Under § 208 of the Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, the
United States sued in a Federal District Court to enjoin the
continuation of an industry-wide strike in the steel industry.
After considering affidavits filed by the parties and finding that
the strike had closed down a substantial part of the Nation's steel
production capacity and that its continuation would "imperil the
national health and safety," the District Court enjoined
continuation of the strike. The Court of Appeals affirmed.
Held: The judgment is sustained. Pp.
361 U. S.
40-44.
1. Once it determined that the statutory conditions of breadth
of involvement and peril to the national health or safety existed,
the District Court properly enjoined continuation of the strike.
Congress did not intend that the issuance of an injunction should
depend upon a judicial inquiry into broad issues of national labor
policy, the availability of other remedies to the Executive, the
effect of an injunction on the collective bargaining process, the
conduct of the parties to the labor dispute in their negotiations,
or conjecture as to the course of those negotiations in the future.
Pp.
361 U. S.
40-41.
2. On the record in this case, the judgment below was amply
supported on the ground that the strike imperiled the national
safety. Pp.
361 U. S.
41-42.
3. Section 208 was designed to provide a public remedy in times
of emergency, and it cannot be construed to require that the
Government either formulate a reorganization of the affected
industry to satisfy its defense needs without the complete
reopening of closed facilities or demonstrate in court that such a
reorganization is not feasible. P.
361 U. S.
43.
4. As here applied, § 208 entrusts to the courts only the
determination of a "case or controversy." It does not violate the
Constitution by entrusting to them any matter capable of only
legislative or executive determination. Pp.
361 U. S.
43-44.
271 F.2d 676 affirmed.
Page 361 U. S. 40
PER CURIAM.
The Attorney General sought and obtained in the District Court
for the Western District of Pennsylvania an injunction against the
continuation of an industry-wide strike of workers in the basic
steel industry pursuant to § 208 of the Labor Management Relations
Act, 1947, 61 Stat. 155, 29 U.S.C. § 178. We granted certiorari,
post, p. 878, to review the judgment of the Court of
Appeals for the Third Circuit, 271 F.2d 676, affirming the District
Court. In pertinent part, § 208 provides that, if the District
Court --
"finds that . . . [a] threatened or actual strike or lock-out
--"
"(i) affects an entire industry or a substantial part thereof
engaged in trade, commerce, transportation, transmission, or
communication among the several States or with foreign nations, or
engaged in the production of goods for commerce; and"
"(ii) if permitted to occur or to continue, will imperil the
national health or safety, it shall have jurisdiction to enjoin any
such strike or lock-out, or the continuing thereof, and to make
such other orders as may be appropriate."
The arguments of the parties here and in the lower courts have
addressed themselves in considerable part to the propriety of the
District Court's exercising its equitable
Page 361 U. S. 41
jurisdiction to enjoin the strike in question once the findings
set forth above had been made. These arguments have ranged widely
into broad issues of national labor policy, the availability of
other remedies to the Executive, the effect of a labor injunction
on the collective bargaining process, consideration of the conduct
of the parties to the labor dispute in their negotiations, and
conjecture as to the course of those negotiations in the future. We
do not believe that Congress, in passing the statute, intended that
the issuance of injunctions should depend upon judicial inquiries
of this nature. Congress was not concerned with the merits of the
parties' positions or the conduct of their negotiations. Its basic
purpose seems to have been to see that vital production should be
resumed or continued for a time while further efforts were made to
settle the dispute. To carry out its purposes, Congress carefully
surrounded the injunction proceedings with detailed procedural
devices and limitations. The public report of a board of inquiry,
the exercise of political and executive responsibility personally
by the President in directing the commencement of injunction
proceedings, the statutory provisions looking toward an adjustment
of the dispute during the injunction's pendency, and the limited
duration of the injunction, represent a congressional determination
of policy factors involved in the difficult problem of national
emergency strikes. This congressional determination of the policy
factors is, of course, binding on the courts.
The statute imposes upon the courts the duty of finding, upon
the evidence adduced, whether a strike or lockout meets the
statutory conditions of breadth of involvement and peril to the
national health or safety. We have accordingly reviewed the
concurrent findings of the two lower courts. Petitioner here
contests the findings that the continuation of the strike would
imperil the national health and safety. The parties dispute the
meaning of
Page 361 U. S. 42
the statutory term "national health"; the Government insists
that the term comprehends the country's general wellbeing, its
economic health; petitioner urges that simply the physical health
of the citizenry is meant. We need not resolve this question, for
we think the judgment below is amply supported on the ground that
the strike imperils the national safety.
* Here, we rely
upon the evidence of the strike's effect on specific defense
projects; we need not pass on the Government's contention that
"national safety" in this context should be given a broader
construction and application.
Page 361 U. S. 43
The petitioner suggests that a selective reopening of some of
the steel mills would suffice to fulfill specific defense needs.
The statute was designed to provide a public remedy in times of
emergency; we cannot construe it to require that the United States
either formulate a reorganization of the affected industry to
satisfy its defense needs without the complete reopening of closed
facilities, or demonstrate in court the unfeasibility of such a
reorganization. There is no room in the statute for this
requirement which the petitioner seeks to impose on the
Government.
We are of opinion that the provision in question, as applied
here, is not violative of the constitutional limitation prohibiting
courts from exercising powers of a legislative or executive nature,
powers not capable of being conferred upon a court exercising
solely "the judicial power of the United States."
Keller v.
Potomac Elec. Power Co., 261 U. S. 428;
Federal Radio Comm'n v. General Elec. Co., 281 U.
S. 464. Petitioner contends that the statute is
constitutionally invalid because it does not set up any standard of
lawful or unlawful conduct on the part of labor or management. But
the statute does recognize certain rights in the public to have
unimpeded for a time production in industries vital to the national
health or safety. It makes the United States the guardian of these
rights in litigation.
Cf. United States v. American Bell Tel.
Co., 128 U. S. 315,
128 U. S. 370;
Sanitary District of Chicago v. United States,
266 U. S. 405. The
availability of relief, in the common judicial form of an
injunction, depends on findings of fact, to be judicially made. Of
the matters decided judicially, there is no review by other
agencies of the Government.
Cf. 69 U. S. United
States, 2 Wall. 561, 117 U.S. 697. We conclude that the
statute entrusts the courts only with the determination of a "case
or controversy," on which the judicial power can operate, not
containing any element
Page 361 U. S. 44
capable of only legislative or executive determination. We do
not find that the termination of the injunction after a specified
time, or the machinery established in an attempt to obtain a
peaceful settlement of the underlying dispute during the
injunction's pendency, detracts from this conclusion.
The result is that the judgment of the Court of Appeals for the
Third Circuit, affirming that of the District Court, is affirmed.
Our mandate shall issue forthwith.
It is so ordered.
MR. JUSTICE FRANKFURTER and MR. JUSTICE HARLAN: In joining the
Court's opinion, we note our intention to file in due course an
amplification of our views upon the issues involved which could not
be prepared within the time limitations imposed by the necessity of
a prompt adjudication in this case.
* The evidence in this regard is reflected in the District
Court's findings of fact Nos. 15(a), (b), (c), and (d), as
follows:
"(a) Certain items of steel required in top priority military
missile programs of the United States are not made by any mill now
operating, nor available from any inventory or from imports. Any
further delay in resumption of steel production would result in an
irretrievable loss of time in the supply of weapons systems
essential to the national defense plans of the United States and
its allies."
"(b) The planned program of space activities under the direction
of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration has been
delayed by the strike, and will be further delayed if it is
continued. Specifically, project MERCURY, the nation's manned
satellite program, which has the highest national priority, has
been delayed by reason of delay in construction of buildings
essential to its operation. This program is important to the
security of the nation. Other planned space programs will be
delayed or threatened with delay by a continuation of the
strike."
"(c) Nuclear Submarines and the naval shipbuilding program other
than submarines, including new construction, modernization, and
conversion, have been affected by reason of the inability to secure
boilers, compressors, and other component parts requiring steel.
Products of the steel industry are indispensable to the manufacture
of such items, and delay in their production will irreparably
injure national defense and imperil the national safety."
"(d) Exported steel products are vital to the support of United
States bases overseas and for the use of NATO allies and similar
collective security groups. The steel strike, if permitted to
continue, will seriously impair these programs, thus imperiling the
national safety."
Separate opinion of MR. JUSTICE FRANKFURTER and MR. JUSTICE
HARLAN, concurring in the opinion of the Court dated November 7,
1959.*
This action by the United States for an injunction under § 208
of the Labor Management Relations Act, 1947 (61 Stat. 155, 29
U.S.C. § 178) was commenced by the Attorney General at the
direction of the President of the United States in the District
Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania on October 20, 1959.
The strike which was the concern of the action arose out of a labor
dispute between petitioner, the collective bargaining agent of the
workers, and the steel companies, and was nationwide in scope. The
strike began on July 15, 1959, fifteen days after the contracts
between the steel companies
Page 361 U. S. 45
and petitioner expired. On October 9, 1959, the President
created the Board of Inquiry provided by §§ 206 and 207 of the Act
to inquire into the issues involved in the dispute. The President
deemed the strike to affect a "substantial part of . . . an
industry," and concluded that, if allowed to continue, it would
imperil the national "health and safety." On October 19 the Board
submitted its report, which concluded:
"[T]he parties have failed to reach an agreement, and we see no
prospects for an early cessation of the strike. The Board cannot
point to any single issue of any consequence whatsoever upon which
the parties are in agreement."
The President filed the report with the Federal Mediation and
Conciliation Service and made its contents public, in accordance
with § 206, and ordered the Attorney General to commence this
action, reiterating his former pronouncements that the continuance
of the strike constituted a threat to the national health and
safety.
Pursuant to stipulations of the parties, the District Court
heard the case on affidavits. On October 21, it granted the
injunction. Its order was stayed by the Court of Appeals for the
Third Circuit, pending that court's final determination of
petitioner's appeal. On October 27, it affirmed the decision of the
District Court (one judge dissenting) and granted an additional
stay to enable petitioner to seek relief here. On October 28, this
Court denied the motion of the United States to modify the stay. On
October 30, we granted certiorari, set the argument down for
November 2, and extended the stay pending final disposition. In a
per curiam opinion on November 7, this Court affirmed the decision
of the Court of Appeals, MR. JUSTICE DOUGLAS dissenting. We noted
our intention to set forth at a later time the grounds for our
agreement with the Court's disposition and not delay announcement
of the result until such a statement could be prepared.
Page 361 U. S. 46
The injunction was challenged on three grounds: (1) the lower
courts were not entitled to find that the national emergency, upon
which the District Court's jurisdiction is dependent under § 208,
existed; (2) even if the emergency existed, the District Court
failed to exercise the discretion, claimed to be open to it under §
208, whether or not to grant the relief sought by the United
States; (3) even if the injunction was otherwise unassailable, it
should have been denied because § 208 seeks to charge the District
Courts with a duty outside the scope of "judicial Power"
exercisable under Art. III, § 2, of the Constitution.
Section 208 provides that the District Court "shall have
jurisdiction to enjoin" a "threatened or actual strike or lock-out"
if the court finds that it
"(i) affects an entire industry or a substantial part thereof
engaged in . . . commerce . . . or engaged in the production of
goods for commerce, and (ii) if permitted to occur or to continue,
will imperil the national health or safety. . . ."
The District Court found, and it was not contested here, that
the strike satisfied the first condition in that it affected a
substantial portion of the steel industry. Petitioner urged,
however, that the lower courts had no basis for concluding that it
satisfied the second.
In its finding of fact No. 15, the District Court described four
instances of serious impediment to national defense programs as a
result of existing and prospective procurement problems due to the
strike. The programs affected included the missile, nuclear
submarine and naval shipbuilding, and space programs. Each of these
findings had, as the Court of Appeals found, ample support in the
affidavits submitted by the United States. According to the
affidavit of Thomas S. Gates, Jr., Acting Secretary of Defense,
delays in delivery of materials critical to the creation of the
Atlas, Titan, and Polaris missile systems had become so severe that
each additional day of the strike
Page 361 U. S. 47
would result in an equal delay in project completion, and a
"significant portion of the steel specified in the procurement
contracts is of a composition not common to commercial usage nor
available from existing civilian inventories by exercise of
allocation or eminent domain powers of the Government. . . .
[T]hese programs in many cases require special sizes and shapes,
many of which can be fabricated only by firms having a long
experience in their production and the necessary special facilities
therefor. . . ."
The affidavit of Hugh L. Dryden, Deputy Administrator of the
Aeronautics and Space Administration, stated, in some detail, that
space projects, including tracking centers, rocket engine test
stands, and other critical facilities, were, at the time of the
hearing in the District Court, already subjected to delays of as
much as seven weeks, with longer delays anticipated from the
continuation of the strike. The affidavit of A. R. Luedecke, the
General Manager of the Atomic Energy Commission, stated that minor
delays in projects had, at the time of its making, already been
experienced in critical programs of the Atomic Energy Commission,
and that, if the strike should continue into 1960, "there would be
an appreciable effect upon the weapons program."
In view of such demonstrated unavailability of defense
materials, it is irrelevant that, as petitioner contended and the
United States conceded, somewhat in excess of 15% of the steel
industry remained unaffected by the stoppage, and that only about
1% of the gross steel product is ordinarily allocated to defense
production.
However, petitioner also contested the sufficiency of the
affidavits on the ground that they did not present the facts giving
rise to the asserted emergencies with sufficient particularity to
justify the findings made. This objection raises an issue which was
essentially for the trier of fact, and the two lower courts found
the affidavits sufficient.
Page 361 U. S. 48
It is not for the judiciary to canvass the competence of
officers of cabinet rank, with responsibility only below that of
the President for the matters to which they speak under oath, to
express the opinions set forth in these affidavits. Findings based
directly upon them surely cannot be said to be "clearly erroneous."
Fed.Rules Civ.Proc., 52(a).
Moreover, under § 208, the trier of these facts was called upon
to make a judgment already twice made by the President of the
United States: once when he convened the Board of Inquiry, and once
when he directed the Attorney General to commence this action. His
reasoned judgment was presumably based upon the facts we have
summarized, and it is not for us to set aside findings consistent
with them. The President's judgment is not controlling; § 208 makes
it the court's duty to "find" the requisite jurisdictional fact for
itself. But, in the discharge of its duty, a District Court would
disregard reason not to give due weight to determinations
previously made by the President, who is, after all, the ultimate
constitutional executive repository for assuring the safety of the
Nation, and upon whose judgment the invocation of the emergency
provisions depends.
The petitioner next asserted that the findings made were
insufficient as a matter of law to support the District Court's
jurisdiction under § 208. Conceding that peril to the national
defense is peril to the national safety, it asserted that the peril
to the national safety which is made an element of the court's
jurisdiction by part (ii) of § 208(a) must result from the
substantial character of the effect upon an industry required by
part (i), and that, if it does not so result, a District Court is
without power to enjoin the stoppage or any part of it.
Alternatively, it urged that the jurisdiction which is conferred by
the section is limited to relief against such part of the total
stoppage as is found to be the cause, in fact, of the peril.
Page 361 U. S. 49
Petitioner claimed that, as a matter of fact, the procurement
embarrassments found by the courts below were the result not of the
entire steel stoppage or even of a substantial part of it, but only
of the closing of a "handful" of the hundreds of plants affected,
and that therefore the entire industry-wide strike should not have
been enjoined under either construction of § 208 which it
asserted.
In the first place, the requisite fact was found against
petitioner's contention. The Court of Appeals found that "[t]he
steel industry is too vast and too complicated to be segmented" so
as to alleviate the existing and foreseeable peril to the national
defense by the mere reopening of a few plants. It expressly relied
upon the affidavit of Dr. Raymond J. Saulnier, Chairman of the
Council of Economic Advisers of the Federal Government, which was
before both the lower courts. Dr. Saulnier stated that:
"Steel is produced through closely interrelated processes that
often cannot be separated technically or economically to allow
production of items 'needed,' . . . while omitting items 'not
needed.' . . . '[I]n order to satisfy defense requirements alone
from the standpoint of size, grade, and product, it would be
necessary to reactivate 25 to 30 hot rolling mills, together with
supporting blast furnaces, and Bessemer, electric, open hearth and
vacuum-melting furnaces. Additional facilities for pickling,
coating, heat treating, cold finishing, shearing, cutting, testing,
and the like would also be required. To reopen these plants for the
production of steel products to meet only defense requirements
would be totally impracticable. The problems of scheduling the
limited tonnages involved, plus the cost and technical difficulty
of start-ups and shutdowns would appear to be insurmountable.'
"
Page 361 U. S. 50
The lower courts had before them, as did this Court, the
conflicting affidavit of Robert Nathan, the economist for the
Steelworkers. But the trier of fact was not bound to prefer the
arguments, however weighty, of petitioner's economist, however
estimable, as against the views of the highest officers in the land
and their economic advisers regarding the means for securing
necessary defense materials.
Nor was it a refutation of the finding of the Court of Appeals
to suggest, as petitioner did here, that "needed" facilities might
be opened for all purposes. The problem is self-evidently one of
programming months in advance every specialized commodity needed
for defense purposes, a project which itself would require months
of effort, and the delays such effort would entail. Other obvious
difficulties are not less formidable. Upon what basis would the
plants to be reopened be chosen, assuming the number of plants
needed could be determined? According to what standard would the
production of particular complexes of plants be regulated? What of
problems of cost and overhead, and the cost of and time required
for intra-company planning to determine the practicality of
partially restricting the operation of giant complexes such as
those of the major producers?
No doubt a District Court is normally charged with the duty of
independently shaping the details of a decree when sitting in
equity in controversies that involve simple and relatively few
factors -- factors, that is, far less in number, less complicated
and less interrelated than in the case before us. But a court is
not qualified to devise schemes for the conduct of an industry so
as to assure the securing of necessary defense materials. It is not
competent to sit in judgment on the existing distribution of
factors in the conduct of an integrated industry to ascertain
whether it can be segmented with a view to its reorganization for
the supply exclusively, or even primarily,
Page 361 U. S. 51
of government-needed materials. Nor is it able to readjust or
adequately to reweigh the forces of economic competition within the
industry or to appraise the relevance of such forces in carrying
out a defense program for the Government. Against all such
assumptions of competence, the finding of the Court of Appeals was
amply supported by the record.
Even without such a finding, however, petitioner's contention
would fail. There are controlling reasons for concluding that § 208
neither imposes upon the United States, as a condition for securing
an injunction, the burden of establishing that the peril shown
proceeds from the unavailability of a "substantial number" of
particular facilities, nor limits the scope of the court's
injunctive process to such part of the total stoppage as appears to
be the cause, in fact, of the peril.
First, on its face, § 208 states two separate criteria, both of
which must be satisfied before an injunction may issue against a
strike, and it states no other relationship between them than that
both must proceed from "such strike." No other relationship is
suggested by the legislative history of these emergency provisions.
There is, accordingly, no foundation for the drastic limitation on
their scope which would be imposed if petitioner's contention had
been adopted, that a District Court is without jurisdiction unless
the abstract quantitatively substantial character of the effect of
the stoppage is found to be the cause, in fact, of the peril.
The legislative history confirms what the provisions themselves
amply reveal -- that this portion of the Taft-Hartley Act contains
a dual purpose -- on the one hand to alleviate, at least
temporarily, a threat to the national health or safety, and, on the
other, to promote settlement of the underlying dispute of
industry-wide effect. The former purpose is to be accomplished by
the injunction, and by whatever additional remedies the President
may
Page 361 U. S. 52
seek and the Congress grant in pursuance of the command of § 210
of the Act that the matter be returned to Congress by the President
with full report in the event of a failure of settlement within the
injunction period. The latter purpose is to be accomplished by the
command of § 209 that the parties to the dispute "make every effort
to adjust and settle their differences"; by the secret ballot of
employees provided by § 209 with reference to the last offer of the
companies, and finally by further action by the President and
Congress pursuant to § 210. To hold, as petitioner alternatively
urged, that a District Court may enjoin only that part of the total
stoppage which is shown to be the cause in fact of the peril would,
at best, serve only the purpose of alleviating the peril while
stultifying the provisions designed to effect settlement of the
underlying dispute.
Second, the evidentiary burdens upon the Government which would
have resulted from the adoption of either of the constructions
urged by petitioner would tend to cripple the designed
effectiveness of the Act. It is extremely doubtful whether, in
strikes of national proportion, information would be available to
the United States within a reasonable time to enable it to show
that particular critical orders were placed with particular
facilities no longer available; or whether the United States could,
within such time, effect a theoretical reorganization of its
procurement program so as to demonstrate to a court that it cannot
successfully be conducted without the reopening of particular
facilities.
Finally, § 208 is not to be construed narrowly, as if it were
merely an exception to the policies which led to the restrictions
on the use of injunctions in labor disputes embodied in the
Norris-LaGuardia Act, 47 Stat. 70 (1932), 29 U.S.C. §§ 101-115.
Totally different policies led to the enactment of the national
emergency provisions of the 1947 Act. The legislative history of
these provisions
Page 361 U. S. 53
is replete with evidence of the concern of both the proponents
and the opponents of the bill to deal effectively with large-scale
work stoppages which endanger the public health or safety. To stop
or prevent public injury, both management and labor were brought
within the scope of the injunctive power, and both were subjected
to the command to "make every effort to adjust and settle their
differences. . . ." § 209. The preamble to the Act succinctly
states this purpose:
"Industrial strife which interferes with the normal flow of
commerce . . . can be avoided or substantially minimized if
employers, employees, and labor organizations each . . . , above
all, recognize under law that neither party has any right in its
relations with any other to engage in acts or practices which
jeopardize the public health, safety, or interest. . . ."
Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, § 1(b), 61 Stat. 136, 29
U.S.C. § 141(b).
The Norris-LaGuardia Act had limited the power of the federal
courts to employ injunctions to affect labor disputes. The purpose
of that Act was rigorously to define the conditions under which
federal courts were empowered to issue injunctions in industrial
controversies as between employers and employees, and to devise a
safeguarding procedure for the intervention of the federal
judiciary in the course of private litigation. It is not without
significance that this Act was found not to deprive a federal court
of jurisdiction to issue an injunction at the behest of the
Government as industrial operator.
United States v. United Mine
Workers of America, 330 U. S. 258.
Moreover, as the preamble to the Norris-LaGuardia Act indicated,
the formulation of policy of that statute was made in 1932 "under
prevailing economic conditions." Congress, at different times and
for different purposes, may gauge the demands of "prevailing
economic
Page 361 U. S. 54
conditions" differently, or with reference to considerations
outside merely "economic conditions." Here, Congress has made the
appraisal that the interests of both parties must be subordinated
to the overriding interest of the Nation. The following
observations of Mr. Justice Brandeis are apposite:
"Because I have come to the conclusion that both the common law
of a State and a statute of the United States declare the right of
industrial combatants to push their struggle to the limits of the
justification of self-interest, I do not wish to be understood as
attaching any constitutional or moral sanction to that right. All
rights are derived from the purposes of the society in which they
exist; above all rights rises duty to the community. The conditions
developed in industry may be such that those engaged in it cannot
continue their struggle without danger to the community. But it is
not for judges to determine whether such conditions exist, nor is
it their function to set the limits of permissible contest and to
declare the duties which the new situation demands. This is the
function of the legislature, which, while limiting individual and
group rights of aggression and defense, may substitute processes of
justice for the more primitive method of trial by combat."
Duplex Printing Press Co. v. Deering, 254 U.
S. 443,
254 U. S. 488
(1921) (dissent). These sections were designed to provide machinery
for safeguarding the comprehensive interest of the community, and
to promote the national policy of collective bargaining. They must
be construed to give full effect to the protections they seek to
afford.
Petitioner's final contention with regard to the statutory
standard of peril to the national safety appears to have been that
the United States must resort to other
Page 361 U. S. 55
modes of relief than this Act to meet the national peril created
by a stoppage in a substantial part of an industry, before such
peril can be said to exist or be threatened. In substance,
petitioner urged: (1) that the United States has powers under the
Defense Production Act of 1950, 64 Stat. 798, 50 U.S.C.App. § 2061,
the exercise of which would, even during the course of these
proceedings, have permitted it to alleviate the critical shortages
which, in fact, resulted or threatened to result from the strike,
and (2) that the United States failed to reveal to petitioner or to
the courts what plants might have been reopened so as to remove the
peril to the national defense. In the light of what we have already
said, it is apparent that neither of these matters is relevant to
the judicial determination required by § 208. The remedy available
to the United States under these provisions is independent of other
powers possessed by it, and is not encumbered by any burden upon it
to seek to persuade or enable the defendants to effect a piecemeal
alteration of their conduct to avoid the court's jurisdiction.
Because the District Court's finding of peril to the national
safety resulting from impediments to the programs for national
defense was itself sufficient to satisfy the requirement of §
208(a)(ii), it is not necessary to determine whether perils to
defense exhaust the scope of "safety" as used in this statute, or
to consider its findings with regard to peril to the national
health.
Having decided that the strike was one which created a national
emergency within the terms of the statute, the next question is
whether, upon that finding alone, the "eighty-day" injunction for
which the Government prayed should have issued, or whether the
District Court was to exercise the conventional discretionary
function of equity in balancing conveniences as a preliminary to
issuing an injunction. The petitioner argued that, under the Act, a
District Court has "discretion" whether to
Page 361 U. S. 56
issue an "eighty-day" injunction, even though a national
emergency be found. It argued that the district judge in this case
did not consider that he had such "discretion." Alternatively, it
argued that, if the district judge did exercise "discretion," he
abused it, for the broad injunctive relief he granted was not
justifiable in this case. The contention was that the relief had
the effect of hindering, rather than promoting, a voluntary
settlement of the dispute, and of unnecessarily coercing hundreds
of thousands of employees, when an injunction of only a small part
of the strike, or other non-injunctive remedies, assertedly less
drastic, were available, and would have equally well averted the
threat to public safety. We do not think it necessary to embark
upon the speculative consideration whether the district judge, in
fact, made a discretionary determination, and, if he did, whether
that determination was justifiable. We conclude that, under the
national emergency provisions of the Labor Management Relations
Act, it is not for judges to exercise conventional "discretion" to
withhold an "eighty-day" injunction upon a balancing of
conveniences.
"Discretionary" jurisdiction is exercised when a given
injunctive remedy is not commanded as a matter of policy by
Congress, but is, as a presupposition of judge-made law, left to
judicial discretion. Such is not the case under this statute. The
purpose of Congress expressed by the scheme of this statute
precludes ordinary equitable discretion. In this respect, we think
the role of the District Courts under this statute is like the role
of the Courts of Appeals under provisions for review by them of the
orders of various administrative agencies, such as the National
Labor Relations Board. 29 U.S.C. § 160(e). This Court has held
that, if the Board's findings are sustained, the remedy it thought
appropriate must be enforced.
Labor Board v. Bradford Dyeing
Assn., 310 U. S. 318.
Page 361 U. S. 57
In the national emergency provisions of the Labor Management
Relations Act, Congress has with particularity described the
duration of the injunction to be granted and the nature of specific
collateral administrative procedures which are to be set in motion
upon its issuance. We think the conclusion compelling that Congress
has thereby manifested that a District Court is not to indulge its
own judgment regarding the wisdom of the relief Congress has
designed. Congress expressed its own judgment, and did not leave it
to a District Court. The statute embodies a legislative
determination that the particular relief described is appropriate
to the emergency, when one is found to exist. Moreover, it is a
primary purpose of the Act to stop the national emergency at least
for eighty days, which would be defeated if a court were left with
discretion to withhold an injunction, and thereby permit
continuation of an emergency it has found to exist. The hope is
that, within the period of the injunction, voluntary settlement of
the labor dispute will be reached, and, to that end, the statute
compels bargaining between the parties during that time. If no
voluntary settlement is concluded within the period of the
injunction, the President is to report to Congress so that that
body may further draw upon its constitutional legislative powers.
How else can these specific directions be viewed but that the
procedures provided are, in the view of Congress, the way to meet
the emergencies which come within the statute? It is not for a
court to negative the direction of Congress because of its own
confident prophecy that the "eighty-day" injunction and the
administrative procedures which follow upon it will not induce
voluntary settlement of the dispute, or are too drastic a way of
dealing with it.
We are also persuaded by the fact that, before the statute is
invoked, there must be a Presidential determination that the
"eighty-day" injunction is the promising
Page 361 U. S. 58
method for dealing with the emergency arising from the labor
dispute. Section 206 provides that, whenever the President is of
the "opinion" that a strike or lockout will create a national
emergency, he may appoint a board of inquiry, which shall submit to
him a report containing the facts relating to the dispute and the
positions of the parties to it. Upon receiving this report, the
President "may" direct the Attorney General to petition to enjoin
the strike or lockout. It is undoubtedly one of the factors in the
President's decision to direct the Attorney General to act that he
considers such an injunction the best available course to relieve
the emergency. Such a decision by the President to invoke the
courts' jurisdiction to enjoin, involving, as it does, elements not
susceptible of ordinary judicial proof nor within the general range
of judicial experience, is not within the competent scope of the
exercise of equitable "discretion." It may be that the assumptions
on the basis of which Congress legislated were ill founded or have
been invalidated by experience. It may be that the considerations
on the basis of which the President exercised his judgment in
invoking the legislation will be found wanting by hindsight. These
are not matters within the Court's concern. They are not relevant
to the construction of § 208, nor to its judicial enforcement. They
certainly do not warrant the Judiciary's intrusion into the
exercise by Congress and the President of their respective powers
and responsibilities.
The Hecht Co. v. Bowles, 321 U.
S. 321, heavily relied on, dealt with quite a different
situation. There, we held that the application of the Administrator
of the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 for an injunction of
violations of that Act might be refused, in the exercise of the
District Court's "discretion." But the scheme of the statute in
Hecht v. Bowles was significantly different from that of
the statute in this case. The Emergency Price Control Act of 1942
provided that the District
Page 361 U. S. 59
Court should grant, at the Administrator's application, "a
permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other
order." This Court emphasized the alternative character of this
provision for an "other order" as imparting to the District Court
discretion to withhold an injunction. 321 U.S. at
321 U. S. 328.
Under the Labor Management Relations Act, the District Court is
given jurisdiction to enjoin "and to make such other orders as may
be appropriate." Congress thus provided a jurisdiction additional
to the power to grant an injunction, not alternative to it: an
"other order" may only supplement an injunction, it may not
supplant it. Beyond this difference are the considerations that,
under the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942, an injunction did
not, as it does here, bring into play other carefully prescribed
relief designed by Congress to alleviate the cause of the evil
which it was the purpose of the statute to correct, nor was the
duration of the injunction specifically limited as in this case.
There was not, therefore, in
Hecht v. Bowles the strong
showing we have here that the Congress has resolved the question of
the appropriate form of relief for the condition the statute is
meant to correct, and the Court there concluded that the
Administrator's application for judicial relief was an appeal to
the ordinary equity jurisdiction and "discretion" of the District
Court. In
Hecht v. Bowles itself, the Court recognized
that there might be
"other federal statutes governing administrative agencies which
. . . make it mandatory that those agencies take action when
certain facts are shown to exist."
321 U.S. at
321 U. S. 329.
In essence, this describes the situation under the Labor Management
Relations Act.
We come finally to the petitioner's contention that the grant to
the District Courts by § 208(a) of the Labor Management Relations
Act of jurisdiction to enjoin strikes such as this one is not a
grant of "judicial Power" within the meaning of Art. III, § 2, of
the Constitution,
Page 361 U. S. 60
and was therefore beyond the power of Congress to confer on the
District Courts. What proceedings are "Cases" and "Controversies,"
and thus within the "judicial Power" is to be determined, at the
least, by what proceedings were recognized at the time of the
Constitution to be traditionally within the power of courts in the
English and American judicial systems. Both by what they said and
by what they implied, the framers of the Judiciary Article gave
merely the outlines of what were to them the familiar operations of
the English judicial system and its manifestations on this side of
the ocean before the Union. Judicial power could come into play
only in matters such as were the traditional concern of the courts
at Westminster, and only if they arose in ways that to the expert
feel of lawyers constituted "Cases" or "Controversies."
Beginning at least as early as the sixteenth century, the
English courts have issued injunctions to abate public nuisances.
Bond's Case, Moore 238 (1587);
Jacob Hall's Case,
1 Ventris 169, 1 Mod. 76 (1671);
The King v. Betterton, 5
Mod. 142 (1696);
Baines v. Baker, 3 Atk. 750, 1 Amb. 158
(1752);
Mayor of London v. Bolt, 5 Ves. 129 (1799).
See also Eden, Injunctions (3d ed. 1852), Vol. II, 259;
Blackstone, Commentaries (12th ed. 1795), Vol. IV, 166. This old,
settled law was summarized in 1836 by the Lord Chancellor in the
statement that
"the Court of Exchequer, as well as this Court, acting as a
court of equity, has a well established jurisdiction, upon a
proceeding by way of information, to prevent nuisances to public
harbours and public roads, and, in short, generally, to prevent
public nuisances."
Attorney General v. Forbes, 2 M. & C. 123, 133.
And, two years later, this Court recognized that
"it is now settled that a court of equity may take jurisdiction,
in cases of public nuisance, by an information filed by the
attorney general."
Georgetown v. Alexandria Canal
Co., 12 Pet. 91,
37 U. S. 98
(1838).
Page 361 U. S. 61
See also Payne v. Hook,
7 Wall. 425,
74 U. S. 430.
Since that time, this Court has impressively enforced the judicial
power to abate public nuisances at the suit of the Government.
In re Debs, 158 U. S. 564. The
crux of the
Debs decision, that the Government may invoke
judicial power to abate what is, in effect, a nuisance detrimental
to the public interest, has remained intact. The heart of the case
was approvingly cited by Mr. Justice Brandeis for the Court in
Jacob Ruppert v. Caffey, 251 U. S. 264,
251 U. S. 301
. The scope of the injunction in the
Debs case no doubt
gave rise to the much-criticized extensive use of the injunction in
ordinary employer-employee controversies.
See Frankfurter
and Greene, The Labor Injunction, pp. 18
et seq., 62-63,
and 190, and, for the terms of the decree,
see p. 253.
Congress dealt with this proliferating and mischievous use of the
labor injunction first through the Clayton Act, and later through
the Norris-LaGuardia Act. But even the severest critics of the
Debs injunction have recognized that it was not a "new
invention."
See id., p. 20. The judicial power to enjoin
public nuisance at the instance of the Government has been a
commonplace of jurisdiction in American judicial history.
See,
e.g., Attorney General v. Tudor Ice Co., 104 Mass. 239, 244
(1870);
Village of Pine City v. Munch, 42 Minn. 342, 343,
44 N.W. 197 (1890);
Board of Health v. Vink, 184 Mich.
688, 151 N.W. 672 (1915).
The jurisdiction given the District Courts by § 208(a) of the
Labor Management Relations Act to enjoin strikes creating a
national emergency is a jurisdiction of a kind that has been
traditionally exercised over public nuisances. The criterion for
judicial action -- peril to health or safety -- is much like those
upon which courts ordinarily have acted. Injunctive relief is
traditionally given by equity upon a showing of such peril, and the
court, as was traditional, acts at the request of the Executive.
There can therefore be no doubt that, being thus akin to
jurisdiction
Page 361 U. S. 62
long historically exercised, the function to be performed by the
District Courts under § 208(a) is within the "judicial Power" as
contemplated by Art. III, § 2, and is one which Congress may thus
confer upon the courts. It surely does not touch the criteria for
determining what is "judicial Power" that the injunction to be
issued is not a permanent one, and may last no longer than eighty
days. Given the power in Congress to vest in the federal courts the
function to enjoin absolutely, it does not change the character of
the power granted or undermine the professional competence of a
court for its exercise that Congress has directed the relief to be
tempered.
These controlling constitutional considerations were sought to
be diverted by the petitioner through abstract discussion about the
necessity for Congress to define legal rights and duties. The power
of Congress to deal with the public interest does not derive from,
nor is it limited by, rights and duties as between parties.
Congress may impose duties and enforce obligations to the Nation as
a whole, as it has so obviously done in the Labor Management
Relations Act. Such congressional power is not to be subordinated
to a sterile juristic dialectic.
* [REPORTER NOTE: This concurring opinion was filed December 7,
1959.]
MR. JUSTICE DOUGLAS, dissenting.*
Great cases, like this one, are so charged with importance and
feeling that, as Mr. Justice Holmes once remarked (
Northern
Securities Co. v. United States, 193 U.
S. 197,
193 U. S.
400-401, dissenting opinion), they are apt to generate
bad law. We need, therefore, to stick closely to the letter of the
law we enforce in order to keep this controversy from being shaped
by the intense interest which
Page 361 U. S. 63
the public rightfully has in it. The statute, which Congress had
authority to pass, speaks in narrow and guarded terms. Section 206
of the Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, 61 Stat. 155, 29
U.S.C. § 176, gives the President power to invoke the aid of a
board of inquiry whenever he is of the opinion that a strike or
lockout will imperil "the national health or safety." The
President, in appointing the board of inquiry in this case,
stated:
"The strike has closed 85 percent of the nation's steel mills,
shutting off practically all new supplies of steel. Over 500,000
steel workers and about 200,000 workers in related industries,
together with their families, have been deprived of their usual
means of support. Present steel supplies are low, and the
resumption of full-scale production will require some weeks. If
production is not quickly resumed, severe effects upon the economy
will endanger the economic health of the nation."
It is plain that the President construed the word "health" to
include the material wellbeing or public welfare of the Nation.
When the Attorney General moved under § 208 for an injunction in
the District Court based on the opinion of the President and the
conclusions of the board of inquiry, the union challenged the
conclusion that "the national health or safety" was imperiled, as
those words are used in the Act. The District Court found
otherwise, stating five ways in which the strike would, if
permitted to continue, imperil "the national health and
safety:"
"(a) Certain items of steel required in top priority military
missile programs of the United States are not made by any mill now
operating, nor available from any inventory or from imports. Any
further delay in resumption of steel production would result in an
irretrievable loss of time in the supply of
Page 361 U. S. 64
weapons systems essential to the national defense plans of the
United States and its allies."
"(b) The planned program of space activities under the direction
of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration has been
delayed by the strike, and will be further delayed if it is
continued. Specifically, project MERCURY, the nation's manned
satellite program, which has the highest national priority, has
been delayed by reason of delay in construction of buildings
essential to its operation. This program is important to the
security of the nation. Other planned space programs will be
delayed or threatened with delay by a continuation of the
strike."
"(c) Nuclear Submarines and the naval shipbuilding program other
than submarines, including new construction, modernization, and
conversion, have been affected by reason of the inability to secure
boilers, compressors, and other component parts requiring steel.
Products of the steel industry are indispensable to the manufacture
of such items, and delay in their production will irreparably
injure national defense and imperil the national safety."
"(d) Exported steel products are vital to the support of the
United States bases overseas and for the use of NATO allies and
similar collective security groups. The steel strike, if permitted
to continue, will seriously impair these programs, thus imperiling
the national safety."
"(e) A continuation of the strike will have the ultimate effect
of adversely affecting millions of small business enterprises,
almost all of which are directly or indirectly dependent upon steel
products, and most of which lack the resources to stock large
inventories. In addition, it will have the effect of idling
millions
Page 361 U. S. 65
of workers and a large proportion of the facilities in
industries dependent upon steel for their continued operation.
Manufacturing industries' directly dependent on steel mill products
account for the employment of approximately 6,000,000 workers and
normal annual wages and salaries totalling approximately
$34,000,000,000. The products of these industries are valued at
over $125,000,000,000. The national health will be imperiled if the
strike is permitted to continue."
Here again, it is obvious that "national health" was construed
to include the economic wellbeing or general welfare of the
country. The Court of Appeals, in sustaining the injunction, was
apparently of the same view. This seems to me to be an assumption
that is unwarranted. I think that Congress, when it used the words
"national health," was safeguarding the heating of homes, the
delivery of milk, the protection of hospitals, and the like. The
coal industry, closely identified with physical health of people,
was the industry paramount in the debates on this measure. The coal
industry is indeed cited on the Senate side in illustration of the
need for the measure. S.Rep. No. 105, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 14.
There were those in the Senate who wanted to go so far as to outlaw
strikes "in utilities and key nationwide industries" in order to
protect the "public welfare." 93 Cong.Rec. A1035. Reference was,
indeed, made to strikes in industries "like coal or steel" among
those to be barred in "the public interest."
Ibid. But the
Senate did not go that far. The Senate bill reached only situations
where there was peril to the "national health or safety." [
Footnote 1] The House bill went
further, and included cases where there was peril to "the public
health, safety,
Page 361 U. S. 66
or interest." [
Footnote 2]
The Senate view prevailed, its version being adopted by the
Conference. [
Footnote 3] Some
light is thrown on the wide difference between those two standards
-- if words are to be taken in their usual sense -- by the
following colloquy on the floor of the House: [
Footnote 4]
"Mr. KENNEDY. I believe that this country should certainly be in
a position to combat a strike that affects the health and safety of
the people. Therefore, I feel that the President must have the
power to step in and stop those strikes. I am not in the position
of opposing everything in this bill, but there are certain things
in the bill that are wrong. I do not see how the President is going
to have the power to stop strikes that will affect the health and
safety of the people under the procedure listed in section 203. I
think he must have that power."
"I agree with you that any bill providing for an injunction
should carefully consider the position of the striking union and
make sure that their rights are protected. I think that, in those
cases, Federal seizure until the dispute is settled would perhaps
equalize the burden in the fairest possible manner."
"Mr. OWENS. Will not the gentleman admit that we have a third
word in there? It is 'interest.' Could we not better use the word
'welfare' instead of 'interest,' because the word 'welfare' occurs
in the Constitution? It is just as broad as the word 'interest,'
and more practical."
"Mr. KENNEDY. The proposal embraces two separate things, health
and safety. Because the remedy is drastic, these two, in my
opinion, are sufficient. I believe we should apply this remedy
when
Page 361 U. S. 67
the strike affects health or safety, but not the welfare and
interest, which may mean anything. I would not interfere in an
automobile strike, because, while perhaps that affects national
interest, it does not affect health and safety."
"Mr. OWENS. Does not the gentleman agree that 'welfare' is the
stronger, and in line with the President's idea?"
"Mr. KENNEDY. No. Both 'welfare' and 'interest' are too
indefinite. They could cover anything. I would not have the law
apply except in cases where the strike affected health and
safety."
To read "welfare" into "health" gives that word such a vast
reach that we should do it only under the most compelling
necessity. We must be mindful of the history behind this
legislation.
In re Debs, 158 U. S. 564,
158 U. S. 584,
stands as ominous precedent for the easy use of the injunction in
labor disputes. Freewheeling Attorneys General used compelling
public demands to obtain the help of courts in stilling the
protests of labor. The revulsion against that practice was deep,
and it led ultimately to the enactment of the Norris-LaGuardia Act,
47 Stat. 70, 29 U.S.C. § 101. [
Footnote 5] We deal, of course, with a later Congress and
an Act that, by § 208(b) sets aside
pro
Page 361 U. S. 68
tanto the earlier Act. What Congress has created,
Congress can refashion. But we should hesitate to conclude that
Congress meant to restore the use of the injunction in labor
disputes whenever that broad and all-inclusive concept of the
public welfare is impaired. The words used -- "national health or
safety" -- are much narrower. Congress, in the same Act, knew how
to speak when it spoke all-inclusively. The declaration of policy
in the Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, speaks in broad terms.
There is a declaration in § 1(b) that "neither party has any right
in its relations with any other to engage in acts or practices
which jeopardize the public health, safety, or interest." 61 Stat.
136. The words "public . . . interest" cover five titles of a
far-reaching regulatory measure. Yet, when Congress came to define
the jurisdiction of courts to intervene in strikes or lockouts, it
spoke in more restricted terms, confining the judiciary to
injunctions where there is impending peril to "the national health
or safety." That narrow reading is, indeed, the only one that can
be squared with Senator Taft's explanation of the use of an
injunction in a strike situation. The strike, he said, must not
only affect substantially "an entire industry," it must also
"imperil the national health or safety, a condition which, it is
anticipated, will not often occur." [
Footnote 6] Yet, if "national
Page 361 U. S. 69
health" includes the public welfare, injunctions will issue
whenever any important industry is involved -- whether it be steel,
or automobiles, or coal, or any group of industries where one union
makes collective agreements for each of the component unions.
It is a fact of which we can take judicial notice that steel
production, in its broadest reach, may have a great impact on
"national health." Machinery for processing food is needed;
hospitals require surgical instruments; refrigeration is dependent
on steel, and so on. Whether there are such shortages that imperil
the "national health" is not shown by this record. But, unless
these particularized findings are made, no case can be made out for
founding the injunction on impending peril to the "national
health."
Nor can this broad injunction be sustained when it is rested
solely on "national safety." The heart of the District Court's
finding on this phase of the case is in its statement,
"Certain items of steel required in top priority military
missile programs of the United States are not made by any mill now
operating, nor available from any inventory or from imports."
Its other findings, already quoted, are also generalized. One
cannot find in the record the type or quantity of the steel needed
for defense, the name of the plants at which those products are
produced, or the number or the names of the plants that will have
to be reopened to fill the military need. We do know that, for one
and a half years ending in mid-1959, the shipments of steel for
defense purposes accounted for less than 1% of all the shipments
from all the steel mills. If 1,000 men, or 5,000 men, or 10,000 men
can produce the critical amount the defense departments need, what
authority is there to send 500,000 men back to work?
There can be no doubt that the steel strike affects a
"substantial" portion of the industry. Hence, the first
requirement
Page 361 U. S. 70
of § 208(a) of the Act is satisfied. [
Footnote 7] But we do know that only a fraction of the
production of the struck industry goes to defense needs. We do not
know, however, what fraction of the industry is necessary to
produce that portion. [
Footnote
8] Without that knowledge, the District Court is incapable of
fashioning a decree that will safeguard the national "safety" and
still protect the rights of labor. Will a selective reopening of a
few mills be adequate to meet defense needs? Which mills are these?
Would it be practical to reopen them solely for defense purposes,
or would they have to be reopened for all civilian purposes as
well? This seems to me to be the type of inquiry that is necessary
before a decree can be entered that will safeguard the rights of
all the parties. Section 208(a) gives the District Court
"jurisdiction to enjoin" the strike. There is no command that it
shall enjoin 100% of the strikers when only 1% or 5% or 10% of them
are engaged in acts that imperil the national "safety." We are
dealing here with equity practice which has several hundred years
of history behind it. We cannot lightly assume that Congress
intended to make the
Page 361 U. S. 71
federal judiciary a rubber stamp for the President. His findings
are entitled to great weight, and I, along with my Brethren, accept
them insofar as national "safety" is concerned. But it is the
court, not the President, that is entrusted by Article III of the
Constitution to shape and fashion the decree. If a federal court is
to do it, it must act in its traditional manner, not as a military
commander ordering people to work willy-nilly, nor as the
President's Administrative Assistant. If the federal court is to be
merely an automaton stamping the papers an Attorney General
presents, the judicial function rises to no higher level than an
IBM machine. Those who grew up with equity and know its great
history should never tolerate that mechanical conception.
An appeal to the equity jurisdiction of the Federal District
Court is an appeal to its sound discretion. One historic feature of
equity is the molding of decrees to fit the requirements of
particular cases.
See Brown v. Board of Education,
349 U. S. 294,
349 U. S. 300.
Equity decrees are not like the packaged goods this machine age
produces. They are uniform only in that they seek to do equity in a
given case. [
Footnote 9] We
should hesitate long before we
Page 361 U. S. 72
conclude that Congress intended an injunction to issue against
500,000 workers when the inactivity of only 5,000 or 10,000 of the
total imperils the national "safety." That would be too sharp a
break with traditional equity practice for us to accept unless the
statutory mandate were clear and unambiguous. In situations no more
clouded with doubt than the present one, we have refused to read a
statutory authority to issue a decree as a command to do it.
Hecht Co. v. Bowles, 321 U. S. 321. We
there said, "A grant of jurisdiction to issue compliance orders
hardly suggests an absolute duty to do so under any and all
circumstances."
Id. at
321 U. S. 329.
And see Porter v. Warner Co., 328 U.
S. 395,
328 U. S. 398.
The concurring opinion seeks to distinguish the
Bowles
case by laying great stress on the language of the statute there in
issue to the effect that remedy by injunction "or other order"
shall be granted, as distinguished from the use of the words "and
to make such other orders" in § 208 presently involved. In the
Bowles case, however, we expressly declined to reach the
question whether it was an abuse of discretion for the District
Court to deny any relief, which is what it did in that case.
Id. at
321 U. S. 331.
Moreover, the
Page 361 U. S. 73
language of the statute in the
Bowles case stated that
an injunction or other order "shall be granted." We have here no
such command, since § 208 only provides that the District Court
"shall have jurisdiction" to issue an injunction and other orders,
as may be appropriate.
Plainly, there is authority in the District Court to protect the
national "safety" by issuance of an injunction. But there is
nothing in this record to sustain the conclusion that it is
necessary to send 500,000 men back to work to give the defense
department all the steel it needs for the Nation's "safety." If
more men are sent back to work than are necessary to fill the
defense needs of the country, other objectives are being served
than those specified in the statute. What are these other
objectives? What right do courts have in serving them? What
authority do we have to place the great weight of this injunction
on the backs of labor, when the great bulk of those affected by it
have nothing to do with production of goods necessary for the
Nation's "safety" in the military sense of that word? Labor
injunctions were long used as cudgels -- so broad in scope, so
indiscriminate in application as once to be dubbed "a
scarecrow' device for curbing the economic pressure of the
strike." See Frankfurter and Greene, The Labor Injunction
(1930), pp. 107-108. The crop of evils that grew up during those
regimes was different in some respects from those generated by this
decree. The problems of vagueness, of uncertainty, of detailed
judicial supervision that made police courts out of equity courts
are not present here. But the same indiscriminate leveling of those
within and those without the law is present. The injunction applies
all the force of the Federal Government against men whose work has
nothing to do with military defense, as well as against those whose
inactivity imperils the "national safety." It is not confined to
the precise evil at which the present Act is aimed. Like the old
labor injunctions that brought discredit to the federal
Page 361 U. S. 74
judiciary, this is a blanket injunction, broad and
all-inclusive, bringing within its scope men whose work has nothing
whatsoever to do with the defense needs of the Nation. Being wide
of the statutory standard, it has, to use the words of Mr. Justice
Brandeis, all the vices of the injunction which is used "to endow
property with active, militant power which would make it dominant
over men."
See Truax v. Corrigan, 257 U.
S. 312,
257 U. S. 354,
257 U. S. 368
(dissenting opinion). I cannot believe that Congress intended the
federal courts to issue injunctions that bludgeon all workers
merely because the labor of a few of them is needed in the interest
of "national safety."
Labor goes back to work under the present injunction on terms
dictated by the industry, not on terms that have been found to be
fair to labor and to industry. The steel industry exploits a
tremendous advantage:
"Our steel mills can produce in nine months all the metal the
country can use in a year. That means a three-month strike costs
the companies nothing in annual sales, and Uncle Sam picks up the
tab for half of their out-of-pocket strike losses in the form of
eventual tax adjustments."
"The industry's final insurance against any acute financial
pinch is the certainty that the President will have to step in with
a national emergency injunction under the Taft-Hartley Act whenever
steel stockpiles shrink to the danger level. This takes much of the
bite out of the union's assault on the pocketbooks of the steel
producers. [
Footnote
10]"
This is a matter which equity should take into consideration.
For a chancellor sits to do equity.
Some years ago, this Court struck down as unconstitutional state
statutes making arbitration of labor disputes
Page 361 U. S. 75
mandatory.
Wolff Co. v. Industrial Court, 262 U.
S. 522;
Dorchy v. Kansas, 264 U.
S. 286. Those cases held that compulsory arbitration
violated the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. One
can only guess as to what institutions of adjudication we might
have in this field today had that experiment been given a chance.
The experiment, however, did not survive, and we have had little
experience with it. [
Footnote
11] Collective bargaining and mediation are today the norm,
except for the period of time in which an injunction is in force.
By the terms of § 209, however, any injunction rendered may not
continue longer than 80 days. The Act thus permits an injunction
restricted in duration and narrowly confined by the requirements of
the "national health or safety." When we uphold this injunction, we
force men back to work when their inactivity has no relation to
"national health or safety." Those whose inactivity produces the
peril to "national health or safety" which the Act guards against,
and only those, should be covered in the injunction. The rest --
who are the vast majority of the 500,000 on strike -- should be
treated as the employers are treated. They should continue under
the regime of collective bargaining and mediation until they settle
their differences or until Congress provides different or
broader
Page 361 U. S. 76
remedies. When we assume that all the steelworkers are producing
steel for defense when, in truth, only a fraction of them are, we
are fulfilling the dreams of those who sponsored the House bill and
failed in their efforts to have Congress legislate so broadly.
Though unlikely, it is possible that, had the District Court
given the problem the consideration that it deserves, it could have
found that the only way to remove the peril to national safety
caused by the strike was to issue the broad, blanket injunction. It
may be that it would be found impractical to send only part of the
steelworkers back to work. The record in this case, however, is
devoid of evidence to sustain that position. [
Footnote 12] Furthermore, there is no indication
that the District Court ever even considered such a possibility. I
am unwilling to take judicial notice that it requires 100% of the
workers to produce the steel needed for national defense when 99%
of the output is devoted to purposes entirely unconnected with
defense projects.
The trier of fact under our federal judicial system is the
District Court -- not this Court nor the Court of Appeals. No
finding was made by the District Court on the feasibility of a
limited reopening of the steel mills, and it is not, as the
concurring opinion suggests, the province of the Court of Appeals
to resolve conflicts in the evidence that was before the District
Court.
I would reverse this decree and remand the cause to the District
Court for particularized findings [
Footnote 13] as to how the
Page 361 U. S. 77
steel strike imperils the "national health" and what plants need
to be reopened to produce the small quantity of steel now needed
for the national "safety." [
Footnote 14] There would also be open for inquiry and
findings any questions pertaining to "national health" in the
narrow sense in which the Act uses those words.
* [REPORTER's NOTE: This dissenting opinion was filed November
7, 1959, and was revised later in the light of the concurring
opinion. It is reported here as revised.]
[
Footnote 1]
Legislative History of the Labor Management Relations Act, 1947
(GPO 1948), Vol. I, pp. 274, 276.
[
Footnote 2]
Legislative History, Vol. I,
supra, Note 1, pp.
214-215.
[
Footnote 3]
H.R.Conf.Rep. No. 510, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 64.
[
Footnote 4]
93 Cong. Rec . 3513.
[
Footnote 5]
For discussion of the abusive use of blanket injunctions in
labor controversies,
see Allen, Injunction and Organized
Labor, 28 Am.L.Rev. 828; Chafee, The Inquiring Mind, p. 198;
Dunbar, Government by Injunction, 13 L.Q.Rev. 347; Frey, The Labor
Injunction: An Exposition of Government by Judicial Conscience and
its Menace; Lane, Civil War in West Virginia; Pepper, Injunctions
in Labor Disputes, 49 A.B.A.Rep. 174; Royce, Labor, The Federal
Anti-Trust Laws, and the Supreme Court, 5 N.Y.U.L.Q.Rev.19;
Stimson, The Modern Use of Injunctions, 10 Pol.Sci.Q. 189.
On the Norris-LaGuardia Act and what Congress intended to
abolish by it,
see Norris, Injunctions in Labor Disputes,
16 Marq.L.Rev. 157; Witte, The Federal Anti-Injunction Act, 16
Minn.L.Rev. 638.
[
Footnote 6]
93 Cong.Rec. 6860.
Senator Smith said in like vein:
"Furthermore, in title II of the bill, we provide for the
extreme cases which threaten national paralysis. To meet an
industry-wide stoppage of some kind which may cause injury to the
health or safety of 140,000,000 people, such as a transportation
strike, or a coal strike, we have set up special machinery which
will enable the Attorney General, on his own initiative, to
petition the courts to prevent either a shut-down or a walk-out,
until the mediation processes have had time to function."
93 Cong.Rec. 4281.
[
Footnote 7]
Section 208(a) provides:
"Upon receiving a report from a board of inquiry, the President
may direct the Attorney General to petition any district court of
the United States having jurisdiction of the parties to enjoin such
strike or lock-out or the continuing thereof, and, if the court
finds that such threatened or actual strike or lock-out --"
"(i) affects an entire industry or a substantial part thereof
engaged in trade, commerce, transportation, transmission, or
communication among the several States or with foreign nations, or
engaged in the production of goods for commerce; and"
"(ii) if permitted to occur or to continue, will imperil the
national health or safety, it shall have jurisdiction to enjoin any
such strike or lock-out, or the continuing thereof, and to make
such other orders as may be appropriate."
[
Footnote 8]
The record shows, as does the President's statement,
supra, that mills accounting for at least 15% of the
Nation's steel production are still in operation, and are
unaffected by the strike.
[
Footnote 9]
Equity has contrived its remedies, and has always preserved the
elements of flexibility and expansiveness so that new ones may be
invented, or old ones modified, to meet the requirements of every
case.
Union Pacific R. Co. v. Chicago, R.I. & P. R.
Co., 163 U. S. 564,
163 U. S. 601.
And the extent to which the Court may grant or withhold its aid,
and the manner of molding its remedies may be affected by the
public interest involved.
United States v. Moran,
307 U. S. 183,
307 U. S. 194;
Securities & Exchange Comm'n v. United States Realty
Co., 310 U. S. 434,
310 U. S. 455.
There is, in fact, no limit to the variety of equitable remedies
which can be applied to the circumstances of a particular case. 1
Pomeroy's Equity Jurisprudence (5th ed.) § 109.
An equity court may, by trial for a limited term, determine just
how much relief is required to meet the situation, and thereby
avoid unnecessary hardship to any of the parties. McClintock on
Equity (2d ed.) § 30; Pomeroy,
supra, §§ 115, 116. This
principle has been applied by this Court several times,
e.g., where an injunction was sought against the pollution
of a stream, the defendant was permitted to construct settling
basins to alleviate the injury to the plaintiff and the injunction
was modified to allow experiments toward that end.
Arizona
Copper Co. v. Gillespie, 230 U. S. 46. And
when defendants' smelters emitted noxious fumes, an injunction was
withheld to permit them to devise a practical method of installing
purifying devices.
Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Co.,
237 U. S. 474.
See also Alexander v. Hillman, 296 U.
S. 222. A more recent instance where an equity decree
was fashioned to meet problems far more complicated than those
presented here will be found in
Nebraska v. Wyoming,
325 U. S. 589,
325 U. S.
665-672. The problem there was the division of waters
among the States where enforcement of strict legal rights would
have resulted in uneconomic and inequitable results. The multitude
of factors weighed and appraised there makes the difficulties of
the present case seem to be largely the product of imagination or
prejudice, not realities of modern plant management.
[
Footnote 10]
Raskin, To Prove Karl Marx Was Wrong, N.Y. Times Magazine, Oct.
25, 1959, pp. 12, 84.
[
Footnote 11]
It was stated in S.Rep. No. 105, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., pp.
13-14, in reference to the new machinery for settling labor
disputes:
"Under the exigencies of war, the Nation did utilize what
amounted to compulsory arbitration through the instrumentality of
the War Labor Board. This system, however, tended to emphasize
unduly the role of the Government, and, under it, employers and
labor organizations tended to avoid solving their difficulties by
free collective bargaining. It is difficult to see how such a
system could be operated indefinitely without compelling the
Government to make decisions on economic issues which, in normal
times, should be solved by the free play of economic forces."
And see Dishman, The Public Interest in Emergency Labor
Disputes, 45 Am.Pol.Sci.Rev. 1100 (1951).
[
Footnote 12]
Such an opinion was stated in an affidavit by the Chairman of
the Council of Economic Advisers; but that is conclusional only.
There has been no sifting of the facts to determine whether defense
needs can be satisfied by practical means short of sending all men
back to work.
[
Footnote 13]
The particularized findings necessary are illustrated by those
in
United States v. Steelworkers, 202 F.2d 132, 134:
"At its Dunkirk plant, the company was then engaged in commerce
and in the production of goods for commerce, primarily in the 'heat
exchanger, pressure vessel, and prefabricated pipe industry;' the
threatened strike would not have affected all, or a substantial
part, of that industry. A major part of the Dunkirk plant's
production was to carry out contracts the company had with the
Atomic Energy Commission and certain of its prime contractors to
furnish specialized articles which were essential to the completion
of the Commission's program for construction of facilities needed
to produce atomic bombs for the national defense. These essential
articles were heat exchanger shells used in the production of heavy
water needed to operate nuclear reactors capable of producing
fissionable materials, gas converter assemblies, and other critical
items, all of which could have been obtained elsewhere only after
other potential sources had been equipped to produce them. Resort
to other sources would, consequently, have involved months of
delay, and set back correspondingly the construction program of the
Commission and the production of fissionable materials and atomic
weapons vital to the national defense. The threatened strike would
have affected a substantial part of the atomic weapon industry, and
would have imperiled the national safety."
[
Footnote 14]
The factor of "safety" may well involve, for example, the need
for replacement of equipment on railroad trains. An affidavit of
the Secretary of Commerce states:
"The continuing availability of most of these steel supplies is
vital to the nation's health and safety, used as they are for the
production of personal necessities, including surgical instruments,
heating and refrigeration equipment, and articles used in the
preparation and preservation of food. Steel is also essential to
transportation, to the production and transmission of light and
power, to the provision of sanitation services, and in the
construction and mining industries."
But the Government in oral argument conceded that neither that
aspect of "safety" nor any other aspect of "safety" apart from
military defense is presented by this record, since there are no
findings showing the extent to which inventories for those other
purposes may be in short supply.