The Maryland Senate, under the 1867 Constitution, has 29 seats,
one for each of 23 counties and six for the City of Baltimore's
legislative districts. The State's five most populous political
subdivisions, with over three-fourths of the 1960 population, are
represented by only slightly over one-third of the Senate's
membership, and, prior to 1962 temporary legislation, were
represented by less than one-half of the House of Delegates'
membership. Appellants, including voters in those subdivisions,
sued appellee officials in a state court seeking a declaration that
the legislative apportionment deprived them and others similarly
situated of rights protected under the Equal Protection Clause, and
sought a declaration that the legislature's failure to convene a
constitutional convention approved by a majority of the voters in
1950 violated the State Constitution. The circuit court, after
reversal of its order dismissing the complaint, held that as to
certain counties there was invidious discrimination in the
apportionment of the House, but refrained from passing on the
validity of the senatorial apportionment. The legislature
thereafter enacted legislation whose effect was to give those five
most populous subdivisions 55.6% of the members of the House, but
failed to pass a constitutional amendment reapportioning the House.
On another remand, the circuit court held that the Senate
apportionment, although established on a nonpopulation,
geographical basis, was constitutional, and the Maryland Court of
Appeals affirmed, holding that the appeal did not question the
House apportionment and upholding the Senate apportionment, in part
in reliance on an analogy to the Federal Senate. Opposition of
legislators from the less populous counties accounted for failure
of many reapportionment bills, and Maryland law makes no provision
for reapportionment or the initiation of legislation or
constitutional amendments by the people.
Held:
1. This Court cannot decide on the validity of the apportionment
of one house of a bicameral legislature without also evaluating the
actual apportionment of the other. P.
377 U. S.
673.
Page 377 U. S. 657
2. Whether or not the House is apportioned on a population
basis, Maryland's legislative representation scheme cannot be
sustained under the Equal Protection Clause because of the gross
disparities from population-based representation in the
apportionment of Senate seats. P.
377 U. S.
673.
3. Seats in both houses of a bicameral state legislature must,
under the Equal Protection Clause, be apportioned substantially on
a population basis.
Reynolds v. Sims, ante, p.
377 U. S. 533,
followed. P.
377 U. S.
674.
4. Neither house of the Maryland Legislature, even after the
temporary legislation, is apportioned sufficiently on a population
basis to be constitutionally sustainable. P.
377 U. S.
674.
5. The same constitutional standards apply whether an
apportionment scheme is evaluated in the state or federal courts.
P.
377 U. S.
674.
6. Reliance on the "federal analogy" to sustain the Maryland
apportionment scheme is misplaced.
Reynolds v. Sims,
supra, followed. P.
377 U. S.
675.
7. The Maryland Legislature has sufficient time before the 1966
elections to reapportion the General Assembly, but under no
circumstances should those elections be conducted under the
existing or other unconstitutional plan. Pp.
377 U. S.
675-676.
229 Md. 406, 184 A.2d 715, reversed and remanded.
Page 377 U. S. 658
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case involves an appeal from a decision of the Maryland
Court of Appeals upholding the validity, under the Equal Protection
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, of
the apportionment of seats in the Maryland Senate.
I
Appellants, residents, taxpayers and voters in four populous
Maryland counties (Anne Arundel, Baltimore, Montgomery and Prince
George's) and the City of Baltimore, and an unincorporated
association, originally brought an action in the Circuit Court of
Anne Arundel County, in August, 1960, challenging the apportionment
of the Maryland Legislature. Defendants below, sued in their
representative capacities, were various officials
Page 377 U. S. 659
charged with duties in connection with state elections.
Plaintiffs below alleged that the apportionment of both houses of
the Maryland Legislature, pursuant to Art. III, §§ 2 and 5, of the
1867 Maryland Constitution, as amended, discriminated against
inhabitants of the more populous counties and the City of Baltimore
by according these persons substantially less representation than
that given to persons residing in other areas of the State. They
contended that the alleged legislative malapportionment violated
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, since that
provision prohibits any State from "denying, diluting or
restricting the equality of voting rights or privileges among
classes of otherwise eligible voters similarly situated," and
asserted that there was no political remedy practicably available
under Maryland law to obtain the relief sought.
Plaintiffs below sought a declaratory judgment that Art. III, §§
2 and 5, of the Maryland Constitution deny them and those similarly
situated rights protected under the Equal Protection Clause, and
that the failure of the Maryland Legislature to reapportion its
membership in accordance with a formula which would reasonably
reflect present population figures deprived them of their
constitutional rights. Plaintiffs also requested a declaration that
the failure of the Maryland General Assembly to convene a
constitutional convention as approved by a majority of the State's
voters in the general election of 1950 violated various provisions
of the State Constitution.
Plaintiffs requested that, unless the November, 1962, election
and elections thereafter were conducted on an at-large basis, the
court enjoin defendants from performing various election duties
until such time as the General Assembly should submit for a
referendum vote by eligible state voters an amendment to Art. III,
§§ 2 and 5, which would reapportion the membership of the Maryland
Legislature on a population basis in conformity with the
Page 377 U. S. 660
requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment. Plaintiffs also asked
the court to retain jurisdiction of the case until the General
Assembly submitted such a constitutional amendment to the State's
voters.
On February 21, 1961, the Circuit Court sustained defendants'
demurrers to plaintiffs' complaint and dismissed the complaint
without leave to amend. On appeal, the Maryland Court of Appeals,
on April 25, 1962, splitting 5 to 2, reversed the order of the
Circuit Court and remanded the case for a hearing on the merits.
228 Md. 412, 180 A.2d 656. Finding that the federal questions
raised were not nonjusticiable in a Maryland state court, the
Maryland Court of Appeals, after discussing this Court's decision
in
Baker v. Carr, 369 U. S. 186,
stated that
"if any action needs to be taken in order to bring the State's
system of legislative apportionment into conformity with the
requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment . . . , it is preferable
from the point of view of responsible self-government that the
State's own duly constituted officials and the people themselves
undertake the task, rather than leave to the Federal judiciary the
delicate and perhaps unwelcome task of doing so. [
Footnote 1]"
While recognizing that
"[t]here was no need in
Baker v. Carr . . . for the
Supreme Court to pass upon the power of a State court to deal with
questions of State legislative apportionment,"
the Maryland Court of Appeals found
"implicit in the vacation of the judgment and remand by the
Supreme Court of the United States to the Supreme Court of Michigan
of the case of
Scholle v. Hare"
this Court's view that cases challenging the constitutionality
of state legislative apportionments are "appropriate for
consideration by a State court. . . ." [
Footnote 2] Finding
"a
Page 377 U. S. 661
strong implication in the
Baker decision that there
must be some reasonable relationship of population, or eligible
voters, to representation in the General Assembly if an
apportionment is to escape the label of constitutionally prohibited
invidious discrimination,"
the Maryland court nevertheless stated that it was not
"possible (or advisable if it were possible) to state a precise,
inflexible and intractable formula for constitutional
representation in the General Assembly. [
Footnote 3]"
In remanding to the lower state court to "receive evidence to
determine whether or not an invidious discrimination does exist
with respect to representation in either or both houses" of the
Maryland Legislature, the Court of Appeals stated that, if the
Maryland constitutional provisions relating to legislative
apportionment were held invalid as to the November 1962 election,
the Circuit Court should
"also declare that the Legislature has the power, if called into
Special Session by the Governor and such action be deemed
appropriate by it, to enact a bill reapportioning its membership
for purposes"
of that election.
On May 24, 1962, the Circuit Court, after receiving various
exhibits and hearing argument, held that the apportionment of the
Maryland House of Delegates invidiously discriminated against the
people of Baltimore, Montgomery and Prince George's Counties, but
not against the people of Baltimore City or Anne Arundel County,
and that therefore Art. III, § 5, of the Maryland Constitution,
which apportions seats in the House of Delegates, violates the
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Although
stating that the apportionment of the Maryland Senate might be
"constitutionally based upon area and geographical location
regardless of population or eligible voters," the Circuit Court
refrained from formally passing on the validity of the senatorial
apportionment. The lower court also stated
Page 377 U. S. 662
that the Maryland Legislature had the power to enact a statute
providing for the reapportionment of the House of Delegates, as
well as to propose a constitutional amendment providing for such a
reapportionment. It withheld the granting of injunctive relief, but
retained jurisdiction to do so before the November, 1962, election
if such became appropriate.
On May 31, 1962, the Maryland Legislature, called into special
session by the Governor, enacted temporary "stop-gap" legislation
reapportioning seats in the House of Delegates, by allocating 19
added seats to the more populous areas of the State. [
Footnote 4] However, the legislature failed
to pass a proposed constitutional amendment reapportioning the
Maryland House. The newly enacted apportionment statute expires
automatically on January 1, 1966, except that, if a constitutional
amendment superseding the statutory provisions is submitted to the
voters at the 1964 general election and is rejected, the statute
will continue in force until January 1, 1970. The statute further
provides that, upon its expiration, the House of Delegates shall
again be apportioned according to Art. III, § 5, which the Circuit
Court had previously held unconstitutional. No appeal was taken
from the Circuit Court's decision holding invalid the existing
apportionment of the Maryland House of Delegates.
Following the Circuit Court's failure to rule upon the validity
of the senatorial apportionment, plaintiffs appealed this question
to the Maryland Court of Appeals. On June 8, 1962, the Court of
Appeals ordered the case remanded to the Circuit Court for a prompt
decision on whether Art. III, § 2, of the Maryland Constitution,
apportioning seats in the Senate, was valid or invalid under the
Equal Protection Clause. On June 28, 1962, the Circuit Court held
that the apportionment of the Maryland Senate did not violate the
Federal Constitution
Page 377 U. S. 663
because it felt that an apportionment based upon area and
geographical location, without regard to population, served to
protect minorities, preserve legislative checks and balances, and
prevent hasty, though temporarily popular, legislation, and
accorded with history, tradition and reason, placing considerable
reliance on a comparison of that body of the Maryland Legislature
with the Federal Senate.
On July 23, 1962, the Maryland Court of Appeals, splitting 5 to
3, in a per curiam order, affirmed the Circuit Court's decision
holding valid the apportionment of the Maryland Senate, noting that
its reasons would be stated in an opinion to be filed at a later
date. Plaintiffs' motion for reargument, calling attention to
recent decisions and developments relating to legislative
apportionment, was denied by the Maryland Court of Appeals on
September 11, 1962. On September 25, 1962, the Court of Appeals
filed its opinion. 229 Md. 406, 184 A.2d 715. It stated initially
that the appeal did not question the apportionment of the Maryland
House. Continuing, the Maryland court indicated that it was
affirming the decision below and upholding the constitutionality of
the senatorial apportionment, on the grounds that: (1) each
Maryland county has, since 1837, had the same number of Senate
seats, except that Baltimore City had periodically been given
additional representation, and Maryland counties "have always been
an integral part of the state government" and have consistently
possessed and maintained "distinct individualities"; (2) since the
idea of a bicameral legislature assumes two different methods of
apportionment in the two Houses to check "hasty and ill-conceived
legislation," one house can be constitutionally apportioned on a
nonpopulation, geographical basis; and (3) geographical
representation in the Maryland Senate, based on political
subdivisions, is closely analogous to the representation of the
States in the Federal Senate. The dissenting judges pointed out
that the House of Delegates,
Page 377 U. S. 664
even as reapportioned, was still not apportioned on a population
basis, and that gross disparities from population-based
representation existed in the senatorial apportionment. The
dissenters found that neither history nor reliance on the so-called
federal analogy provided a rational basis for such gross
disparities from population-based representation as were found in
the apportionment of the Maryland Legislature, before and after the
1962 reapportionment. Since the Maryland Court of Appeals upheld
the senatorial apportionment plan, the November, 1962, election of
senators was conducted pursuant thereto, and delegates were elected
under the scheme provided by the 1962 legislation. Notice of appeal
to this Court from the Maryland Court of Appeals' decision was
timely filed, and we noted probable jurisdiction on June 10, 1963.
374 U.S. 804.
II
The Maryland Constitution of 1867 vests legislative power in a
bicameral General Assembly consisting of a Senate and a House of
Delegates. According to official census figures, Maryland had a
1960 population of 3,100,689, and the combined population of the
five most populous political subdivisions of Maryland -- the
counties of Anne Arundel, Baltimore, Montgomery and Prince George's
and the City of Baltimore -- was 2,336,409. Thus, about 75.3% of
the State's total population lived in these five most populous
subdivisions, as of 1960, while about 24.7% lived in the remaining
19 counties of the State. Under Art. III, § 2, of the Maryland
Constitution, each of the State's 23 counties is allocated one seat
in the Maryland Senate, and each of the six legislative districts
of the City of Baltimore is also entitled to one Senate Seat --
resulting in a total of 29 seats in the Maryland Senate. Thus, the
five most populous political subdivisions, with over three-fourths
of the State's total 1960 population, are represented by only 10
senators, or slightly
Page 377 U. S. 665
over one-third of the membership of that body. On the other
hand, the remaining 19 counties, with an aggregate population of
less than one-fourth of the State's population, are nevertheless
represented by 19 senators, almost two-thirds of the members of
that body. [
Footnote 5] And the
15 least populous counties, with only 14.1% of the total state
population, can elect a controlling majority of the members of the
Maryland Senate. A maximum population variance ratio of almost 32
to 1 exists between the most populous and least populous counties.
Kent County, with a 1960 population of 15,481, and Calvert County,
where only 15,826 resided, are each entitled to one Senate seat,
while Baltimore County, with a 1960 population of 492,428, is
likewise entitled to only one senator.
As to the apportionment of the Maryland House of Delegates, Art.
III, § 5, of the Maryland Constitution, in force when this
litigation was commenced but subsequently held unconstitutional by
the Maryland courts and superseded by the temporary legislation
enacted in 1962, prescribed the representation accorded to each of
the State's political subdivisions in the Maryland House. The
membership of the House was numerically fixed at 123 by this
constitutional provision, with each county being given at least two
House seats. Seven counties were given two seats each, five
counties were allocated three seats, and four counties were given
four House members. The remaining seven counties, including all of
those four populous counties where appellants reside, were each
allotted six House seats, and the six legislative districts of the
City of Baltimore were given six delegates
Page 377 U. S. 666
each. [
Footnote 6] Under the
then-existing House apportionment, the five most populous political
subdivisions, with 75.3% of the State's 1960 population, elected
only 60 delegates, or less than one-half of the members of the
House of Delegates, while the other 19 counties, with only 24.7% of
the population, were represented by 63 delegates, or 51.3% of the
total membership. A maximum population variance ratio of over 12 to
1 existed between the most populous and least populous counties.
Baltimore County, with a 1960 population of 492,428, had only the
same number of House seats, six, as did Garrett and Somerset
Counties, whose combined 1960 population was 40,043.
Under the 1962 temporary legislation reapportioning the Maryland
House of Delegates, the only practical effect is to add 19 House
seats, increasing the membership of that body from 123 to 142, for
the four-year terms of delegates elected in November, 1962. Seven
seats were added for Baltimore County, four delegates each were
added for Montgomery and Prince George's Counties, two of Baltimore
City's legislative districts were given two and one additional
seats, respectively, and one seat was
Page 377 U. S. 667
added for Anne Arundel County. The basic scheme embodied in the
temporary legislation is to allocate two House seats to each county
and to each of the six Baltimore City legislative districts, and
then to distribute the remaining seats, out of a fixed number of
123, among the counties on a population basis. The new law
provided, however, that, during the initial four-year period of its
operation, "and for any additional period during which . . . [it]
may be extended," each county and legislative district would be
entitled, as a minimum, to the number of House seats that it had on
January 1, 1962. Thus, this means that, in actuality, there will be
more than 123 delegates, and that the counties and legislative
districts which were allegedly overrepresented under the old
constitutional provisions will retain much of their former relative
power. Under the new legislation, the five most populous
subdivisions, with 75.3% of the State's 1960 population, elect 79
delegates, or 55.6% of the members in the Maryland House. The
remaining 19 counties, with less than one-fourth of the State's
population, elect 44.4% of the members of the House of Delegates.
Counties with only 35.6% of the State's total population elect a
majority of the members of the House under the 1962 legislation. A
maximum population variance ratio of almost 6 to 1 still exists
between the most populous and least populous House districts. A
delegate from Somerset County represents an average of 6,541
persons, whereas a delegate from Baltimore County represents an
average of 37,879. Under both the previous and present
apportionment provisions, members of both the Senate and the House
of Delegates in Maryland are all elected to serve four-year terms.
[
Footnote 7] None of the
Maryland counties, under either the old or revised House
apportionment schemes, were divided into districts for the
purpose
Page 377 U. S. 668
of electing delegates. Rather, all House members are elected at
large within each county (and legislative district), regardless of
the number of seats allocated thereto. [
Footnote 8]
Maryland law makes no provision for the initiation of
legislation or constitutional amendments by the people. [
Footnote 9] Certain constitutional
provisions provide, however, for the taking at a general election
each 20 years, of "the sense of the People in regard to calling a
Convention for altering this Constitution." [
Footnote 10] Pursuant to these provisions, a
statewide referendum on whether a constitutional convention, which
would have the power to propose amendments to the Maryland
Constitution, including amendments relating to the reapportionment
of representation in the General Assembly, should be called was
submitted to the State's voters at the general election in 1950. An
overwhelming majority of the voters (by a vote of 200,439 to
56,998) indicated their approval of the calling of a constitutional
convention. Nevertheless, even though numerous bills providing for
the convening of a constitutional convention were introduced into
the
Page 377 U. S. 669
General Assembly between 1951 and 1962, the General Assembly
repeatedly refused to enact the necessary enabling legislation.
[
Footnote 11] Thus, despite
the favorable vote of the State's electorate, no constitutional
convention has ever been convened. The next such vote will not be
taken until 1970, and, even if the people again approve the calling
of a constitutional convention, it cannot be actually convened
without the enactment of enabling legislation by the Maryland
General Assembly.
Although over 10 reapportionment bills were introduced into the
General Assembly between 1951 and 1960, all failed to pass because
of opposition by legislators from the less populous counties. Both
houses of the General Assembly, during its 1960 regular session,
declined to pass bills incorporating the limited reapportionment
recommendations of a special commission created by the Governor in
1959 to investigate and report on the matter of legislative
reapportionment. Numerous proposed reapportionment amendments and
reapportionment bills were introduced at the regular session of the
Maryland Legislature in 1961 and 1962, but all failed of passage.
Relief from the allegedly discriminatory apportionment through
constitutional amendment was also apparently unavailable, as a
practical matter, to appellants. Article XIV, § 1, of the Maryland
Constitution requires a three-fifths affirmative vote of the
membership of both houses of the General Assembly in order to have
proposed constitutional amendments submitted to the State's voters
at a referendum. Admittedly, legislators from the less
Page 377 U. S. 670
populous counties controlled each house of the Maryland
Legislature. And even if a constitutional convention were convened,
representation at the convention would be based on the allocation
of seats in the allegedly malapportioned General Assembly.
[
Footnote 12] Significantly,
the Maryland Court of Appeals, in its initial opinion in this
litigation, stated that
"the chances of the appellants' obtaining relief from the
infringement upon their alleged constitutional rights, other than
from the courts, is so remote as to be practically nil. [
Footnote 13]"
Neither in the Maryland Constitution nor in the state statutes
is there any provision relating to the reapportionment of
representation in the General Assembly. Apart from the limited and
temporary reapportionment of the House enacted at the 1962 special
session of the Maryland Legislature, following the holding of the
Circuit Court that the House apportionment provisions of the
Maryland Constitution were invalid, all efforts since 1867 to
achieve a substantial reapportionment of seats in the General
Assembly, with two rather minor exceptions, have been futile.
[
Footnote 14] In 1900, the
City of Baltimore, because of its expanding population, was given
an additional Senate seat and an additional legislative district,
bringing its total to four senators and legislative districts.
Page 377 U. S. 671
Two additional senators and two more legislative districts were
added to Baltimore City's representation in 1922. Apart from these
increases in the legislative representation of the City of
Baltimore, membership in the Maryland Senate remains as provided
for in the 1867 Constitution. And, until 19 additional House seats
were created and distributed among the five most populous political
subdivisions in 1962, representation in the House of Delegates had
been based, for a period of 95 years, on the limited population
formula embodied in the 1867 Maryland Constitution. [
Footnote 15]
III
In its unreported opinion holding the Maryland senatorial
apportionment valid, the Circuit Court, after referring to the
reapportionment of seats in the House of Delegates by the Maryland
Legislature, stated:
"It appears, therefore, and the Petitioners have conceded, that
the Lower House has been legally reapportioned according to
population."
And the Maryland Court of Appeals, in its opinion upholding the
Circuit Court's decision that the senatorial apportionment was
constitutionally valid, pointed out that the instant appeal was
from the lower court's decision on remand of the previously
undecided question as to the validity of the senatorial
apportionment, and stated: "No question is presented as to the
validity of the
stop-gap' legislation or the reapportionment of
the House of Delegates." [Footnote 16] Questioning the validity of the majority's
assumption in this regard, the dissenters stated:
"The majority of this Court in the present case seems to accept
tacitly, if not expressly, the view
Page 377 U. S. 672
that, if one house of the Maryland General Assembly (the Senate)
may be apportioned on a basis which ignores disparities of
population, the other house (the House of Delegates) must be
apportioned with due regard to population, and assumes that the
House of Delegates now is so apportioned. It is true that the
apportionment of the House is not under attack on this appeal, and
no question with regard thereto is now before us. It is also true,
however, that, even as reapportioned by the May, 1962, Special
Session of the General Assembly, considerable disparities still
exist in a number of instances, though previous disparities have
been materially reduced. . . . There is no such close relationship
between population and representation as in the case of the
Michigan House. . . . Surely, the present Maryland apportionment is
not so closely related to population as is that of the House of
Representatives of the Congress of the United States. In that
respect, the Federal analogy is far from perfect. [
Footnote 17]"
Appellants have continually asserted that not only is the
constitutional validity of the apportionment of the Maryland Senate
at issue in this appeal, but that also presented for decision is
the sufficiency, under the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution, of "the combined total representation provided for in
both Houses of the Maryland General Assembly." Appellees, on the
other hand, have repeatedly contended that the sole question
presented in this appeal is whether one house of a bicameral state
legislature,
i.e., the Maryland Senate, can be apportioned
on a basis other than population, where the other house is
presumably apportioned on a strict population basis. Appellees have
argued that,
Page 377 U. S. 673
since the courts below assumed and appellants allegedly conceded
that the Maryland House of Delegates, as reapportioned in 1962, is
apportioned on a population basis, and since the decisions of the
state courts below here appealed from considered only the validity
of the apportionment of the Maryland Senate, this Court is
precluded from considering the validity of the apportionment of the
Maryland House, and is required to assume that that body is now
apportioned on a population basis.
Regardless of possible concessions made by the parties and the
scope of the consideration of the courts below, in reviewing a
state legislative apportionment case, this Court must, of
necessity, consider the challenged scheme as a whole in determining
whether the particular State's apportionment plan, in its entirety,
meets federal constitutional requisites. It is simply impossible to
decide upon the validity of the apportionment of one house of a
bicameral legislature in the abstract, without also evaluating the
actual scheme of representation employed with respect to the other
house. Rather, the proper, and indeed indispensable, subject for
judicial focus in a legislative apportionment controversy is the
overall representation accorded to the State's voters in both
houses of a bicameral state legislature. We therefore reject
appellees' contention that the Court is precluded from considering
the validity of the apportionment of the Maryland House of
Delegates. We cannot be compelled to assume that the Maryland House
is presently apportioned on a population basis when that is, in
fact, plainly not so. Furthermore, whether or not the House is
apportioned on a population basis, the scheme of legislative
representation in Maryland cannot be sustained under the Equal
Protection Clause of the Federal Constitution, because of the gross
disparities from population-based representation in the
apportionment of seats in the Maryland Senate.
Page 377 U. S. 674
IV
In
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U. S. 533, we
held that seats in both houses of a bicameral state legislature are
required, under the Equal Protection Clause, to be apportioned
substantially on a population basis. Neither house of the Maryland
Legislature, even after the 1962 legislation reapportioning the
House of Delegates, is apportioned sufficiently on a population
basis to be constitutionally sustainable. Thus, we conclude that
the Maryland Court of Appeals erred in holding the Maryland
legislative apportionment valid, and that the decision below must
be reversed.
We applaud the willingness of state courts to assume
jurisdiction and render decision in cases involving challenges to
state legislative apportionment schemes. [
Footnote 18] However, in determining the validity of a
State's apportionment plan, the same federal constitutional
standards are applicable whether the matter is litigated in a
federal or a state court. Maryland's plan is plainly insufficient
under the requirements of the Equal Protection Clause as spelled
out in our opinion in
Reynolds. [
Footnote 19]
Page 377 U. S. 675
For the reasons stated in
Reynolds, [
Footnote 20] appellees' reliance on the
so-called federal analogy as a sustaining principle for the
Maryland apportionment scheme, despite significant deviations from
population-based representation in both houses of the General
Assembly, is clearly misplaced. [
Footnote 21] And considerations of history and tradition,
relied upon by appellees, do not, and could not, provide a
sufficient justification for the substantial deviations from
population-based representation in both houses of the Maryland
Legislature.
In view of the circumstances of this case, we feel it
inappropriate to discuss remedial questions at the present time.
[
Footnote 22] Since all
members of both houses of the Maryland General Assembly were
elected in 1962, and since all Maryland legislators are elected to
serve four-year terms, the next election of legislators in Maryland
will not be conducted until 1966. Thus, sufficient time exists for
the Maryland Legislature to enact legislation reapportioning seats
in the General Assembly prior to the 1966 primary and general
elections. With the Maryland constitutional provisions relating to
legislative apportionment hereby held unconstitutional, the
Maryland Legislature presumably has the inherent power to enact at
least temporary reapportionment legislation pending adoption of
state constitutional provisions relating to
Page 377 U. S. 676
legislative apportionment which comport with federal
constitutional requirements. [
Footnote 23]
Since primary responsibility for legislative apportionment rests
with the legislature itself, and since adequate time exists in
which the Maryland General Assembly can act, the Maryland courts
need feel obliged to take further affirmative action only if the
legislature fails to enact a constitutionally valid state
legislative apportionment scheme in a timely fashion after being
afforded a further opportunity by the courts to do so. However,
under no circumstances should the 1966 election of members of the
Maryland Legislature be permitted to be conducted pursuant to the
existing or any other unconstitutional plan. We therefore reverse
the judgment of the Maryland Court of Appeals, and remand the case
to that Court for further proceedings not inconsistent with the
views stated here and in our opinion in
Reynolds v.
Sims.
It is so ordered.
MR. JUSTICE CLARK concurs in the reversal for the reasons stated
in his concurring opinion in
Reynolds v. Sims, ante, p.
377 U.S. 587, decided this
date.
[For dissenting opinion of MR. JUSTICE HARLAN,
see
ante, p.
377 U.S.
589.]
[
Footnote 1]
228 Md. at 419, 180 A.2d at 659.
[
Footnote 2]
Id., 228 Md. at 428, 180 A.2d at 664.
[
Footnote 3]
Id., 228 Md. at 433-434, 180 A.2d at 667-668.
[
Footnote 4]
Md.Ann.Code (1962 Supp.), Art. 40, § 42.
[
Footnote 5]
Included as Appendix B to the dissenting opinion of the Maryland
Court of Appeals is a chart comparing the senatorial representation
of the City of Baltimore and the four most populous counties with
that of the other counties in the State. 229 Md. at 430, 184 A.2d
at 730.
[
Footnote 6]
Article III, § 4, of the 1867 Maryland Constitution provided for
a minimum of two delegates per county, with increases proportional
to population up to a total of six when a county's population
reached 55,000, but made no provision for additional delegates
after a county's population reached and exceeded 55,000. In 1950,
Art. III, § 5, was adopted as a constitutional amendment freezing
the representation in the House of Delegates on the basis of the
allocation of House seats under the 1940 federal census. The
purpose of this amendment was to prevent the smaller counties from
continuing to receive increased House representation at the expense
of the larger political subdivisions which, under the 1867 formula,
were not entitled to any more than six delegates after their
population had reached 55,000, regardless of how much it might
increase thereafter. Additionally, Art. III, § 4, of the Maryland
Constitution, as amended, provides for altering the boundaries of
the legislative districts of the City of Baltimore to provide for
approximately equal population among the six districts.
[
Footnote 7]
According to the provisions of Art. III, §§ 2, 6, and 7, of the
Maryland Constitution.
[
Footnote 8]
Appendix A to the dissenting opinion of the Maryland Court of
Appeals contains a chart showing the populations, according to 1960
census figures, and representation of Maryland's 23 counties and
the City of Baltimore in the two houses of the Maryland General
Assembly, including figures relating to the apportionment of seats
in the House of Delegates both before and after the 1962
reapportionment legislation. Also included in this chart are
figures showing the number of persons represented by each delegate,
and computations of the relative values of votes for delegates and
senators in each of the State's political subdivisions. 229 Md. at
429, 184 A.2d at 728-729.
[
Footnote 9]
Article XVI, §§ 2-5, of the Maryland Constitution provides a
procedure for the conducting of a referendum vote by the people on
certain types of legislative enactments, however, upon the filing
of a petition signed by at least 3% of the State's qualified
voters.
For a discussion of the lack of federal constitutional
significance of the presence or absence of an available political
remedy,
see Lucas v. Forty-Fourth General Assembly of Colorado,
post, pp.
377 U. S.
736-737.
[
Footnote 10]
Md.Const. Art. XIV, § 2.
[
Footnote 11]
Despite the clear mandate of Art. XIV, § 2, of the State
Constitution, which states that,
"if a majority of voters at such election or elections shall
vote for a Convention, the General Assembly at its next session,
shall provide by Law for the assembling of such convention, and for
the election of Delegates thereto."
Compare the situation existing in Colorado, with
respect to the availability of a political remedy, as discussed in
our opinion in
Lucas, post, pp.
377 U. S.
732-733.
[
Footnote 12]
Pursuant to Art. XIV, § 2, of the Maryland Constitution, which
provides: "Each County, and Legislative District of the City of
Baltimore, shall have in such Convention a number of Delegates
equal to its representation in both Houses at the time at which the
Convention is called."
[
Footnote 13]
228 Md. at 432-433, 180 A.2d at 667.
[
Footnote 14]
In fact, there has been no substantial change in the scheme of
legislative representation in Maryland since 1837, when the system
of indirect election of senators was abolished. In 1864, the City
of Baltimore was given additional representation in the form of
three legislative districts, with one senator for each of the three
districts. A constitutional convention in 1867, which adopted the
existing Maryland Constitution, confirmed the increased
representation accorded the City of Baltimore, but otherwise based
the legislative apportionment provisions which it adopted on the
1837 scheme.
[
Footnote 15]
For a discussion of various aspects of the Maryland legislative
apportionment situation, including the instant litigation,
see Note, Senate Reapportionment-The Maryland Experience,
31 Geo.Wash.L.Rev. 812 (1963).
[
Footnote 16]
229 Md. at 410, 184 A.2d at 716.
[
Footnote 17]
Id., 229 Md. at 421-422, 184 A.2d at 723-724.
[
Footnote 18]
A commendable example of an exercise of judicial responsibility
by a state court in a case involving state legislative
apportionment is provided by the action of the Kansas Supreme Court
in
Harris v. Shanahan, 192 Kan. 183,
387 P.2d 771
(1963). In that case, the Kansas Supreme Court held that the
statutory provisions apportioning seats in both houses of the
Kansas Legislature were constitutionally invalid, but afforded the
legislature a further opportunity to enact a constitutionally valid
plan prior to the 1964 primary and general elections. Of course,
this decision by the Kansas Supreme Court is not presently before
us, and we indicate no view as to the merits in that case.
[
Footnote 19]
The pattern of prolonged legislative inaction with respect to
legislative apportionment matters and the existence of a rural
strangle hold on the legislature in Maryland closely parallels the
situation existing in Alabama, although Maryland, unlike Alabama,
has no state constitutional provision requiring decennial
legislative reapportionment.
[
Footnote 20]
See Reynolds v. Sims, ante, pp.
377 U.S. 571-576.
[
Footnote 21]
Additionally, the Maryland legislative apportionment scheme here
attacked fails to resemble the plan of representation in the
Federal Congress in at least two important respects: the Maryland
House, even as reapportioned in 1962, is clearly not apportioned on
a population basis, and political subdivisions are not accorded the
same number of senatorial seats, since, although each of Maryland's
23 counties is given only one Senate seat, six senators are
allotted to the City of Baltimore.
[
Footnote 22]
See Reynolds v. Sims, ante, p.
377 U.S. 585
[
Footnote 23]
See 228 Md. at 438-440, 180 A.2d at 670-671, where the
Maryland Court of Appeals stated that, if the Maryland
constitutional provisions relating to legislative apportionment
were found invalid by the lower court, the Maryland Legislature
would have the power to enact reapportionment legislation, "because
the powers of the General Assembly of Maryland are plenary, except
as limited by constitutional provisions."
See also the
reference to this matter earlier in this opinion,
ante at
377 U. S.
661.
MR. JUSTICE STEWART.
In this case, there is no finding by this Court or by the
Maryland Court of Appeals that Maryland's apportionment
Page 377 U. S. 677
plan reflects "no policy, but simply arbitrary and capricious
action or inaction." Nor do I think such a finding on the record
before us would be warranted. Consequently, on the basis of the
constitutional views expressed in my dissenting opinion in
Lucas v. Forty-Fourth General Assembly of Colorado, post,
p.
377 U. S. 744.
I would affirm the judgment of the Maryland Court of Appeals unless
the Maryland apportionment "could be shown systematically to
prevent ultimate effective majority rule." The Maryland court did
not address itself to this question. Accordingly, I would vacate
the judgment and remand this case to the state court for full
consideration of this issue.