Section 19 of the Criminal Code, which penalizes conspiracy
"to injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any citizen in the
free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him
by the Constitution or laws of the United States,"
embraces the right of a voter in a Congressional election to
have his vote honestly counted, and is violated by a conspiracy of
election officials to stuff a ballot box in such an election. P.
322 U. S.
389.
Reversed.
Appeal under the Criminal Appeals Act from judgments in two
cases sustaining demurrers to indictments for violation of § 19 of
the Criminal Code.
MR. JUSTICE ROBERTS delivered the opinion of the Court.
These cases come here under the Criminal Appeals Act. The
District Court sustained demurrers to indictments
Page 322 U. S. 386
for conspiracies forbidden by § 19 of the Criminal Code.
[
Footnote 1] The section
provides:
"If two or more persons conspire to injure, oppress, threaten,
or intimidate any citizen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any
right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of
the United States, . . ."
they shall be punished.
As the cases present identical questions, it will suffice to
state No. 716. The indictment charged that a general election was
held November 3, 1942, in Harlan County, Kentucky, for the purpose
of electing a Senator of the United States at which election the
defendants served as the duly qualified officers of election; that
they conspired to injure and oppress divers citizens of the United
States who were legally entitled to vote at the polling places
where the defendants officiated, in the free exercise and enjoyment
of the rights and privileges guaranteed to the citizens by the
Constitution and laws of the United States, namely, the right and
privilege to express by their votes their choice of a candidate for
Senator and their right to have their expressions of choice given
full value and effect by not having their votes impaired, lessened,
diminished, diluted, and destroyed by fictitious ballots
fraudulently cast and counted, recorded, returned, and certified.
The indictment charged that the defendants, pursuant to their plan,
tore from the official ballot book and stub book furnished them,
blank unvoted ballots, and marked, forged, and voted the same for
the candidate of a given party, opposing the candidate for whom the
injured voters had voted, in order to deprive the latter of their
rights to have their votes cast, counted, certified, and recorded
and given full value and effect; that the defendants inserted the
false ballots they had so prepared into the ballot box, and
returned them, together with the other ballots lawfully cast, so as
to create a false and fictitious return respecting the votes
lawfully cast.
Page 322 U. S. 387
The appellees demurred to the indictment, as failing to state
facts sufficient to constitute a crime against the United States.
The demurrer attacked the indictment on other grounds raising
questions which, if decided, would not be reviewable here under the
Criminal Appeals Act. The District Court decided only that the
indictment charged no offense against the laws of the United
States. This ruling presents the question for decision.
The appellees do not deny the power of Congress to punish the
conspiracy described in the indictment. In the light of our
decisions, they could not well advance such a contention. [
Footnote 2] The inquiry is whether the
provision of § 19 embraces a conspiracy by election officers to
stuff a ballot box in an election at which a member of the Congress
of the United States is to be elected.
In
United States v. Mosley, 238 U.
S. 383, this court reversed a judgment sustaining a
demurrer to an indictment which charged a conspiracy of election
officers to render false returns by disregarding certain precinct
returns, and thus falsifying the count of the vote cast. After
stating that § 19 is constitutional and validly extends "some
protection at least, to the right to vote for Members of Congress,"
the court added: "We regard it as equally unquestionable that the
right to have one's vote counted is as open to protection by
Congress as the right to put a ballot in a box." The court then
traced the history of § 19 from its origin as one section of the
Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, [
Footnote 3] which contained other sections more
specifically aimed at election frauds, and the survival of § 19 as
a statute of the United States notwithstanding the repeal of those
other sections. The conclusion was that § 19 protected personal
rights of a citizen, including the right to cast his ballot, and
held that to refuse
Page 322 U. S. 388
to count and return the vote as cast was as much an infringement
of that personal right as to exclude the voter from the polling
place. The case affirms that the elector's right intended to be
protected is not only that to cast his ballot, but that to have it
honestly counted.
The decision was not reached without a strong dissent, which
emphasized the probability that Congress did not intend to cover by
§ 6 of the Act (now § 19) the right to cast a ballot and to have it
counted, but to deal with those rights in other sections of the
act. And it was thought this view was strengthened by the repeal,
February 8, 1894, [
Footnote 4]
of the sections which dealt with bribery and other election frauds,
including § 4, which, to some extent, overlapped § 6 if the latter
were construed to comprehend the right to cast a ballot and to have
it counted. Notwithstanding that dissent, the
Mosley case
has stood as authority to the present time. [
Footnote 5]
The court below thought the present cases controlled by
United States v. Bathgate, 246 U.
S. 220. That case involved an indictment charging
persons with conspiring to deprive a candidate for office of rights
secured to him by the Constitution and laws of the United States,
in violation of § 19, and to deprive other voters of their rights,
by the bribery of voters who participated in an election at which
members of Congress were candidates. This court affirmed a decision
of the district court sustaining a demurrer to the indictment, and
distinguished the
Mosley case on several grounds: first,
that, in the Enforcement Act, bribery of voters had been
specifically made a criminal offense, but the section so providing
had been repealed; secondly, that the ground on which the
Mosley case went
Page 322 U. S. 389
was that the conspiracy there was directed at the personal right
of the elector to cast his own vote and to have it honestly
counted, a right not involved in the
Bathgate case.
If the voters' rights protected by § 19 are those defined by the
Mosley case, the frustration charged to have been intended
by the defendants in the present cases violates them. For election
officers knowingly to prepare false ballots, place them in the box,
and return them is certainly to prevent an honest count by the
return board of the votes lawfully cast. The mathematical result
may not be the same as would ensue throwing out or frustrating the
count of votes lawfully cast. But the action pursuant to the
conspiracy here charged constitutes the rendering of a return
which, to some extent, falsifies the count of votes legally cast.
We are unable to distinguish a conspiracy so to act from that which
was held a violation of § 19 in the
Mosley case.
It is urged that any attempted distinction between the conduct
described in the
Bathgate case and that referred to in the
Mosley case is illogical and insubstantial; that bribery
of voters as badly distorts the result of an election and as
effectively denies a free and fair choice by the voters as does
ballot box stuffing or refusal to return or count the ballots. Much
is to be said for this view. The legislative history does not
clearly disclose the Congressional purpose in the repeal of the
other sections of the Enforcement Act, while leaving § 6 (now § 19)
in force. Section 19 can hardly have been inadvertently left on the
statute books. Perhaps Congress thought it had an application other
than that given it by this court in the
Mosley case. On
the other hand, Congress may have intended the result this court
reached in the
Mosley decision. We think it unprofitable
to speculate upon the matter, for Congress has not spoken since the
decisions in question were announced,
Page 322 U. S. 390
and the distinction taken by those decisions has stood for over
a quarter of a century. Observance of that distinction places the
instant case within the ruling in the
Mosley case and
outside that in the
Bathgate case.
Our conclusion is contrary to that of the court below and
requires that the judgments be reversed.
Reversed.
* Together with No. 717,
United States v. Poer et al.,
also on appeal from the District Court of the United States for the
Eastern District of Kentucky.
[
Footnote 1]
18 U.S.C. § 51.
[
Footnote 2]
Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U. S. 651,
110 U. S.
657-658;
United States v. Classic, 313 U.
S. 299,
313 U. S.
314-315.
[
Footnote 3]
C. 114, 16 Stat. 140, as amended by c. 99, 16 Stat. 433.
[
Footnote 4]
C. 25, 28 Stat. 36.
[
Footnote 5]
United States v. Gradwell, 243 U.
S. 476;
Ex parte Roberts, 244 U.S. 650;
Hague v. CIO, 307 U. S. 496,
307 U. S. 527;
United States v. Classic, supra, 313 U. S.
321.
MR. JUSTICE DOUGLAS, with whom MR. JUSTICE BLACK and MR. JUSTICE
REED concur, dissenting.
The question is not whether stuffing of the ballot box should be
punished. Kentucky has made that reprehensible practice a crime.
See Ky.Rev.Stat. 1942, § 124.220;
Commonwealth v.
Anderson, 151 Ky. 537, 152 S.W. 552;
Tackett v.
Commonwealth, 285 Ky. 83, 146 S.W.2d 937.
Cf.
Ky.Rev.Stat. 1942, § 124.180(8). And it is a crime under Kentucky
law whether it occurs in an election for state officials or for
United States Senator.
Id., § 124.280(2). The question
here is whether the general language of § 19 of the Criminal Code
should be construed to superimpose a federal crime on this state
crime.
Under § 19 of the Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, 16 Stat. 144,
the stuffing of this ballot box would have been a federal offense.
* That provision
was a part of the comprehensive
Page 322 U. S. 391
"reconstruction" legislation passed after the Civil War. It was
repealed by the Act of February 8, 1894, 28 Stat. 36 -- an Act
which was designed to restore control of election frauds to the
States. The Committee Report (H.Rep. No. No. 18, 53d Cong., 1st
Sess., p. 7) which sponsored the repeal stated:
"Let every trace of the reconstruction measures be wiped from
the statute books; let the States of this great Union understand
that the elections are in their own hands, and if there be fraud,
coercion, or force used, they will be the first to feel it.
Responding to a universal sentiment throughout the country for
greater purity in elections, many of our States have enacted laws
to protect the voter and to purify the ballot. These, under the
guidance of State officers, have worked efficiently,
satisfactorily, and beneficently, and if these Federal statutes are
repealed, that sentiment will receive an impetus which, if the
cause
Page 322 U. S. 392
still exists, will carry such enactments in every State in the
Union."
This Court now writes into the law what Congress struck out 50
years ago. The Court now restores federal control in a domain where
Congress decided the States should have exclusive jurisdiction. I
think if such an intrusion on historic states' rights is to be
made, it should be done by the legislative branch of government. I
cannot believe that Congress intended to preserve by the general
language of § 19 the same detailed federal controls over elections
which were contained in the much despised "reconstruction"
legislation.
The Court, of course, does not go quite that far. It recognizes
that bribery of voters is not a federal offense.
United States
v. Bathgate, 246 U. S. 220. But
he who bribes voters and purchases their votes corrupts the
electoral process and dilutes my vote as much as he who stuffs the
allot box. If one is a federal crime under § 19, I fail to see why
the other is not also.
Congress has ample power to legislate in this field and to
protect the election of its members from fraud and corruption.
United States v. Classic, 313 U.
S. 299. I would leave to Congress any extension of
federal control over elections. I would restrict § 19 to those
cases where a voter is deprived of his right to cast a ballot or to
have his ballot counted.
United States v. Mosley,
238 U. S. 383.
That is the "right or privilege" the "free exercise" of which is
protected by § 19. If it is said that that distinction is not a
logical one, my answer is that it is nevertheless a practical one.
Once we go beyond that point, logic would require us to construe §
19 so as to make federal offenses out of all frauds which corrupt
the electoral process, distort the count, or dilute the honest
vote. The vast interests involved in that proposal emphasize the
legislative quality of an expansive construction of § 19. We should
leave that expansion to Congress.
Page 322 U. S. 393
That view is supported by another consideration. The double
jeopardy provision of the Fifth Amendment does not bar a federal
prosecution even though a conviction based on the same acts has
been obtained under state law.
Jerome v. United States,
318 U. S. 101,
318 U. S. 105,
and cases cited. Therefore, when it is urged that Congress has
created offenses which traditionally have been left for state
action and which duplicate state crimes, we should be reluctant to
expand the defined federal offenses "beyond the clear requirements
of the terms of the statute."
Id. I know of no situation
where that principle could be more appropriately recognized than in
the field of the elections where there is comprehensive state
regulation.
* That section provided:
"That if, at any election for representative or delegate in the
Congress of the United States, any person shall knowingly personate
and vote, or attempt to vote, in the name of any other person,
whether living, dead, or fictitious; or vote more than once at the
same election for any candidate for the same office; or vote at a
place where he may not be lawfully entitled to vote; or vote
without having a lawful right to vote; or do any unlawful act to
secure a right or an opportunity to vote for himself or any other
person; or by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, reward,
or offer, or promise thereof, or otherwise unlawfully prevent any
qualified voter of any the United States of America, or of any
Territory thereof, from freely exercising the right of suffrage, or
by any such means induce any voter to refuse to exercise such
right; or compel or induce by any such means, or otherwise, any
officer of an election in any such State or Territory to receive a
vote from a person not legally qualified or entitled to vote; or
interfere in any manner with any officer of said elections in the
discharge of his duties; or by any of such means, or other unlawful
means, induce any officer of an election, or officer whose duty it
is to ascertain, announce, or declare the result of any such
election, or give or make any certificate, document, or evidence in
relation thereto, to violate or refuse to comply with his duty, or
any law regulating the same; or knowingly and willfully receive the
vote of any person not entitled to vote, or refuse to receive the
vote of any person entitled to vote; or aid, counsel, procure, or
advise any such voter, person, or officer to do any act hereby made
a crime, or to omit to do any duty the omission of which is hereby
made a crime, or attempt to do so, every such person shall be
deemed guilty of a crime, and shall for such crime be liable to
prosecution in any court of the United States of competent
jurisdiction, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by a
fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment for a
term not exceeding three years, or both, in the discretion of the
court, and shall pay the costs of prosecution."