In
Arlington Heights, we said:
"Our decision last Term in
Washington v. Davis,
426 U. S.
229 (1976), made it clear that official action will not
be held unconstitutional solely because it results in a racially
disproportionate impact. 'Disproportionate impact is not
irrelevant, but it is not the sole touchstone of an invidious
racial discrimination.'
Id. at
426 U. S.
242. Proof of a racially discriminatory intent or
purpose is required to show a violation of the Equal Protection
Clause. . . ."
Id. at
429 U. S.
264-265. We also identified the following standards for
resolving issues of discriminatory intent or purpose:
"Determining whether invidious discriminatory purpose was a
motivating factor demands a sensitive inquiry
Page 430 U. S. 511
into such circumstantial and direct evidence of intent as may be
available. The impact of the official action -- whether it 'bears
more heavily on one race than another,'
Washington v. Davis,
supra at
426 U. S. 242 -- may provide
an important starting point. Sometimes a clear pattern,
unexplainable on grounds other than race, emerges from the effect
of the state action even when the governing legislation appears
neutral on its face.
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S.
356 (1886);
Guinn v. United States,
238 U. S.
347 (1915);
Lane v. Wilson, 307 U. S.
268 (1939);
Gomillion v. Lightfoot,
364 U. S.
339 (1960). The evidentiary inquiry is then relatively
easy. But such cases are rare. Absent a pattern as stark as that in
Gomillion or
Yick Wo, impact alone is not
determinative, and the Court must look to other evidence."
Id. at
429 U. S. 266
(footnotes omitted).
The analysis is essentially the same where the alleged
discrimination is in the selection of a state grand jury. [
Footnote 4/3] This is
Page 430 U. S. 512
illustrated by the recent decision in
Alexander v.
Louisiana, supra, where we stated:
"This Court has never announced mathematical standards for the
demonstration of 'systematic' exclusion of blacks, but has, rather,
emphasized that a factual inquiry is necessary in each case that
takes into account all possible explanatory factors. The
progressive decimation of potential Negro grand jurors is indeed
striking here, but we do not rest our conclusion that petitioner
has demonstrated a
prima facie case of invidious racial
discrimination on statistical improbability alone, for the
selection procedures themselves were not racially neutral. . .
."
405 U.S. at
405 U. S. 630.
In
Alexander, the evidence showed that 21% of the relevant
community was Negro; the jury commission consisted of five members
"all of whom were white," appointed by a white judge; the grand
jury venire included 20 persons, only one of whom was a Negro (5%);
and none of the 12 persons on the grand jury that indicted the
defendant was Negro.
Id. at
405 U. S. 627,
405 U. S. 628.
This statistical array was -- as the Court noted -- "striking." Yet
the statistics were not found, in isolation, to constitute a
prima facie case. Only after determining that the
selection system "provided a clear and easy opportunity
Page 430 U. S. 513
for racial discrimination" was the Court satisfied that the
burden should shift to the State.
Id. at
405 U. S. 630.
[
Footnote 4/4]
Considered together,
Davis, Arlington Heights, and
Alexander make clear that statistical evidence showing
underrepresentation
Page 430 U. S. 514
of a population group on the grand jury lists should be
considered in light of "such [other] circumstantial and direct
evidence of intent as may be available."
Arlington
Heights, 429 U.S. at
429 U. S.
266.
B
In this case, the following critical facts are beyond dispute:
the judge who appointed the jury commissioners and later presided
over respondent's trial was Mexican-American; three of the five
jury commissioners were Mexican-American; 10 of the 20 members of
the grand jury array were Mexican-American; 5 of the 12 grand
jurors who returned the indictment, including the foreman, were
Mexican-American, [
Footnote 4/5]
and 7 of the 12 petit jurors who returned the verdict of guilt were
Mexican-American. In the year in which respondent was indicted,
52.5% of the persons on the grand jury list were Mexican-American.
In addition, a majority of the elected officials in Hidalgo County
were Mexican-American, as were a majority of the judges. That these
positions of power and influence were so held is not surprising in
a community where 80% of the population is Mexican-American. As was
emphasized by District Judge Garza, the able Mexican-American
jurist who presided over the habeas proceedings in the District
Court, this case is unique. Every other jury discrimination case
reaching this Court has involved a situation where the governing
majority, and the resulting power over the jury selection process,
was held by a white electorate and white officials. [
Footnote 4/6]
Page 430 U. S. 515
The most significant fact in this case, all but ignored in the
Court's opinion, is that a majority of the jury commissioners were
Mexican-American. The jury commission is the body vested by Texas
law with the authority to select grand jurors. Under the Texas
selection system, as noted by the Court,
ante at
430 U. S.
484-485,
430 U. S. 497,
the jury commission has the opportunity to identify in advance
those potential jurors who have Spanish surnames. In these
circumstances, where Mexican-Americans control both the selection
of jurors and the political process, rational inferences from the
most basic facts in a democratic society render improbable
respondent's claim of an intent to discriminate against him and
other Mexican-Americans. As Judge Garza observed: "If people in
charge can choose whom they want, it is unlikely they will
discriminate against themselves."
384 F. Supp.
79, 90.
That individuals are more likely to discriminate in favor of,
than against, those who share their own identifiable attributes is
the premise that underlies the cases recognizing that the criminal
defendant has a personal right under the Fourteenth Amendment not
to have members of his own class excluded from jury service.
Discriminatory exclusion of members of the defendant's class has
been viewed as unfairly excluding persons who may be inclined to
favor the defendant.
See
Page 430 U. S. 516
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. at
100 U. S. 309.
Were it not for the perceived likelihood that jurors will favor
defendants of their own class, there would be no reason to suppose
that a jury selection process that systematically excluded persons
of a certain race would be the basis of any legitimate complaint by
criminal defendants of that race. Only the individuals excluded
from jury service would have a personal right to complain.
In
Akins v. Texas, where apparently no Negro was on the
jury commission and only 1 of 16 was on the jury panel, the Court
emphasized the high threshold of proof required to brand officers
of the court with discriminatory intent:
"An allegation of discriminatory practices in selecting a grand
jury panel challenges an essential element of proper judicial
procedure -- the requirement of fairness on the part of the
judicial arm of government in dealing with persons charged with
criminal offenses. It cannot lightly be concluded that officers of
the courts disregard this accepted standard of justice."
325 U.S. at
325 U. S.
400-401. With all respect, I am compelled to say that
the Court today has "lightly" concluded that the grand jury
commissioners of this county have disregarded not only their sworn
duty, but also their likely inclination to assure fairness to
Mexican-Americans. [
Footnote
4/7]
Page 430 U. S. 517
C
It matters little in this case whether such judicially
noticeable facts as the composition of the grand jury commission
are viewed as defeating respondent's
prima facie case at
the outset or as rebutting it after it was established by
statistical evidence. The significance of the
prima facie
case is limited to its effect in shifting the burden of going
forward to the State. Once the State has produced evidence either
by presenting proof or by calling attention to facts subject to
judicial notice -- the only question is whether the evidence in the
record is sufficient to demonstrate deliberate and systematic
discrimination in the jury selection process.
Here, respondent produced statistics showing that
Mexican-Americans -- while substantially represented on the grand
jury lists -- were not represented in numbers proportionate to
their share of the total population. The State responded by
presenting the testimony of the judge who appointed the grand jury
commissioners. Other facts, such as the presence of
Mexican-Americans in a majority of the elective positions of the
county, entered the record through judicial notice. The testimony,
together with the facts noted by the District Court, sufficed to
satisfy the State's burden of production even assuming that
respondent's evidence was sufficient to give rise to such a burden.
Accordingly, at the close of the evidence, the question for the
District Court was whether respondent had demonstrated by a
preponderance of the evidence that the State had "deliberately and
systematically den[ied] to members of [respondent's class] the
right to participate as jurors in the administration of justice."
Alexander, 405 U.S. at
405 U. S.
628-629. The District Court found that the judge and
jury commissioners had not intentionally discriminated against
Mexican-Americans. 384 F. Supp. at 90. At the very least, that
finding was not clearly erroneous. [
Footnote 4/8]
Page 430 U. S. 518
The Court labels it "inexplicable" that the State introduced
only the testimony of the state trial judge.
Ante at
430 U. S. 498.
Perhaps the State fairly may be faulted for not presenting more
evidence than it did. But until today's decision, one may doubt
whether many lawyers familiar with our cases would have thought
that respondent's statistics, under the circumstances of this case
and prevailing in Hidalgo County, were even arguably sufficient to
establish deliberate and systematic discrimination.
There is, for me, a sense of unreality when Justices here in
Washington decide solely on the basis of inferences from statistics
that the Mexican-Americans who control the levers of power in this
remote border county are manipulating them to discriminate "against
themselves." In contrast, the judges on the scene, the state judge
who appointed the jury commissioners and presided over respondent's
trial and the United States District Judge -- both
Mexican-Americans and familiar with the community -- perceived no
basis for respondent's claim of invidious discrimination.
It seems to me that the Court today, in rejecting the District
Court's finding that no such discrimination took place, has erred
grievously. I would reinstate the judgment of the District
Court.
[
Footnote 4/1]
A strong case may be made that claims of grand jury
discrimination are not cognizable on federal habeas corpus after
Stone v. Powell, 428 U. S. 465
(1976). In
Stone, we held that
"where the State has provided an opportunity for full and fair
litigation of a Fourth Amendment claim, a state prisoner may not be
granted federal habeas corpus relief on the ground that evidence
obtained in an unconstitutional search or seizure was introduced at
his trial."
Id. at
428 U. S. 494
(footnotes omitted). Unlike the prisoner in
Stone, who
could complain that his conviction rested on evidence tainted by
Fourth Amendment violations and could ask for a new trial with that
evidence excluded, the prisoner in this case challenges only the
now moot determination by the grand jury that there was sufficient
cause to proceed to trial. He points to no flaw in the trial
itself. As in
Stone, the incremental benefit of extending
habeas corpus as a means of correcting unconstitutional grand jury
selection procedures might be viewed as "outweighed by the
acknowledged costs to other values vital to a rational system of
criminal justice."
Ibid.
But as this issue was not addressed below and was not briefed or
argued in this Court, it would be inappropriate to resolve it in
this case.
[
Footnote 4/2]
It may be that nondiscriminatory methods of selection will, over
time, result in a representative grand jury.
See Carter v. Jury
Comm'n, 396 U. S. 320,
396 U. S. 330
(1970). But the Fourteenth Amendment does not mandate that result.
Nothing would prevent a State for example, from seeking to assure
informed decisionmaking by requiring that all grand jurors be
lawyers familiar with the criminal law; and if that requirement
should result in substantial underrepresentation on grand juries of
some segments of the community in some areas of the State, the
Fourteenth Amendment would not render the selection process
unconstitutional.
[
Footnote 4/3]
Although
Davis and
Arlington Heights make
clear that proof of discriminatory intent is required and that
proof of impact or effect alone is not sufficient, we did recognize
in
Arlington Heights that a lesser burden may be
appropriate in the context of jury selection.
"Because of the nature of the jury selection task . . . we have
permitted a finding of constitutional violation even when the
statistical pattern does not approach the extremes of
Yick
Wo or
Gomillion."
429 U.S. at
429 U. S. 266
n. 13. As one illustration, we cited
Turner v. Fouche,
396 U. S. 346
(1970).
In
Turner, the statistical evidence showed that Negroes
constituted 60% of the general population and 37% of those included
in the grand jury list. The Court found that the disparity between
those figures was not so "insubstantial" as to foreclose corrective
action by a federal court.
Id. at
396 U. S. 359.
But the Court did not view the statistics in isolation.
Turner was not a criminal case; it involved instead
Georgia's peculiar system of appointing the county board of
education. The circuit judge appointed jury commissioners, who in
turn selected the grand jury. The grand jury, in turn, selected the
board of education. At every layer of this system, white citizens
were in total control. Even though all of the students in the
county schools were Negro, every white pupil having transferred
elsewhere, all of the members of the board of education were white,
as were all of the members of the jury commission. The District
Court had found that, until the suit was instituted, "Negroes had
been systematically excluded from the grand juries through token
inclusion."
Id. at
396 U. S. 352.
It was against this background of pervasive discrimination that the
Court found that even a new grand jury list with 37% Negro
representation was the product of continued, purposeful
discrimination.
By contrast, in
Carter v. Jury Comm'n, supra at
396 U. S.
338-339, isolated proof that, for 12 years, no Negro had
been appointed to the jury commission of a predominantly Negro
county was found insufficient, standing alone, to establish
discriminatory intent.
[
Footnote 4/4]
The Court's reliance on the "opportunity for discrimination"
noted in
Alexander, ante at
430 U. S. 495,
430 U. S. 497,
is clearly misplaced. The Court has held repeatedly that the Texas
system of selecting grand jurors by the use of jury commissioners
is "fair on its face and capable of being utilized without
discrimination."
Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.
S. 475,
347 U. S.
478-479 (1954);
accord, Smith v. Texas,
311 U. S. 128,
311 U. S. 130
(1940). The "subjectivity" of the selection system cuts in favor of
the State where, as here, those who control the selection process
are members of the same class as the person claiming
discrimination.
See text, infra at
430 U. S.
515-516.
Apart from
Alexander and
Turner, see n 3,
supra, this Court has
sustained claims of grand jury discrimination in two situations.
Most of the cases involve total exclusion of minorities from
participation on grand juries:
Reece v. Georgia,
350 U. S. 85 (1955)
(no Negro jurors in 18 years);
Hernandez v. Texas, supra,
(no Mexican-American jurors in 25 years);
Patton v.
Mississippi, 332 U. S. 463
(1947) (no Negro jurors in 30 years);
Hill v. Texas,
316 U. S. 400
(1942) (no Negro grand jurors in 16 years or more);
Pierre v.
Louisiana, 306 U. S. 354
(1939) (no Negro grand jurors in 20 years);
Hale v.
Kentucky, 303 U. S. 613
(1938) (no Negro jurors);
Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.
S. 587 (1935) (no Negro jurors in a "long number" of
years);
Rogers v. Alabama, 192 U.
S. 226 (1904) (no Negro jurors);
Carter v.
Texas, 177 U. S. 442
(1900) (no Negro jurors);
Bush v. Kentucky, 107 U.
S. 110 (1883) (no Negro jurors);
Neal v.
Delaware, 103 U. S. 370
(1881) (no Negro jurors);
Strauder v. West Virginia,
100 U. S. 303
(1880) (no Negro jurors). The remainder of the cases involve severe
limitation of a minority's participation by token inclusion:
Sims v. Georgia, 389 U. S. 404
(1967) (Negroes constituting 24.4% of the taxpayers limited to 4.7%
of those on the grand jury list);
Jones v. Georgia,
389 U. S. 24 (1967)
(Negroes constituting 19.7% of the taxpayers limited to 5% of those
on the jury list);
Whitus v. Georgia, 385 U.
S. 545 (1967) (Negroes constituting 27.1% of the
taxpayers limited to 9.1% of the grand jury venire);
Arnold v.
North Carolina, 376 U. S. 773
(1964) (one Negro juror in 24 years);
Eubanks v.
Louisiana, 356 U. S. 584
(1958) (one Negro juror in 18 years);
Cassell v. Texas,
339 U. S. 282
(1950) (limitation of one Negro juror on each panel);
Smith v.
Texas, supra, (five Negro grand jurors in a 7-year
period).
[
Footnote 4/5]
The District Court noted that the number of Mexican-Americans on
the grand jury might have been higher had it not been for the
inability of the sheriff, a Mexican-American, to locate four of the
original members of the array who were Mexican-American.
384 F. Supp.
79, 83. Under Texas law, 9 of the 12 grand jurors must concur
before an indictment can be presented. Tex.Code Crim.Proc., Art.
20.19 (1966).
[
Footnote 4/6]
I do not suggest, of course, that the mere fact that
Mexican-Americans constitute a majority in Hidalgo County is
dispositive. There are many communities in which, by virtue of
historical or other reasons, a majority of the population may not
be able at a particular time to control or significantly influence
political decisions or the way the system operates.
See Turner
v. Fouche, 396 U. S. 346
(1970). But no one can contend seriously that Hidalgo County is
such a community. The classic situation in which a "minority group"
may suffer discrimination in a community is where it is "relegated
to . . . a position of political powerlessness."
San Antonio
School Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U. S. 1,
411 U. S. 28
(1973). Here, the Mexican-Americans are not politically
"powerless"; they are the majoritarian political element of the
community, with demonstrated capability to elect and protect their
own.
Nor do I suggest that persons in positions of power can never be
shown to have discriminated against other members of the same
ethnic or racial group. I would hold only that respondent's
statistical evidence, without more, is insufficient to prove a
claim of discrimination in this case.
[
Footnote 4/7]
I agree with MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL,
ante at
430 U. S. 504,
that stereotypes concerning identifiable classes in our society
have no place in the decisions of this Court. For that reason, I
consider it inappropriate to characterize the Mexican-American
majority in Hidalgo County as a "minority group," and, on that
basis, to suggest that these Mexican-Americans may have "adopt[ed]
the majority's negative attitudes towards the minority."
Ante at
430 U. S. 503.
This type of speculation illustrates the lengths to which one must
go to buttress a holding of purposeful discrimination that
otherwise is based solely on a lack of proportional
representation.
[
Footnote 4/8]
Nothing in this case remotely resembles the stark discrimination
in
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.
S. 339 (1960), and
Yick Wo v. Hopkins,
118 U. S. 356
(1886). Nor do the statistics in this case approach the degree of
exclusion that has characterized the cases in which we have
previously found grand jury discrimination.
See n 4,
supra. In this case, in
the year in which the respondent was indicted, 52.5% of the persons
on the grand jury lists were Mexican-American.
Ante at
430 U. S. 487
n. 7. In its preoccupation with the disparity of representation of
Mexican-Americans in the total population and on the grand jury
lists, the Court loses sight of the constitutional standard.
Respondent has no right to "proportional representation" of
Mexican-Americans,
Carter v. Jury Comm'n, 396 U.S. at
396 U. S. 339.
He has only the right "to require that the State not deliberately
and systematically deny to [Mexican-Americans] the right to
participate as jurors in the administration of justice."
Alexander, 405 U. at
405 U. S.
628-629.