The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 makes it
unlawful for an employer to discriminate against any employee or
potential employee between the ages of 40 and 70 on the basis of
age, except
"where age is a bona fide occupational qualification reasonably
necessary to the normal operation of the particular business. or
where the differentiation is based on reasonable factors other than
age."
In 1974, the definition of "employer" under § 11(b) of the Act
was extended to include state and local governments. After a
supervisor for the Wyoming Game and Fish Department was
involuntarily retired at age 55 pursuant to a Wyoming statute, he
filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,
alleging violation of the Act. The Commission ultimately filed suit
in Federal District Court against appellees, the State and various
state officials, seeking relief on behalf of the supervisor and
others similarly situated. The District Court dismissed the suit,
holding that, insofar as the Act regulated Wyoming's employment
relationship with its game wardens and other law enforcement
officials, it violated the doctrine of Tenth Amendment immunity
articulated in
National League of Cities v. Usery,
426 U. S. 833,
which struck down Congress' attempt to extend the wage and hour
provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act to state and local
governments.
Held: The extension of the Age Discrimination in
Employment Act to cover state and local governments is a valid
exercise of Congress' powers under the Commerce Clause, both on its
face and as applied in this case, and is not precluded by virtue of
external constraints imposed on Congress' commerce powers by the
Tenth Amendment. Pp.
460 U. S.
235-244.
(a) The purpose of the doctrine of Tenth Amendment immunity
articulated in
National League of Cities, supra, is to
protect States from federal intrusions that might threaten their
"separate and independent existence." A claim that congressional
commerce power legislation is invalid can succeed only if (1) the
challenged statute regulates the States as States, (2) the federal
regulation addresses matters that are indisputably attributes of
state sovereignty, and (3) the States' compliance with the federal
law would "directly impair their ability
to structure integral
operations in areas of traditional governmental functions.'"
Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining Reclamation Assn.,
452 U. S. 264,
452 U. S.
287-288.
Page 460 U. S. 227
The first requirement is met in this case, but even assuming,
arguendo, that the second requirement is met, the Act does
not "directly impair" the State's ability to "structure integral
operations in areas of traditional governmental functions." Pp.
460 U.S. 236-239.
(b) In this case, the degree of federal intrusion on the States'
ability to structure their integral operations is not sufficient to
override Congress' choice to extend its regulatory authority to the
States. Appellees claim no substantial stake in their retirement
policy other than assuring the physical preparedness of Wyoming
game wardens to perform their duties. The Act does not require the
State to abandon those goals, or the public policy decisions
underlying them. Under the Act, the State may assess the fitness of
its game wardens on an individualized basis, and may dismiss those
wardens whom it reasonably finds to be unfit. Moreover, appellees
remain free under the Act to continue to do precisely what they are
doing now, if they can demonstrate that age is a "bona fide
occupational qualification" for the job of game warden. And nothing
in the nature of the Act suggests that it will have substantial and
unintended consequential effects on state decisionmaking in other
areas, such as the allocation of state financial resources or the
pursuit of broad social and economic policies.
National League
of Cities, supra, distinguished. Pp.
460 U. S.
239-242.
514 F.
Supp. 595, reversed and remanded.
BRENNAN, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which WHITE,
MARSHALL, BLACKMUN, and STEVENS, JJ., joined. STEVENS, J., filed a
concurring opinion,
post, p.
460 U. S. 244.
BURGER, C.J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which POWELL,
REHNQUIST, and O'CONNOR, JJ., joined,
post, p.
460 U. S. 251.
POWELL, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which O'CONNOR, J.,
joined,
post, p.
460 U. S.
265.
Page 460 U. S. 228
JUSTICE BRENNAN delivered the opinion of the Court.
Under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, 81 Stat.
602, as amended, 29 U.S.C. § 621
et seq. (1976 ed. and
Supp. V) (ADEA or Act), it is unlawful for an employer
Page 460 U. S. 229
to discriminate against any employee or potential employee on
the basis of age, except
"where age is a bona fide occupational qualification reasonably
necessary to the normal operation of the particular business, or
where the differentiation is based on reasonable factors other than
age. [
Footnote 1]"
The question presented in this case is whether Congress acted
constitutionally when, in 1974, it extended the definition of
"employer" under § 11(b) of the Act to include state and local
governments. The United States District Court for the District of
Wyoming, in an enforcement action brought by the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC or Commission), held that, at least as
applied to certain classes of state workers, the extension was
unconstitutional.
514 F.
Supp. 595 (1981). The Commission filed a direct appeal under 28
U.S.C. § 1252, and we noted probable jurisdiction. 454 U.S. 1140
(1982). We now reverse.
I
Efforts in Congress to prohibit arbitrary age discrimination
date back at least to the 1950's. [
Footnote 2] During floor debate over what was to become
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, amendments were offered
in both the House and the Senate to ban discrimination on the basis
of age as well as race, color, religion, sex, and national origin.
These amendments were opposed at least in part on the basis that
Congress did not yet have enough information to make a considered
judgment about the nature of age discrimination, and each was
ultimately defeated. 110 Cong.Rec. 2596-2599, 9911-9913,
13490-13492 (1964); EEOC, Legislative History of the Age
Discrimination in Employment Act 5-14 (1981) (hereinafter
Legislative History). Title VII did, however,
Page 460 U. S. 230
include a provision, § 715, 78 Stat. 265 (since superseded by §
10 of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972, 86 Stat. 111),
which directed the Secretary of Labor to
"make a full and complete study of the factors which might tend
to result in discrimination in employment because of age and of the
consequences of such discrimination on the economy and individuals
affected,"
and to report the results of that study to Congress. That report
was transmitted approximately one year later. Report of the
Secretary of Labor, The Older American Worker: Age Discrimination
in Employment (1965), Legislative History 16-41.
In 1966, Congress directed the Secretary of Labor to submit
specific legislative proposals for prohibiting age discrimination.
Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1966, § 606, 80 Stat. 845. The
Secretary transmitted a draft bill in early 1967,
see 113
Cong.Rec. 1377 (1967), and the President, in a message to Congress
on older Americans, recommended its enactment and expressed serious
concern about the problem of age discrimination,
see
Special Message to the Congress Proposing Programs for Older
Americans, 1 Public Papers of the Presidents, Lyndon B. Johnson,
1967, pp. 32, 37 (1968). Congress undertook further study of its
own, and Committees in both the House and the Senate conducted
detailed hearings on the proposed legislation.
See Age
Discrimination in Employment: Hearings on S. 830 and S. 788 before
the Subcommittee on Labor of the Senate Committee on Labor and
Public Welfare, 90th Cong., 1st Sess. (1967); Age Discrimination in
Employment: Hearings on H.R. 3651
et al. before the
General Subcommittee on Labor of the House Committee on Education
and Labor, 90th Cong., 1st Sess. (1967);
see also
Retirement and the Individual: Hearings before the Subcommittee on
Retirement and the Individual of the Senate Special Committee on
Aging, 90th Cong., 1st Sess. (1967).
The report of the Secretary of Labor, whose findings were
confirmed throughout the extensive factfinding undertaken
Page 460 U. S. 231
by the Executive Branch and Congress, came to the following
basic conclusions: (1) Many employers adopted specific age
limitations in those States that had not prohibited them by their
own antidiscrimination laws, although many other employers were
able to operate successfully without them. (2) In the aggregate,
these age limitations had a marked effect upon the employment of
older workers. (3) Although age discrimination rarely was based on
the sort of animus motivating some other forms of discrimination,
it was based in large part on stereotypes unsupported by objective
fact, and was often defended on grounds different from its actual
causes. (4) Moreover, the available empirical evidence demonstrated
that arbitrary age lines were in fact generally unfounded, and
that, as an overall matter, the performance of older workers was at
least as good as that of younger workers. (5) Finally, arbitrary
age discrimination was profoundly harmful in at least two ways.
First, it deprived the national economy of the productive labor of
millions of individuals, and imposed on the governmental treasury
substantially increased costs in unemployment insurance and federal
Social Security benefits. Second, it inflicted on individual
workers the economic and psychological injury accompanying the loss
of the opportunity to engage in productive and satisfying
occupations.
The product of the process of factfinding and deliberation
formally begun in 1964 was the Age Discrimination in Employment Act
of 1967. The preamble to the Act emphasized both the individual and
social costs of age discrimination. [
Footnote 3]
Page 460 U. S. 232
The provisions of the Act as relevant here prohibited various
forms of age discrimination in employment, including the discharge
of workers on the basis of their age. § 4(a), 29 U.S.C. § 623(a).
[
Footnote 4] The protection of
the Act was limited, however, to workers between the ages of 40 and
65, § 12(a), 29 U.S.C. § 631, raised to age 70 in 1978, Age
Discrimination in Employment Act Amendments of 1978, § 3(a), 92
Stat. 189. Moreover, in order to insure that employers were
permitted
Page 460 U. S. 233
to use neutral criteria not directly dependant on age, and in
recognition of the fact that even criteria that are based on age
are occasionally justified, the Act provided that certain otherwise
prohibited employment practices would not be unlawful
"where age is a bona fide occupational qualification reasonably
necessary to the normal operation of the particular business, or
where the differentiation is based on reasonable factors other than
age."
§ 4(f)(1), 29 U.S.C. § 623(f)(1).
The ADEA, as originally passed in 1967, did not apply to the
Federal Government, to the States or their political subdivisions,
or to employers with fewer than 25 employees. In a Report issued in
1973, a Senate Committee found this gap in coverage to be serious,
and commented that
"[t]here is . . . evidence that, like the corporate world,
government managers also create an environment where young is
somehow better than old."
Senate Special Committee on Aging, Improving the Age
Discrimination Law, 93d Cong., 1st Sess., 14 (Comm. Print 1973),
Legislative History 231. In 1974, Congress extended the substantive
prohibitions of the Act to employers having at least 20 workers,
and to the Federal and State Governments. [
Footnote 5]
Page 460 U. S. 234
II
Prior to the District Court decision in this case, every federal
court that considered the question upheld the constitutionality of
the 1974 extension of the Age Discrimination in Employment Act to
state and local workers as an exercise of Congress' power under
either the Commerce Clause or § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
[
Footnote 6]
This case arose out of the involuntary retirement at age 55 of
Bill Crump, a District Game Division supervisor for the Wyoming
Game and Fish Department. Crump's dismissal was based on a Wyoming
statute that conditions further employment for Game and Fish
Wardens who reach the age of 55 on "the approval of [their]
employer." [
Footnote 7] Crump
filed a
Page 460 U. S. 235
complaint with the EEOC, alleging that the Game and Fish
Department had violated the Age Discrimination in Employment Act.
After conciliation efforts between the Commission and the Game and
Fish Department failed, the Commission filed suit in the District
Court for the District of Wyoming against the State and various of
its officials seeking declaratory and injunctive relief, backpay,
and liquidated damages on behalf of Mr. Crump and others similarly
situated.
The District Court, upon a motion by the defendants, dismissed
the suit. It held that the Age Discrimination in Employment Act
violated the doctrine of Tenth Amendment immunity articulated in
National League of Cities v. Usery, 426 U.
S. 833 (1976), at least insofar as it regulated
Wyoming's employment relationship with its game wardens and other
law enforcement officials. 514 F. Supp. at 600. The District Court
also held, citing
Pennhurst State School and Hospital v.
Halderman, 451 U. S. 1 (1981),
that the application of the ADEA to the States could not be
justified as an exercise of Congress' power under § 5 of the
Fourteenth Amendment because Congress did not explicitly state that
it invoked that power in passing the 1974 amendments. 514 F. Supp.
at 600.
III
The appellees have not claimed either in the District Court or
in this Court that Congress exceeded the scope of its affirmative
grant of power under the Commerce Clause [
Footnote 8] in enacting the ADEA.
See generally
National League of Cities v. Usery, supra, at
426 U. S.
840-841;
Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc.
v.
Page 460 U. S. 236
United States, 379 U. S. 241,
379 U. S.
243-244 (1964). Rather, the District Court held and
appellees argue that, at least with respect to state game wardens,
application of the ADEA to the States is precluded by virtue of
external constraints imposed on Congress' commerce powers by the
Tenth Amendment.
A
National League of Cities v. Usery struck down
Congress' attempt to extend the wage and hour provisions of the
Fair Labor Standards Act to state and local governments.
National League of Cities was grounded on a concern that
the imposition of certain federal regulations on state governments
might, if left unchecked, "allow
the National Government [to]
devour the essentials of state sovereignty,'" 426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 855
(quoting Maryland v. Wirtz, 392 U.
S. 183, 392 U. S. 205
(1968) (Douglas, J., dissenting)). It therefore drew from the Tenth
Amendment an
"affirmative limitation on the exercise of [congressional power
under the Commerce Clause] akin to other commerce power affirmative
limitations contained in the Constitution."
426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 841.
The principle of immunity articulated in
National League of
Cities is a functional doctrine, however, whose ultimate
purpose is not to create a sacred province of state autonomy, but
to ensure that the unique benefits of a federal system in which the
States enjoy a "
separate and independent existence,'"
id. at 426 U. S. 845
(quoting Lane County v.
Oregon, 7 Wall. 71, 74 U. S. 76
(1869)), not be lost through undue federal interference in certain
core state functions. See FERC v. Mississippi,
456 U. S. 742,
456 U. S.
765-766 (1982); United Transportation Union v. Long
Island R. Co., 455 U. S. 678,
455 U. S.
686-687 (1982); Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining
& Reclamation Assn., Inc., 452 U.
S. 264, 452 U. S.
286-288 (1981). [Footnote 9]
Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Reclamation Assn.,
Inc., supra, summarized the hurdles that confront any
claim
Page 460 U. S. 237
that a state or local governmental unit should be immune from an
otherwise legitimate exercise of the federal power to regulate
commerce:
"[I]n order to succeed, a claim that congressional commerce
power legislation is invalid under the reasoning of
National
League of Cities must satisfy
each of three
requirements. First, there must be a showing that the challenged
statute regulates the 'states as States.' Second, the federal
regulation must address matters that are indisputably 'attribute[s]
of state sovereignty.' And third, it must be apparent that the
States' compliance with the federal law would directly impair their
ability 'to structure integral operations in areas of traditional
governmental functions.'"
452 U.S. at
452 U. S.
287-288 (citations omitted; emphasis in original).
Moreover,
"Demonstrating that these three requirements are met does not .
. . guarantee that a Tenth Amendment challenge to congressional
commerce power action will succeed. There are situations in which
the nature of the federal interest advanced may be such that it
justifies state submission."
Id. at
452 U. S. 288,
n. 29 (citations omitted).
See also United Transportation Union
v. Long Island R. Co., supra, at
455 U. S. 684,
and n. 9. The first requirement -- that the challenged federal
statute regulate the "States as States" -- is plainly met in this
case. [
Footnote 10] The
second requirement -- that
Page 460 U. S. 238
the federal statute address an "undoubted attribute of state
sovereignty" -- poses significantly more difficulties. [
Footnote 11] We need not
definitively resolve this issue, however, nor do we have any
occasion to reach the final balancing step of the inquiry described
in
Hodel, [
Footnote
12] for we are convinced that, even if Wyoming's decision to
impose forced retirement on
Page 460 U. S. 239
its game wardens does involve the exercise of an attribute of
state sovereignty, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act does
not "directly impair" the State's ability to "structure integral
operations in areas of traditional governmental functions."
B
The management of state parks is clearly a traditional state
function.
National League of Cities, 426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 851.
As we have already emphasized, however, the purpose of the doctrine
of immunity articulated in
National League of Cities was
to protect States from federal intrusions that might threaten their
"separate and independent existence."
Ibid. Our decision
as to whether the federal law at issue here directly impairs the
States' ability to structure their integral operations must
therefore depend, as it did in
National League of Cities
itself, on considerations of degree.
See id. at
426 U. S. 845,
426 U. S. 852;
FERC v. Mississippi, 456 U.S. at
456 U. S.
769-770. We conclude that the degree of federal
intrusion in this case is sufficiently less serious than it was in
National League of Cities so as to make it unnecessary for
us to override Congress' express choice to extend its regulatory
authority to the States.
In this case, appellees claim no substantial stake in their
retirement policy other than "assur[ing] the physical preparedness
of Wyoming game wardens to perform their duties." Brief for
Appellees 18. [
Footnote 13]
Under the ADEA, however, the State may still, at the very least,
assess the fitness of its game wardens and dismiss those wardens
whom it reasonably finds to be unfit. Put another way, the Act
requires the State to achieve its goals in a more individualized
and careful manner than would otherwise be the case, but it does
not require the State to abandon those goals, or to abandon the
public policy decisions underlying them.
FERC v. Mississippi,
supra, at
456 U. S. 771;
cf. n 11,
supra.
Page 460 U. S. 240
Perhaps more important, appellees remain free under the ADEA to
continue to do
precisely what they are doing now, if they
can demonstrate that age is a "bona fide occupational
qualification" for the job of game warden.
See supra at
460 U. S.
232-233. Thus, in distinct contrast to the situation in
National League of Cities, supra, at
426 U. S. 848,
even the State's discretion to achieve its goals
in the way it
thinks best is not being overridden entirely, but is merely
being tested against a reasonable federal standard.
Finally, the Court's concern in
National League of
Cities was not only with the effect of the federal regulatory
scheme on the particular decisions it was purporting to regulate,
but also with the potential impact of that scheme on the States'
ability to structure operations and set priorities over a wide
range of decisions. 426 U.S. at
426 U. S.
849-850. [
Footnote
14] Indeed,
National League of Cities spelled out in
some detail how application of the federal wage and hour statute to
the States threatened a virtual chain reaction of substantial and
almost certainly unintended consequential effects on state
decisionmaking.
Id. at
426 U. S.
846-852. Nothing in this case, however, portends
anything like the same wide-ranging and profound threat to the
structure of state governance.
The most tangible consequential effect identified in
National League of Cities was financial: forcing the
States to pay their workers a minimum wage and an overtime rate
would leave them with less money for other vital state programs.
The test of such financial effect as drawn in
National League
of Cities does not depend, however, on "particularized
assessments of actual impact," which may vary from State to State
and time to time, but on a more generalized inquiry, essentially
legal rather than factual, into the direct and obvious effect of
the federal legislation on the ability of the States to allocate
their resources.
Id. at
426 U. S.
851-852;
see
Page 460 U. S. 241
Hodel, 452 U.S. at
452 U. S. 292,
n. 33. In this case, we cannot conclude from the nature of the ADEA
that it will have either a direct or an obvious negative effect on
state finances. Older workers with seniority may tend to get paid
more than younger workers without seniority, and may, by their
continued employment, accrue increased benefits when they do
retire. But these increased costs, even if they were not largely
speculative in their own right, might very well be outweighed by a
number of other factors: those same older workers, as long a they
remain employed, will not have to be paid any pension benefits at
all, and will continue to contribute to the pension fund. And, when
they do retire, they will likely, as an actuarial matter, receive
benefits for fewer years than workers who retire early. [
Footnote 15] Admittedly, as some of
the
amici point out, the costs of certain state health and
other benefit plans would increase if they were automatically
extended to older workers now forced to retire at an early age. But
Congress, in passing the ADEA, included a provision specifically
disclaiming a construction of the Act which would require that the
health and similar benefits received by older workers
Page 460 U. S. 242
be in all respects identical to those received by younger
workers. ADEA § 4(f)(2), 29 U.S.C. § 623(f)(2) (1976 ed. and Supp.
V). [
Footnote 16]
The second consequential effect identified in
National
League of Cities was on the States' ability to use their
employment relationship with their citizens as a tool for pursuing
social and economic policies beyond their immediate managerial
goals.
See, e.g., 426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 848
(offering jobs at below the minimum wage to persons who do not
possess "minimum employment requirements"). Appellees, however,
have claimed no such purposes for Wyoming's involuntary retirement
statute. Moreover, whatever broader social or economic purposes
could be imagined for this particular Wyoming statute would not, we
are convinced, bring with them either the breadth or the importance
of the state policies identified in
National League of
Cities. [
Footnote
17]
Page 460 U. S. 243
IV
The extension of the ADEA to cover state and local governments,
both on its face and as applied in this case, was a valid exercise
of Congress' powers under the Commerce Clause. We need not decide
whether it could also be upheld as an exercise of Congress' powers
under § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. [
Footnote 18] The judgment of the District Court is
Page 460 U. S. 244
reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings
consistent with this opinion.
So ordered.
[
Footnote 1]
See infra at
460 U. S.
231-233.
[
Footnote 2]
See Age Discrimination in Employment: Hearings on S.
830 and S. 788 before the Subcommittee on Labor of the Senate
Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, 90th Cong., 1st Sess., 23
(1967) (statement of Sen. Javits); Note, 47 S.Cal.L.Rev. 1311, 1325
(1974).
[
Footnote 3]
"(a) The Congress hereby finds and declares that -- "
"(1) in the face of rising productivity and affluence, older
workers find themselves disadvantaged in their efforts to retain
employment, and especially to regain employment when displaced from
jobs;"
"(2) the setting of arbitrary age limits regardless of potential
for job performance has become a common practice, and certain
otherwise desirable practices may work to the disadvantage of older
persons;"
"(3) the incidence of unemployment, especially long-term
unemployment with resultant deterioration of skill, morale, and
employer acceptability is, relative to the younger ages, high among
older workers; their numbers are great and growing; and their
employment problems grave;"
"(4) the existence in industries affecting commerce of arbitrary
discrimination in employment because of age burdens commerce and
the free flow of goods in commerce."
"(b) It is therefore the purpose of this Act to promote
employment of older persons based on their ability rather than age;
to prohibit arbitrary age discrimination in employment; to help
employers and workers find ways of meeting problems arising from
the impact of age on employment."
§ 2, 29 U.S.C. § 621.
[
Footnote 4]
Section 4(a) of the Act, 29 U.S.C. § 623(a), provides:
"It shall be unlawful for an employer -- "
"(1) to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual or
otherwise discriminate against any individual with respect to his
compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment,
because of such individual's age;"
"(2) to limit, segregate, or classify his employees in any way
which would deprive or tend to deprive any individual of employment
opportunities or otherwise adversely affect his status as an
employee, because of such individual's age; or"
"(3) to reduce the wage rate of any employee in order to comply
with this Act."
The Act has roughly parallel provisions covering employment
agencies and labor organizations. §§ 4(b), (c), 29 U.S.C. §§
623(b), (c). In addition, it prohibits employers, employment
agencies, and labor organizations from retaliating against persons
who seek to enforce the Act, § 4(d), 29 U.S.C. § 623(d), and from
publishing certain types of discriminatory employment notices, §
4(e), 29 U.S.C. § 623(e).
[
Footnote 5]
Congress extended the Act to cover state and local governments
by amending the definition of "employer" under § 11(b) of the Act,
29 U.S.C. § 630(b). (At the same time, Congress amended the
definition of "employee" under § 11(f) of the Act, 29 U.S.C. §
630(f), to exclude state and local elected officials and certain
non-civil-service appointed officials.) It extended the Act to
cover federal workers by enacting a separate provision, § 15, 29
U.S.C. § 633a (1976 ed. and Supp. V), which created an independent
enforcement mechanism under the jurisdiction of the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission. In 1978, at the same time that
Congress raised the upper bound of the Act's protection for state,
local, and private employees from age 65 to age 70, it removed the
cap entirely for federal workers. Age Discrimination in Employment
Act Amendments of 1978, § 3(a), 92 Stat. 189, 29 U.S.C. § 631(b)
(1976 ed. and Supp. V).
[
Footnote 6]
E.g., Arritt v. Grisell, 567 F.2d 1267, 1269-1270 (CA4
1977);
Carpenter v. Pennsylvania Liquor Control
Bd., 508 F.
Supp. 148 (ED Pa.1981);
EEOC v. Pennsylvania Liquor Control
Bd., 503 F.
Supp. 1051, 1052-1053 (MD Pa.1980);
Marshall v. Delaware
River & Bay Auth., 471 F.
Supp. 886, 891-892 (Del.1979);
EEOC v. Florissant Valley
Fire Protection Dist., 21 FEP Cases 973, 21 EPD 1130,520 (ED
Mo.1979);
Remmick v. Barnes County, 435 F.
Supp. 914 (ND 1977);
Aaron v. Davis, 424 F.
Supp. 1238, 1239-1241 (ED Ark.1976);
Usery v. Board of
Education of Salt Lake City, 421 F.
Supp. 718 (Utah 1976).
Since the District Court decision in this case, two other
District Court opinions have followed its lead,
Campbell v.
Connelie, 542 F.
Supp. 275, 280 (NDNY 1982);
Taylor v. Montana Department of
Fish & Game, 523 F.
Supp. 514,
515
(Mont.1981), but at least two Court of Appeals and eight District
Court opinions have declined to do so,
see EEOC v. County of
Calumet, 686 F.2d 1249, 1251-1253 (CA7 1982);
EEOC v.
Elrod, 674 F.2d 601, 603-612 (CA7 1982);
McCroan v.
Bailey, 543 F.
Supp. 1201, 1205-1207 (SD Ga.1982);
Kenny v. Valley County
School District, 543 F.
Supp. 1194, 1196-1199 (Mont.1982);
EEOC v.
Minneapolis, 537 F.
Supp. 750, 756 (Minn.1982);
Bleakley v. Jekyll Island-State
Park Auth., 536 F.
Supp. 236, 240 (SD Ga.1982);
EEOC v. County of Los
Angeles, 531 F.
Supp. 122, 124 (CD Cal.1982);
EEOC v. County of Los
Angeles, 526 F.
Supp. 1135, 1137-1138 (CD Cal.1981);
Adams v.
James, 526 F. Supp.
80, 84 (MD Ala.1981);
Johnson v. Mayor of
Baltimore, 515 F.
Supp. 1287, 1292 (Md.1981).
[
Footnote 7]
Section 31-3-107 of the Wyoming State Highway Patrol and Game
and Fish Warden Retirement Act, Wyo.Stat. § 31-3-107 (1977),
provides that
"[a]n employee may continue in service on a year-to-year basis
after age . . . fifty-five (55), with the approval of the employer
and under conditions as the employer may prescribe."
The provision also provides for the mandatory retirement of
covered employees who reach the age of 65.
[
Footnote 8]
"The Congress shall have power . . . [t]o regulate commerce with
foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian
Tribes." Art. I, § 8, cl. 3.
[
Footnote 9]
Cf. Graves v. New York ex rel. O'Keefe, 306 U.
S. 466,
305 U. S.
489-490 (1939) (Frankfurter, J., concurring).
[
Footnote 10]
It is worth emphasizing, however, that it is precisely this
prong of the
National League of Cities test that marks it
as a specialized immunity doctrine, rather than a broad limitation
on federal authority. As we made clear in
Hodel:
"A wealth of precedent attests to congressional authority to
displace or preempt state laws regulating
private activity
affecting interstate commerce when these laws conflict with federal
law. . . . Although such congressional enactments obviously curtail
or prohibit the States' prerogatives to make legislative choices
respecting subjects the States may consider important, the
Supremacy Clause permits no other result."
452 U.S. at
452 U. S. 290
(emphasis added; citations omitted).
See also FERC v.
Mississippi, 456 U. S. 742,
456 U. S. 759
(1982).
[
Footnote 11]
National League of Cities held that "there are
attributes of sovereignty attaching to every state government which
may not be impaired by Congress," and that
"[o]ne undoubted attribute of state sovereignty is the States'
power to determine the wages which shall be paid to those whom they
employ in order to carry out their governmental functions, what
hours those persons will work, and what compensation will be
provided where those employees may be called upon to work
overtime."
426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 845.
Precisely what it meant by an "undoubted attribute of state
sovereignty" is somewhat unclear, however, and our subsequent cases
applying the
National League of Cities test have had
little occasion to amplify on our understanding of the concept.
A State's employment relationship with its workers can, under
certain circumstances, be one vehicle for the exercise of its core
sovereign functions. In
National League of Cities, for
example, the power to determine the wages of government workers was
tied, among other things, to the exercise of the States' public
welfare interest in providing jobs to persons who would otherwise
be unemployed,
id. at
426 U. S. 848.
Moreover, some employment decisions are so clearly connected to the
execution of underlying sovereign choices that they must be
assimilated into them for purposes of the Tenth Amendment.
See
id. at
426 U. S. 850
(relating power to determine hours of government workers to
unimpeded exercise of State's role as provider of emergency
services).
See generally id. at
426 U. S. 851
(stressing importance of state autonomy as to "
those
fundamental employment decisions
upon which their systems for
performance of [their dual functions of administering the
public law and furnishing public services]
must rest")
(emphasis added). But we are not to be understood to suggest that
every state employment decision aimed simply at advancing a
generalized interest in efficient management -- even the efficient
management of traditional state functions -- should be considered
to be an exercise of an "undoubted attribute of state
sovereignty."
[
Footnote 12]
See n 17,
infra.
[
Footnote 13]
The only other interest alluded to by appellees is in
maintaining the integrity of the state pension system.
See
n 15,
infra.
[
Footnote 14]
We do not mean to suggest that such consequential effects could
be enough, by themselves, to invalidate a federal statute.
See
FERC v. Mississippi, supra, at
456 U. S. 770,
n. 33;
Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Reclamation
Assn., Inc., 452 U. S. 264,
452 U. S. 292,
n. 33 (1981).
[
Footnote 15]
Appellees argue that prohibiting involuntary retirement at age
55 will somehow interfere with the State's ability to
"enable those law enforcement officers who, due to the rigors of
their occupations, cannot work beyond 55 to retire with a maximum
[pension] benefit."
Brief for Appellees 12, n. 5. They do not, of course, suggest
that anything in the Age Discrimination in Employment Act forbids
the State to continue to provide maximum pension benefits to game
wardens who retire at age 55. Rather, they claim that eliminating
mandatory retirement will require the State to "balance [its
pension] fund periodically based upon the number of employees who
remained in service beyond 55," and that this would require "the
complete restructuring of the benefit program." Frankly, we do not
see how the State's financial ability to provide maximum benefits
to game wardens who retire at age 55 would be anything but helped
by eliminating the involuntary retirement of workers eligible to
receive those maximum benefits.
Cf. National League of Cities
v. Usery, 426 U.S. at
426 U. S. 853 (distinguishing Economic Stabilization Act
from Fair Labor Standards Act on basis that former "operated to
reduce the pressures upon state budget, rather than increase
them").
[
Footnote 16]
The present version of § 4(f)(2) provides that
"[i]t shall not be unlawful for an employer . . . to observe the
terms of a bona fide seniority system or any bona fide employee
benefit plan such as a retirement, pension, or insurance plan,
which is not a subterfuge to evade the purposes of [the] Act,
except that no such employee benefit plan shall excuse the failure
to hire any individual, and no such seniority system or employee
benefit plan shall require or permit the involuntary retirement of
any individual [between the ages of 40 and 70] because of the age
of such individual."
(The last clause, relating to involuntary retirement, was added
by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act Amendments of 1978, §
2(a), 92 Stat. 189.) As Senator Jacob Javits explained in 1967, the
meaning of this provision is that an employer is not compelled "to
afford to older workers exactly the same pension, retirement, or
insurance benefits as he affords to younger workers." 113 Cong.Rec.
31255 (1967), Legislative History 146.
See H.R.Rep. No.
805, 90th Cong., 1st Sess., 4 (1967), Legislative History 77; 123
Cong.Rec. 34295 (1977) (remarks of Sen. Williams), Legislative
History 482; 124 Cong.Rec. 8218-8219 (1978) (remarks of Sen.
Javits), Legislative History 539-540.
[
Footnote 17]
Even if the minimal character of the federal intrusion in this
case did not lead us to hold that the ADEA survives the third prong
of the
Hodel inquiry, it might still, when measured
against the well-defined federal interest in the legislation,
require us to find that the nature of that interest "justifies
state submission." We note, incidentally, that the strength of the
federal interest underlying the Act is not negated by the fact that
the Federal Government happens to impose mandatory retirement on a
small class of its own workers.
See Brief for Appellees
19.
But cf. n 5,
supra, (no upper age limit on Act's protection of federal
employees). Once Congress has asserted a federal interest, and once
it has asserted the strength of that interest, we have no warrant
for reading into the ebbs and flows of political decisionmaking a
conclusion that Congress was insincere in that declaration, and
must from that point on evaluate the sufficiency of the federal
interest as a matter of law, rather than of psychological
analysis.
[
Footnote 18]
We do reaffirm that, when properly exercising its power under §
5, Congress is not limited by the same Tenth Amendment constraints
that circumscribe the exercise of its Commerce Clause powers.
City of Rome v. United States, 446 U.
S. 156,
446 U. S. 179
(1980). We also note that, whatever else may be said about the § 5
question in this case, the District Court erred in reading
Pennhurst State School and Hospital v. Halderman,
451 U. S. 1 (1981),
as holding that congressional action could not be upheld on the
basis of § 5 unless Congress "expressly articulated its intent to
legislate under § 5," and in disposing of the § 5 argument on the
sole basis that
"nothing in the 1974 . . . Amendments [to the ADEA] or their
legislative history . . . suggest[s] that Congress acted pursuant
to any other power than the Commerce Clause,"
514 F.
Supp. 595, 600 (1981).
It is in the nature of our review of congressional legislation
defended on the basis of Congress' powers under § 5 of the
Fourteenth Amendment that we be able to discern some legislative
purpose or factual predicate that supports the exercise of that
power. That does not mean, however, that Congress need anywhere
recite the words "section 5" or "Fourteenth Amendment" or "equal
protection,"
see, e.g., Fullilove v. Klutznick,
448 U. S. 448,
448 U. S.
476-478 (1980) (BURGER, C.J.), for "[t]he . . .
constitutionality of action taken by Congress does not depend on
recitals of the power which it undertakes to exercise."
Woods
v. Cloyd W. Miller Co., 333 U. S. 138,
333 U. S. 144
(1948).
Our task in
Pennhurst State School and Hospital v.
Halderman, supra, was to construe a statute, 451 U.S. at
451 U. S. 15, not
to adjudge its constitutional validity,
see id. at
451 U. S. 15, n.
12. The Court characterized the question before it as whether
"Congress intend[ed a certain statute] to create enforceable rights
and obligations."
Id. at
451 U. S. 15. It
then made the unremarkable statement, relied on by the District
Court, that "we should not quickly attribute to Congress an
unstated intent to act under its authority to enforce the
Fourteenth Amendment."
Id. at
451 U. S. 16. The
rule of statutory construction invoked in
Pennhurst was,
like all rules of statutory construction, a tool with which to
divine the meaning of otherwise ambiguous statutory intent. Here,
there is no doubt what the intent of Congress was: to extend the
application of the ADEA to the States. The observations in
Pennhurst therefore simply have no relevance to the
question of whether, in this case, Congress acted pursuant to its
powers under § 5.
JUSTICE STEVENS, concurring.
While I join the Court's opinion, a complete explanation of my
appraisal of the case requires these additional comments about the
larger perspective in which I view the underlying issues.
I
In final analysis, we are construing the scope of the power
granted to Congress by the Commerce Clause of the Constitution. It
is important to remember that this Clause was the Framers' response
to the central problem that gave rise to the Constitution itself.
As I have previously noted, Justice Rutledge described the origins
and purpose of the Commerce Clause in these words:
"If any liberties may be held more basic than others, they are
the great and indispensable democratic freedoms secured by the
First Amendment. But it was not
Page 460 U. S. 245
to assure them that the Constitution was framed and adopted.
Only later were they added, by popular demand. It was rather to
secure freedom of trade, to break down the barriers to its free
flow, that the Annapolis Convention was called, only to adjourn
with a view to Philadelphia. Thus the generating source of the
Constitution lay in the rising volume of restraints upon commerce
which the Confederation could not check. These were the proximate
cause of our national existence down to today."
"As evils are wont to do, they dictated the character and scope
of their own remedy. This lay specifically in the commerce clause.
No prohibition of trade barriers as among the states could have
been effective of its own force or by trade agreements. It had
become apparent that such treaties were too difficult to negotiate
and the process of securing them was too complex for this method to
give the needed relief. Power adequate to make and enforce the
prohibition was required. Hence, the necessity for creating an
entirely new scheme of government."
". . . So by a stroke as bold as it proved successful, they
founded a nation, although they had set out only to find a way to
reduce trade restrictions. So also they solved the particular
problem causative of their historic action by introducing the
commerce clause in the new structure of power."
W. Rutledge, A Declaration of Legal Faith 25-26 (1947), quoted
in
United States v. Stasczuk, 517 F.2d 53, 58 (CA7) (en
banc),
cert. denied, 423 U.S. 837 (1975). [
Footnote 2/1]
Page 460 U. S. 246
There have been occasions when the Court has given a miserly
construction to the Commerce Clause. [
Footnote 2/2] But as the needs of a dynamic and
constantly expanding national economy have changed, this Court has
construed the Commerce Clause to reflect the intent of the Framers
of the Constitution -- to confer a power on the National Government
adequate
Page 460 U. S. 247
to discharge its central mission. In this process, the Court has
repeatedly repudiated cases that had narrowly construed the Clause.
[
Footnote 2/3] The development of
judicial doctrine has accommodated the transition from a purely
local, to a regional, and ultimately to a national economy.
[
Footnote 2/4] Today, of course,
our economy is merely a part of an international mechanism no
single nation could possibly regulate.
In the statutes challenged in this case and in
National
League of Cities v. Usery, 426 U. S. 833
(1976), Congress exercised its power to regulate the American labor
market. There was a time when this Court would have denied that
Congress had any such power, [
Footnote
2/5] but that chapter in our judicial
Page 460 U. S. 248
history has long been closed. [
Footnote 2/6] Today, there should be universal agreement
on the proposition that Congress has ample power to regulate the
terms and conditions of employment throughout the economy. Because
of the interdependence of the segments of the economy and the
importance and magnitude of government employment, a comprehensive
congressional policy to regulate the labor market may require
coverage of both public and private sectors to be effective.
Congress may not, of course, transcend specific limitations on its
exercise of the commerce power that are imposed by other provisions
of the Constitution. But there is no limitation in the text of the
Constitution that is even arguably applicable to this case. The
only basis for questioning the federal statute at issue here is the
pure judicial fiat found in this Court's opinion in
National
League of Cities v. Usery. Neither the Tenth Amendment
[
Footnote 2/7] nor any other
provision of the Constitution affords any support for that
judicially constructed limitation on the scope of the federal power
granted to Congress by the Commerce Clause. [
Footnote 2/8] In my opinion, that
Page 460 U. S. 249
decision must be placed in the same category as
United
States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S. 1 (1895),
Hammer v. Dagenhart, 247 U. S. 251
(1918), and
Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.
S. 238 (1936) -- cases whose subsequent rejection is now
universally regarded as proper. I think it so plain that
National League of Cities not only was incorrectly
decided, but also is inconsistent with the central purpose of the
Constitution itself, that it is not entitled to the deference
that
Page 460 U. S. 250
the doctrine of
stare decisis ordinarily commands for
this Court's precedents. Notwithstanding my respect for that
doctrine, I believe that the law would be well served by a prompt
rejection of
National League of Cities' modern embodiment
of the spirit of the Articles of Confederation.
II
My conviction that Congress had ample power to enact this
statute, as well as the statute at issue in
National League of
Cities, is unrelated to my views about the merits of either
piece of legislation. As I intimated in my dissent in that case, I
believe that federal regulation that enhances the minimum price of
labor inevitably reduces the number of jobs available to people who
are ready, willing, and able to engage in productive work -- and
thereby aggravates, rather than ameliorates, our unemployment
problems. I also believe, contrary to the popular view, that the
burdens imposed on the national economy by legislative prohibitions
against mandatory retirement on account of age exceed the potential
benefits. My personal views on such matters are, however, totally
irrelevant to the judicial task I am obligated to perform. There is
nothing novel about this point -- it has been made repeatedly by
more learned and more experienced judges. [
Footnote 2/9] But it is important to emphasize this
obvious limit on the proper exercise of judicial power, one that is
sometimes overlooked by those who criticize our work product.
The question in this case is purely one of constitutional power.
In exercising its power to regulate the national market for the
services of individuals either by prescribing the minimum price for
such services or by prohibiting employment discrimination on
account of age, may Congress regulate both the public sector and
the private sector of that market,
Page 460 U. S. 251
or must it confine its regulation to the private sector? If the
power is to be adequate to enable the National Government to
perform its central mission, that question can have only one
answer.
[
Footnote 2/1]
Justice Rutledge's view of our Nation's history has been widely
shared. For example, in 1934 in an article in the Harvard Law
Review, Robert L. Stern wrote:
"The Constitutional Convention was called because the Articles
of Confederation had not given the Federal Government any power to
regulate commerce. This defect proved to be so serious that the
Virginia General Assembly appointed commissioners to meet with
commissioners of other states to"
"take into consideration the trade of the United States; to
examine the relative situation and trade of the said states; to
consider how far the uniform system in their commercial regulations
may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent
harmony; and to report to the several states such an act relative
to this great object. . . ."
Representatives of but five states met at Annapolis in
September, 1786. They determined that they could do nothing by
themselves, and that the adequate protection of commerce required a
complete revision of the structure of government. Accordingly, they
recommended that a convention be called for the purpose of revising
the Articles of Confederation, and Congress thereupon asked the
various states to send delegates to Philadelphia in May, 1787.
* * * *
". . . In view of the fact that the need for centralized
commercial regulation was universally recognized as the primary
reason for preparing a new constitution, the Convention would not
have been likely to have meant the commerce clause to have a narrow
or restrictive meaning."
Stern, That Commerce Which Concerns More States Than One, 47
Harv.L.Rev. 1335, 1337, 1340-1341 (1934) (footnotes omitted).
See also 1 A. Beveridge, The Life of John Marshall
310-312 (1916); G. Gunther, Constitutional Law 127 (9th ed.1975)
("The poor condition of American commerce and the proliferating
trade rivalries between the states were the immediate provocations
for the calling of the Constitutional Convention"); C. Swisher,
American Constitutional Development 25-27 (2d ed.1954);
Gibbons v.
Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1,
22 U. S. 224
(1824) (opinion of Johnson, J.) (the "conflict of commercial
regulations, destructive to the harmony of the States . . . was the
immediate cause that led to the forming of a convention").
[
Footnote 2/2]
See, e.g., Kidd v. Pearson, 128 U. S.
1,
128 U. S. 20-21
(1888) (manufacturing is not subject to the commerce power of
Congress);
United States v. E. C. Knight Co., 156 U. S.
1,
156 U. S. 12-16
(1895) (monopoly in manufacturing is not subject to the commerce
power);
Adair v. United States, 208 U.
S. 161,
208 U. S.
178-179 (1908) (connection between interstate commerce
and membership in a labor union insufficient to authorize Congress
to make it a crime for an interstate carrier to discharge an
employee because of union membership);
Hammer v.
Dagenhart, 247 U. S. 251,
247 U. S. 276
(1918) (Congress has no power to prohibit interstate transportation
of goods produced with child labor);
Carter v. Carter Coal
Co., 298 U. S. 238,
298 U. S.
308-310 (1936) (commerce power does not extend to
regulation of wages, hours, and working conditions of coal
miners).
[
Footnote 2/3]
Compare Stafford v. Wallace, 258 U.
S. 495,
258 U. S.
524-525 (1922),
with Hopkins v. United States,
171 U. S. 578,
171 U. S.
592-598 (1898);
Virginian R. Co. v. Railway
Employees, 300 U. S. 515,
300 U. S. 557
(1937),
with Employers' Liability Cases, 207 U.
S. 463,
207 U. S. 498
(1908);
Sunshine Coal Co. v. Adkins, 310 U.
S. 381,
310 U. S.
393-394 (1940),
with Carter v. Carter Coal Co.,
supra, at
298 U. S.
297-310;
United States v. Darby, 312 U.
S. 100,
312 U. S.
115-117 (1941),
with Hammer v. Dagenhart,
supra, at
247 U. S.
269-277;
United States v. South-Eastern Underwriters
Assn., 322 U. S. 533,
322 U. S.
542-553 (1944),
with New York Life Insurance Co. v.
Deer Lodge County, 231 U. S. 495,
231 U. S.
502-512 (1913);
Mandeville Island Farms, Inc. v.
American Crystal Sugar Co., 334 U. S. 219,
334 U. S.
229-235 (1948),
with United States v. E. C. Knight
Co., supra, at
156 U. S.
12-16.
[
Footnote 2/4]
See, e.g., Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.
S. 111,
317 U. S.
118-125 (1942) (Congress may constitutionally apply
wheat marketing quota to wheat grown wholly for consumption on the
farm, because of interdependence of national market);
Mandeville Island Farms, Inc. v. American Crystal Sugar Co.,
supra, at
334 U. S.
229-235 (Congress has power under Commerce Clause to
prohibit price fixing by purchasers of beet sugar from growers in
same State);
Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United
States, 379 U. S. 241,
379 U. S.
249-262 (1964) (Congress may prohibit racial
discrimination in places of public accommodation affecting
commerce);
Perez v. United States, 402 U.
S. 146,
402 U. S.
154-155 (1971) (Commerce Clause gives Congress power to
regulate local loan sharking because it is in a class of activities
that has an impact on interstate commerce).
[
Footnote 2/5]
See, e.g., Employers' Liability Cases, supra, at
207 U. S.
496-499;
Adair v. United States, supra, at
208 U. S.
176-180;
Hammer v. Dagenhart, supra, at
247 U. S.
271-275;
Carter v. Carter Coal Co., supra, at
298 U. S.
303-304.
[
Footnote 2/6]
See United States v. Darby, supra, at
312 U. S.
113-124.
[
Footnote 2/7]
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to
the States respectively, or to the people." U.S.Const., Amdt. 10.
As Chief Justice Stone wrote in
United States v. Darby,
supra, at
312 U. S.
124:
"The amendment states but a truism that all is retained which
has not been surrendered. . . . From the beginning and for many
years, the amendment has been construed as not depriving the
national government of authority to resort to all means for the
exercise of a granted power which are appropriate and plainly
adapted to the permitted end."
[
Footnote 2/8]
This, of course, is not an original observation.
See
Chief Justice Marshall's opinion for the Court in
Gibbons v.
Ogden, supra, at
22 U. S.
196-197:
"It is the power to regulate; that is, to prescribe the rule by
which commerce is to be governed. This power, like all others
vested in Congress, is complete in itself, may be exercised to its
utmost extent, and acknowledges no limitations, other than are
prescribed in the constitution. These are expressed in plain terms,
and do not affect the questions which arise in this case, or which
have been discussed at the bar. If, as has always been understood,
the sovereignty of congress, though limited to specified objects,
is plenary as to those objects, the power over commerce with
foreign nations, and among the several States, is vested in
congress as absolutely as it would be in a single government,
having in its constitution the same restrictions on the exercise of
the power as are found in the constitution of the United States.
The wisdom and the discretion of Congress, their identity with the
people, and the influence which their constituents possess at
elections, are, in this, as in many other instances, . . . the sole
restraints on which they have relied, to secure them from its
abuse. They are the restraints on which the people must often rely
solely, in all representative governments."
These words carry special weight in view of the fact that, more
than 35 years earlier, Chief Justice Marshall had been a delegate
at the Virginia ratifying convention and had participated in the
crucial debates regarding the proposed Constitution. He was thus
fully conscious of the dramatic contrast between the Articles of
Confederation, which had declared explicitly that "[e]ach State
retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence," Art. 2, and
the new Constitution, which contained not a word respecting the
sovereignty, freedom, and independence of the States, but rather
conveyed an unequivocal message in the Supremacy Clause, Art. VI,
cl. 2. The role of the States in the Confederation was repeatedly
contrasted with their role in the proposed Constitution, both by
supporters and by opponents of ratification.
See 3 J.
Elliot, Debates on the Federal Constitution 129 (1891 ed.) (James
Madison, speaking in support: "A government which relies on
thirteen independent sovereignties for the means of its existence
is a solecism in theory and a mere nullity in practice. . . . The
effect, sir, cannot be changed without a removal of the cause");
id. at 22 (Patrick Henry, speaking in opposition: "Who
authorized them to speak the language of,
We, the people,
instead of,
We, the states? States are the characteristics
and the soul of a confederation. If the states be not the agents of
this compact, it must be one great, consolidated, national
government, of the people of all the states"). The question of
authority, of course, was resolved by the ratification.
[
Footnote 2/9]
See, e.g., Spencer v. Texas, 385 U.
S. 554,
385 U. S. 569
(1967) (Stewart, J., Concurring);
Adair v. United States,
208 U.S. at
208 U. S.
191-192 (Holmes, J., dissenting);
Lochner v. New
York, 198 U. S. 45,
198 U. S. 75
(1905) (Holmes, J., dissenting).
CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, with whom JUSTICE POWELL, JUSTICE
REHNQUIST, and JUSTICE O'CONNOR join, dissenting.
The Court decides today that Congress may dictate to the states,
and their political subdivisions, detailed standards governing the
selection of state employees, including those charged with
protecting people and homes from crimes and fires. Although the
opinion reads the Constitution to allow Congress to usurp this
fundamental state function, I have reexamined that document, and I
fail to see where it grants to the National Government the power to
impose such strictures on the states, either expressly or by
implication. Those strictures are not required by any holding of
this Court, and it is not wholly without significance that Congress
has not placed similar limits on itself in the exercise of its own
sovereign powers. Accordingly, I would hold the Age Discrimination
in Employment Act (Age Act) unconstitutional as applied to the
states, and affirm the judgment of the District Court.
I
I begin by analyzing the Commerce Clause rationale, for it was
upon this power that Congress expressly relied when it originally
enacted the Age Act in 1967,
see 29 U.S.C. § 621, and when
it extended its protections to state and local government
employees,
see H.R.Rep. No. 93-913, pp. 1-2 (1974).
[
Footnote 3/1]
Page 460 U. S. 252
We have had several occasions in recent years to investigate the
scope of congressional authority to legislate under the Commerce
Clause,
see, e.g., National League of Cities v. Usery,
426 U. S. 833
(1976);
Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Reclamation
Assn., Inc., 452 U. S. 264
(1981);
United Transportation Union v. Long Island R. Co.,
455 U. S. 678
(1982). The wisdom to be drawn from these cases is that Congress'
authority under the Commerce Clause is restricted by the
protections afforded the states by the Tenth Amendment. To decide
whether a particular enactment has improperly intruded into Tenth
Amendment rights, we have adopted a three-prong test:
"First, there must be a showing that the challenged statute
regulates the 'states as States.' [
National League of
Cities, 426 U.S.] at
426 U. S. 854. Second, the
federal regulation must address matters that are indisputably
'attribute[s] of state sovereignty.'
Id. at
426 U. S.
845. And third, it must be apparent that the States'
compliance with the federal law would directly impair their ability
'to structure integral operations in areas of traditional
governmental functions.'
Id. at
426 U. S.
852."
Hodel, 452 U.S. at
452 U. S.
287-288. For statutes that meet each prong of this test,
a final inquiry must be made to decide whether "the federal
interest advanced [is] such that it justifies state submission."
Id. at
452 U. S. 288,
n. 29, citing
Fry v. United States, 421 U.
S. 542 (1975);
National League of Cities,
supra, at
426 U. S. 856
(BLACKMUN, J., concurring).
We need not pause on the first prong of this test, for the
legislation is indisputably aimed at regulating the states in their
capacity as states, 29 U.S.C. § 630(b). The Commission argues,
however, that the legislation does not run counter to the other two
prongs of the test. Turning then to prong two, whether the Age Act
addresses matters that are "attributes of state sovereignty," we
may assume that, in enacting the Wyoming State Highway Patrol and
Game and
Page 460 U. S. 253
Fish Warden Retirement Act, Wyo.Stat. § 31-3-101
et
seq. (1977 and Supp.1982), Wyoming sought to assure the
physical preparedness of its game wardens and others who enforce
its laws. Tr. of Oral Arg. 5. This goal is surely an attribute of
sovereignty, for parks and recreation services were identified in
National League of Cities, supra, at
426 U. S. 851,
as traditional state activities protected by the Tenth Amendment.
Even more important, it is the essence of state power to choose --
subject only to
constitutional limits -- who is to be part
of the state government.
Cf. Oregon v. Mitchell,
400 U. S. 112,
400 U. S. 123
(1970) (Black, J.). If poachers destroy the fish and game reserves
of Wyoming, it is not to the Congress that people are going to
complain, but to state and local authorities who will have to
justify their actions in selecting wardens. Since it is the State
that bears the responsibility for delivering the services, it is
clearly an attribute of state sovereignty to choose who will
perform these duties.
To decide whether a challenged activity is an attribute of
sovereignty, it is instructive to inquire whether other government
entities have attempted to enact similar legislation. A finding
that other governmental units have passed mandatory retirement
laws, although not conclusive, is persuasive evidence that such
laws are traditional methods for insuring an efficient workforce
for certain governmental functions. My research indicates that more
than one-half the states have retirement laws that, like the
Wyoming State Highway Patrol and Game and Fish Warden Retirement
Act, violate the Age Act. [
Footnote
3/2] More important, Congress, while mandating
Page 460 U. S. 254
compliance in the states, carefully preserved its own freedom to
select employees on any basis it chooses. Although the Age Act was
expressly made to apply to the National Government, 29 U.S.C. §
633a (1976 ed. and Supp. V), exceptions were built into the
enactment. Certain categories of federal employment -- such as law
enforcement officers -- were
explicitly excluded, and in
addition, the statute provides that "[r]easonable exemptions to the
provisions of this section may be established by the [Civil
Service] Commission." [
Footnote
3/3] 29 U.S.C. § 633a(b). I conclude that defining the
qualifications of employees is an essential of sovereignty.
Page 460 U. S. 255
The third prong of the
National League of Cities test
is that the federal intrusion must impair the ability of the state
to structure integral operations. Wyoming cites several ways in
which the Age Act interferes with its ability to structure state
services, and several
amici inform us of additional
difficulties, some economic, some not, that are engendered by the
Act.
It is beyond dispute that the statute can give rise to increased
employment costs caused by forced employment of older individuals.
Since these employees tend to be at the upper end of the pay scale,
the cost of their wages while they are still in the workforce is
greater. And since most pension plans calculate retirement benefits
on the basis of maximum salary or number of years of service,
pension costs are greater when an older employee retires. [
Footnote 3/4] The employer is also forced
to pay more for insuring the health of older employees because, as
a group, they inevitably carry a higher-than-average risk of
illness.
See, e.g., Pollock, Gettman, & Meyer,
Analysis of Physical Fitness and Coronary Heart Disease Risk of
Dallas Area Police Officers, 20 J.Occup.Med. 393 (1978); N. Shock,
Cardiac Performance and Age, in Cardiovascular Problems,
Perspectives and Progress 3-24 (H. Russek ed.1976); J. Hall &
J. Zwemer, Prospective Medicine (2d ed.1979). Since they are --
especially in law enforcement
Page 460 U. S. 256
-- also more prone to on-the-job injuries, it is reasonable to
conclude that the employer's disability costs are increased.
See generally, D. Gregg & V. Lucas, Life and Health
Insurance Handbook (3d ed.1973); S. Huebner & K. Black, Life
Insurance (10th ed.1982).
Noneconomic hardships are equally severe. Employers are
prevented from hiring those physically best able to do the job.
Since older workers occupy a disproportionate share of the
upper-level and supervisory positions, a bar on mandatory
retirement also impedes promotion opportunities. Lack of such
opportunities tends to undermine younger employees' incentive to
strive for excellence, and impedes the state from fulfilling
affirmative action objectives.
The Federal Government can hardly claim that the objectives of
decreasing costs and increasing promotional opportunities are
impermissible: many of the same goals are cited repeatedly to
justify the "enclaves" of federal exceptions to the Age Act. For
example, mandatory retirement is still the rule in the Armed
Services, 10 U.S.C. § 1251 (1976 ed., Supp. V), and the Foreign
Service, 22 U.S.C. § 4052 (1976 ed., Supp. V), despite passage of
the Age Act. The House Committee on Armed Services continues,
apparently, to think it essential to have a mechanism to assure
that officers from positions of command are vigorous and free from
infirmities generally associated with age. H.R.Rep. No. 961462, p.
8 (1980). Similarly, the House Committee on Post Office and Civil
Service, while acknowledging the "unfairness of a mandatory
retirement age," H.R.Rep. No. 96-992, pt. 2, p. 30 (1980),
concluded that it remains necessary in the Foreign Service "for the
maintenance of predictable career patterns,"
ibid., to
prevent "unavailability for worldwide assignment,"
ibid.,
and to "restore the
flow' [i.e., promotional
opportunities] to the system,"
id. at 15.
See
also 5 U.S.C. § 335. It is difficult to grasp just how
Congress reconciles that view with its legislation forcing the
states to comply with rigid standards.
Page 460 U. S. 257
The Commission answers the State's contentions by arguing that,
even under the Age Act, it is possible to effectuate some of the
State's goals. According to appellant, adverse economic impact is
mitigated by 29 U.S.C. § 623(f)(2) (1976 ed., Supp. V), which
provides that an employer may
"observe the terms of a bona fide employee benefit plan such as
a retirement, pension, or insurance plan, which is not a subterfuge
to evade the purposes of this chapter. . . ."
I reject the notion that this exception ameliorates the State's
problem to any significant extent. The reality is that, for Wyoming
to benefit from this exception, it will have to enact new laws and
develop new regulations to reduce its insurance coverage on older
employees. Drafting and enacting these new laws is a burden
Congress has no power to impose on the states. Second, it is
doubtful that Wyoming could, as a practical matter, lower the
health and disability insurance coverage on employees who fall
under mandatory retirement laws. It is these employees who are, for
the most part, in the most physically hazardous occupations, and
thus most need protection. Stated another way, perhaps Crump would
not want to keep his job if the State were unwilling to bear the
economic risks of his injuries. Section 623(f)(2) is thus a shallow
alternative to mandatory retirement.
Section 623(f)(1), the Commission's answer to the problem of
protecting the State's ability to deliver its services effectively,
provides no solution either. That section provides that mandatory
early retirement is permissible "where age is a bona fide
occupational qualification [BFOQ] reasonably necessary to the
normal operation of the particular business. . . ." Although
superficially, this section appears to offer the states a means for
lessening the administrative burden of retiring unfit employees on
a case-by-case basis, the exception does not work in practice. In
the absence of statutory guidelines, the courts that have faced the
question have -- in response to this appellant's urgings --
established a
Page 460 U. S. 258
high standard of what constitutes a bona fide occupational
qualification. Typical seems to be the approach taken in
Arritt
v. Grisell, 567 F.2d 1267, 1271 (CA4 1977), requiring the
employer to prove
"(1) that the bfoq which it invokes is reasonably necessary to
the essence of its business . . . and (2) that the employer has
reasonable cause,
i.e., a factual basis for believing that
all or substantially all persons within the class . . . would be
unable to perform safely and efficiently the duties of the job
involved, or that it is impossible or impractical to deal with
persons over the age limit on an individualized basis."
See also Usery v. Tamiami Trail Tours, Inc., 531 F.2d
224 (CA5 1976). Given the state of modern medicine, it is virtually
impossible to prove that all persons within a class are unable to
perform a particular job or that it is impossible to test employees
on an individual basis,
see, e.g., Johnson v. Mayor of
Baltimore, 515 F.
Supp. 1287, 1299 (Md.1981),
cert. denied, 455 U.S. 944
(1982).
In the face of this track record, I find it impossible to say
that § 623(f)(1) provides an adequate method for avoiding
significant impairment to the state's ability to structure its
integral governmental operations. [
Footnote 3/5]
Since I am satisfied that the Age Act runs afoul of the three
prongs of the
National League of Cities test, I turn to
the balancing test alluded to in JUSTICE BLACKMUN's concurring
opinion in
National League of Cities, and in
Hodel. The Commission argues that the federal interest in
preventing unnecessary demands on the social security system and
other maintenance programs, in protecting employees from arbitrary
discrimination, and in eliminating unnecessary burdens on the free
flow of commerce "is more than sufficient in the
Page 460 U. S. 259
face of . . . Wyoming's bald assertion of a prerogative to be
arbitrary." Brief for Appellant 19.
It is simply not accurate to state that Wyoming is resting its
challenge to the Age Act on a "sovereign" right to discriminate; as
I read it, Wyoming is asserting a right to set standards to meet
local needs. Nor do I believe that these largely theoretical
benefits to the Federal Government outweigh the very real danger
that a fire may burn out of control because the firefighters are
not physically able to cope; or that a criminal may escape because
a law enforcement officer's reflexes are too slow to react swiftly
enough to apprehend an offender; or that an officer may be injured
or killed for want of capacity to defend himself. These factors may
not be real to Congress, but it is not Congress' responsibility to
prevent them; they are nonetheless real to the states. I would hold
that Commerce Clause powers are wholly insufficient to bar the
states from dealing with or preventing these dangers in a rational
manner. Wyoming's solution is plainly a rational means.
II
Since it was ratified after the Tenth Amendment, the Fourteenth
Amendment is not subject to the constraints discussed earlier in
connection with the Commerce Clause. Indeed, it is well established
that Congress may, under the powers bestowed by § 5, enact
legislation affecting the states,
Ex parte Virginia,
100 U. S. 339,
100 U. S. 345
(1880);
Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer, 427 U.
S. 445 (1976). But this does not mean that Congress has
been given a "blank check" to intrude into details of states'
governments at will. The Tenth Amendment was not, after all,
repealed when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified: it was merely
limited. The question then becomes whether the Fourteenth Amendment
operates to transfer from the states to the Federal Government the
essentially local governmental function of deciding who will
protect citizens from lawbreakers.
The outer reaches of congressional power under the Civil War
Amendments have always been uncertain. One factor
Page 460 U. S. 260
is, however, clear: Congress may act only where a violation
lurks. The flaw in the Commission's analysis is that, in this
instance, no one -- not the Court, not the Congress [
Footnote 3/6] -- has determined that
mandatory retirement plans violate any rights protected by these
Amendments. We cannot say that the Judiciary made this
determination, for we have considered the constitutionality of
mandatory retirement schemes twice, in
Massachusetts Board of
Retirement v. Murgia, 427 U. S. 307
(1976), for state police, and
Vance v. Bradley,
440 U. S. 93
(1979), for Foreign Service officers; we rejected both equal
protection challenges. In both instances, we arrived at our
conclusion by examining,
arguendo, the retirement schemes
under the rational basis standard. It was not necessary that we be
convinced that equal protection guarantees extend to classes
defined by age because governmental employment is not a fundamental
right and those who are mandatorily retired are not a suspect
class.
In
Murgia, we found that early retirement of policemen
was justified by the states' objective of "protect[ing] the public
by assuring physical preparedness of its uniformed police," 427
U.S. at
427 U. S. 314;
in
Bradley, we held that early retirement of Foreign
Service personnel was justified by Congress' perception of a need
to assure "opportunities for promotion would be available" and "the
high quality of those occupying positions critical to the conduct
of our foreign relations," and in order to "minimiz[e] the risk of
less than superior performance by reason of poor health or loss of
vitality," 440 U.S. at
440 U. S. 101
and
440 U. S.
103-104. Congress was simply using a rational means for
solving a practical governmental problem within its constitutional
jurisdiction.
Were we asked to review the constitutionality of the Wyoming
State Highway Patrol and Game and Fish Warden Retirement
Page 460 U. S. 261
Act, we would reach a result consistent with
Bradley
and
Murgia. Like Congress dealing with military personnel,
FBI agents, and Foreign Service officers, the State of Wyoming has
an interest in the physical ability of its highway patrol and game
and fish wardens. It is within Wyoming's authority to motivate
personnel to high performance by assuring opportunities for
advancement; Wyoming reasonably considers safety conditions on its
highways and game preserves critical to the wellbeing of its
citizenry. In short, it cannot be said that, in applying the Age
Act to the states, Congress has acted to enforce equal protection
guarantees as they have been defined by this Court.
Nor can appellant claim that Congress has used the powers we
recognized in
City of Rome v. United States, 446 U.
S. 156,
446 U. S.
176-177 (1980);
Oregon v. Mitchell,
400 U. S. 112
(1970);
Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U.
S. 409,
392 U. S.
437-444 (1968);
South Carolina v. Katzenbach,
383 U. S. 301
(1966); and
Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.
S. 641 (1966), to enact legislation that prohibits
conduct not in itself unconstitutional because it considered the
prohibition necessary to guard against encroachment of guaranteed
rights or to rectify past discrimination. There has been no
finding, as there was in
South Carolina v. Katzenbach,
supra, at
383 U. S. 309,
that the abrogated state law infringed on rights identified by this
Court. [
Footnote 3/7]
Page 460 U. S. 262
Nor did Congress use, as it did in
Katzenbach v. Morgan,
supra, at
384 U. S. 656,
its "specially informed legislative competence" to decide that the
state law it invalidated was too intrusive on federal rights to be
an appropriate means to achieve the ends sought by the state.
Instead, the Age Act can be sustained only if we assume first, that
Congress can define rights wholly independently of our case law,
and second, that Congress has done so here. I agree with neither
proposition. Allowing Congress to protect constitutional rights
statutorily that it has independently defined fundamentally alters
our scheme of government. Although the
South Carolina v.
Katzenbach line of cases may be read to allow Congress a
degree of flexibility in deciding what the Fourteenth Amendment
safeguards, I have always read
Oregon v. Mitchell as
finally imposing a limitation on the extent to which Congress may
substitute its own judgment for that of the states and assume this
Court's "role of final arbiter,"
Mitchell, supra, at
400 U. S. 205
(Harlan, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
Mitchell, after all, involved legislation in the area of
suffrage, where Congress had special competence and special reasons
to limit the powers of the states. It is significant, however,
that, while we there sustained the portions of the Voting Rights
Act Amendments of 1970 lowering the minimum age of voters from 21
to 18 in federal elections, barring literacy tests in state and
federal elections, and prohibiting states from disqualifying voters
in Presidential elections for failure to meet state residency
requirements, a majority of the
Mitchell Court did not
agree to allow Congress to alter voting requirements in
state elections. We struck that portion of the Voting
Rights Act because we thought it a "plain fact of history" that
Congress lacked this power,
see 400 U.S. at
400 U. S. 125
and
400 U. S. 294
(Black and Stewart, JJ.);
id. at
400 U. S.
154-215 (Harlan, J.); and because we thought that the
Fourteenth Amendment
Page 460 U. S. 263
was not a license to "overstep the letter or spirit of any
constitutional restriction,"
id. at
400 U. S. 287
(Stewart, J.).
For me, this same reasoning leads inevitably to the conclusion
that Congress lacked power to apply the Age Act to the states.
There is no hint in the body of the Constitution ratified in 1789
or in the relevant Amendments that every classification based on
age is outlawed. Yet there is much in the Constitution and the
relevant Amendments to indicate that states retain sovereign powers
not expressly surrendered, and these surely include the power to
choose the employees they feel are best able to serve and protect
their citizens. [
Footnote 3/8]
And even were we to assume,
arguendo, that Congress
could redefine the Fourteenth Amendment, I would still reject the
power of Congress to impose the Age Act on the states when
Congress, in the same year that the Age Act was extended to the
states, passed mandatory retirement legislation of its own, Pub.L.
93-350, 88 Stat. 356, codified at 5 U.S.C. § 8335, for law
enforcement officers and firefighters. Over eight years have
elapsed since the Age Act was extended to the states, yet early
retirement is still required of federal air traffic controllers, 5
U.S.C. § 8335(a) (1976 ed., Supp. V), federal law enforcement
officers, § 8335(b), federal firefighters,
ibid.,
employees of the Panama Canal Commission and the Alaska Railroad, §
8335(c), members of the Foreign Service, 22 U.S.C. § 4052 (1976
ed., Supp. V), and members of the Armed Services, 10 U.S.C. § 1251
(1976 ed., Supp. V).
Page 460 U. S. 264
III
I believe I have demonstrated that neither the Constitution nor
any of its Amendments have transferred from the states to the
Federal Government the essentially local function of establishing
standards for choosing state employees. The Framers did not give
Congress the power to decide local employment standards, because
they wisely realized that, as a body, Congress lacked the means to
analyze the factors that bear on this decision, such as the
diversity of occupational risks, climate, geography, and
demography. Since local conditions generally determine how a job
should be performed, and who should perform it, the authority and
responsibility for making employment decisions must be in the hands
of local governments, subject only to those restrictions
unmistakably contemplated by the Fourteenth Amendment. Intrusion by
Congress into this area can lead only to ill-informed
decisionmaking.
And even if Congress had infinite factfinding means at its
disposal, conditions in various parts of the country are too
diverse to be susceptible to a uniformly applicable solution.
Wyoming is a State with large sparsely populated areas, where law
enforcement often requires substantial physical stamina; the same
conditions are not always encountered by law enforcement officers
in Rhode Island, which has far less land area, no mountains, and no
wilderness. Problems confronting law enforcement officers in Alaska
or Maine may be unlike those encountered in Hawaii and Florida.
Barring states from making employment decisions tailored to meet
specific local needs undermines the flexibility that has long
allowed industrial states to live under the same flag as rural
states, and small, densely populated states to coexist with large,
sparsely populated ones.
The reserved powers of the states and Justice Brandeis' classic
conception of the states as laboratories,
New State Ice Co. v.
Liebmann, 285 U. S. 262,
285 U. S. 311
(1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting), are turned on their heads when
national, rather than state, governments assert the authority to
make decisions on
Page 460 U. S. 265
the age standard of state law enforcement officers. Flexibility
for experimentation not only permits each state to find the best
solutions to its own problems, it is the means by which each state
may profit from the experiences and activities of all the rest.
Nothing in the Constitution permits Congress to force the states
into a Procrustean national mold that takes no account of local
needs and conditions. That is the antithesis of what the authors of
the Constitution contemplated for our federal system.
[
Footnote 3/1]
The Age Act was extended to the states along with the Fair Labor
Standards Act. Pub.L. 93-259, § 28, 88 Stat. 74. Extension of the
FLSA was declared unconstitutional in
National League of Cities
v. Usery, 426 U. S. 833
(1976).
[
Footnote 3/2]
See, e.g., Ala.Code § 36-27-16(a)(1)(e) (Supp.1982)
(police; age 60); Ark.Stat.Ann. § 42-455 (1977) (police; 65);
Cal.Gov't Code Ann. § 20980 (West 1980) (highway patrol; 60);
Del.Code Ann., Tit. 11, § 8323 (1979) (police; 55); Idaho Code §
50-1514(a) (Supp.1981) (police; 65); Ill.Rev.Stat., ch. 24, �
10-2.1-17 (1979) (police and firemen; 65); Ind.Code § 36-8-3.5-20
(1981) (police and firemen; 65); Iowa Code § 97B.46(3)
(Supp.1982-1983) (peace officers and firefighters; 65);
Kan.Stat.Ann. § 74-4975(b) (1980) (patrolmen; 60); La.Rev.Stat.Ann.
§ 42-691 (West Supp.1983) (law enforcement personnel and
firefighters; 65); Md.Ann.Code, Art. 88B, § 53(1)(c) (1979)
(police; 60); Mass.Gen.Laws Ann., ch. 32, § 69(d) (West 1966) and §
83A(d) (Supp.1982-1983) (police; 65); Mich.Comp.Laws Ann. §
38.556(1)(c) (Supp.1982) (police and firemen; 65); Minn.Stat. §
423.075(1) (Supp.1983) (police and firemen; 65); Miss.Code Ann. §
25-13-11 (Supp.1982) (highway patrol; 55) and § 21-29-245
(Supp.1982) (police and firemen; 60); Mo.Ann.Stat. § 104.010 and §
104.080 (Vernon Supp.1983) (highway patrol; 60); Mont.Code Ann. §
19-6-504 (1981) (highway patrol; 60) and § 19-9-801 (1981) (police;
65); Neb.Rev.Stat. § 81-2025(2) (1981) (patrolmen; 60); N.Y.Retire.
& Soc.Sec.Law § 381-b(e) (McKinney Supp.1982-1983) (police;
65); N.D.Cent.Code § 39-03.1-18 (1980) (highway patrol; 60); Ohio
Rev.Code Ann. § 5505.16 (Supp.1982) (highway patrol; 55);
Okla.Stat., Tit. 47, § 2-305A (Supp.1982-1983) (police; 60);
Ore.Rev.Stat. § 237.129(1) (1981) (police and firemen; 60);
Pa.Stat.Ann., Tit. 71, § 65(d) (Purdon Supp.1982-1983) (police;
60); R.I.Gen.Laws § 45-21.2-5 (1980) (police and firemen; 65);
S.C.Code § 9-1-1535 (Supp.1982) (conservation officers; 65);
Tenn.Code Ann. § 8-36-205(1) (1980) (police; 60 or 65);
Tex.Rev.Civ.Stat.Ann., Art. 6423g-1, § 11(d) (Vernon
Supp.1982-1983) (police; 65); Vt.Stat.Ann., Tit. 3, § 459(a)(2)
(Supp.1982) (police; 55); Wash.Rev.Code § 43.43.250(1) (1981)
(state patrol; 60); W.Va.Code § 8-22-25(d) (Supp.1982) (police and
firemen; 65); Wis.Stat. § 41.02(23) (1979-1980) (police and
firemen; 55); Wyo.Stat. § 15-5-307(a) (Supp.1982) (police; 60).
See also App. to Brief for National Institute of Municipal
Law Enforcement Officers as
Amicus Curiae 1a-7a, citing
160 municipalities that have laws violating the Age Act.
[
Footnote 3/3]
This function was later transferred to the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission,
see § 2 of the Reorg.Plan No. 1 of
1978, 3 CFR 321 (1979), 92 Stat. 3781, 5 U.S.C.App. 426 (1976 ed.,
Supp. V).
[
Footnote 3/4]
This problem is exacerbated by the special retirement schemes
often used in connection with mandatory early retirement laws. In
Wyoming, for example, state employees who are not subject to early
retirement contribute less per month towards retirement than those
in occupations where early retirement is required. So long as the
early retirement laws are in effect, this system is actuarily
sound, because the employees who will spend less years at work pay
into the system more rapidly. Simple invalidation of the early
retirement system would work an inequity by requiring these workers
to contribute more towards retirement than other state employees.
Brief for Appellees 12, n. 5. Of course, Wyoming could revamp its
pension system to correct this problem. Forcing the State to do so
is another example of the adverse impact wrought by the Age
Act.
[
Footnote 3/5]
In addition, states that choose to invoke the BFOQ exception
expose themselves to lawsuits requiring them to defend their
choices. Defense of lawsuits is a costly and time-consuming
endeavor that is, in itself, a burden impermissible for Congress to
impose on the states.
[
Footnote 3/6]
The ability of Congress to define independently protected
classes is an issue that need not be resolved here, because I think
that the Age Act is unconstitutional even if it is assumed that
Congress has this power.
[
Footnote 3/7]
At oral argument, the Solicitor General argued that, in applying
the rational basis test in
Murgia and
Bradley,
the Court
sub silentio agreed that age discrimination is
protected by the Equal Protection Clause, and that Congress has
merely altered the burden needed to prove compliance with its
guarantees. Tr. of Oral Arg. 17-18. I do not read these decisions
to support this notion.
Murgia and
Bradley
presented us with no occasion to determine the scope of the equal
protection guarantee, because we found the legislation challenged
there sustainable even if we assumed the class was protected.
This is not to say definitively that age discrimination is not
protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, because this case does not
squarely raise that issue. Rather, I am pointing out that, since
this Court has not decided the question, the Government cannot
support this enactment on the ground that Congress was attempting
to establish further safeguards for a class we have found to be
constitutionally protected.
[
Footnote 3/8]
It has been suggested that where a congressional resolution of a
policy question hinges on legislative facts, the Court should defer
to Congress' judgment, because Congress is in a better position
than the Court to find the relevant facts. Cox, The Role of
Congress in Constitutional Determinations, 40 U.Cin.L.Rev. 187,
229-230 (1971). While this theory may have some importance in
matters of strictly federal concern, it has no place in deciding
between the legislative judgments of Congress and that of the
Wyoming Legislature. Congress is simply not as well equipped as
state legislators to make decisions involving purely local
needs.
JUSTICE POWELL, with whom JUSTICE O'CONNOR joins,
dissenting.
I join THE CHIEF JUSTICE's dissenting opinion, but write
separately to record a personal dissent from JUSTICE STEVENS' novel
view of our Nation's history.
I
JUSTICE STEVENS begins his concurring opinion with the startling
observation that the Commerce Clause "was the Framers' response to
the
central problem that gave rise to the Constitution
itself."
Ante at
460 U. S. 244
(emphasis added). At a subsequent point in his opinion, he observes
that
"this Court has construed the Commerce Clause to reflect the
intent of the Framers . . . to confer a power on the
National Government adequate to discharge its central mission."
Ante at
460 U. S.
246-247 (emphasis added). [
Footnote 4/1] JUSTICE STEVENS further states that
"National League of Cites not only was incorrectly decided, but
also is inconsistent with the
central purpose of the
Constitution itself. . . . "
Ante at
460 U. S. 249
(emphasis added).
No one would deny that removing trade barriers between the
States was one of the Constitution's purposes. I suggest,
Page 460 U. S. 266
however, that there were other purposes of equal or greater
importance motivating the statesmen who assembled in Philadelphia
and the delegates who debated the ratification issue in the state
conventions. No doubt there were differences of opinion as to the
principal shortcomings of the Articles of Confederation. But one
can be reasonably sure that few of the Founding Fathers thought
that trade barriers among the States were "the central problem," or
that their elimination was the "central mission" of the
Constitutional Convention. Creating a National Government within a
federal system was far more central than any 18th-century concern
for interstate commerce.
It is true, of course, that this Court properly has construed
the Commerce Clause, and extended its reach, to accommodate the
unanticipated and unimaginable changes, particularly in
transportation and communication, that have occurred in our country
since the Constitution was ratified. If JUSTICE STEVENS had written
that the Founders' intent in adopting the Commerce Clause nearly
two centuries ago is of little relevance to the world in which we
live today, I would not have disagreed. But his concurring opinion
purports to rely on their intent.
Ante at
460 U. S. 246.
I therefore write -- briefly, in view of the scope of the subject
-- to place the Commerce Clause in proper historical perspective,
and further to suggest that, even today, federalism is not, as
JUSTICE STEVENS appears to believe, utterly subservient to that
Clause.
II
The Constitution's central purpose was, as the name implies, to
constitute a government. The most important provisions, therefore,
are those in the first three Articles relating to the establishment
of that government. The system of checks and balances, for example,
is far more central to the larger perspective than any single power
conferred on any branch. Indeed, the Virginia Plan, the initial
proposal from which the entire Convention began its work, focuses
on the
Page 460 U. S. 267
framework of the National Government without even mentioning the
power to regulate commerce. [
Footnote
4/2]
Apart from the framework of government itself, the Founders
stated their motivating purposes in the Preamble to the
Constitution:
"to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure
domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the
general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty. . . ."
These purposes differ little from the concerns motivating the
States in the Articles of Confederation: "their common defence, the
security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare."
Art. III. Although the "general Welfare" recognized by the
Constitution could embrace the free flow of trade among States
(despite the fact that the same language in the Articles of
Confederation did not), it is clear that security "against foreign
invasion [and] against dissentions
Page 460 U. S. 268
between members of the Union" was of at least equal importance.
See Speech by Edmund Randolph (May 29, 1787), reprinted in
1 M. Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, p. 18
(rev. ed.1937) (J. Madison). [
Footnote
4/3]
The power to achieve the purposes identified in the Preamble was
not delegated solely to Congress. If, however, one looks at the
powers that were so delegated, the position of the Commerce Clause
hardly suggests that it was the "central" concern of the patriots
who formed our Union. The enumeration of powers in Art. I, § 8,
begins with the "Power To lay and collect Taxes." [
Footnote 4/4] This is followed by the power "to pay
the Debts" of the United States. Then, consistent with the
Preamble, comes the power to "provide for the common Defence and
general Welfare."
See 460
U.S. 226fn4/3|>n. 3,
supra. The power to regulate
interstate commerce is only one among nearly a score of other
powers that followed. It is evident that the authority to tax and
to "provide for the common Defence" loomed larger among the
concerns of the Founders than other powers granted Congress. The
Commerce Clause was given no place of particular prominence. So
much for what the Constitution's language and structure teach about
the Framers' intent.
III
One would never know from the concurring opinion that the
Constitution formed a federal system, comprising a National
Page 460 U. S. 269
Government with delegated powers and state governments that
retained a significant measure of sovereign authority. This is
clear from the Constitution itself, from the debates surrounding
its adoption and ratification, from the early history of our
constitutional development, and from the decisions of this Court.
It is impossible to believe that the Constitution would have been
recommended by the Convention, much less ratified, if it had been
understood that the Commerce Clause embodied the National
Government's "central mission," a mission to be accomplished even
at the expense of regulating the personnel practices of state and
local governments. [
Footnote
4/5]
A
The Bill of Rights imposes express limitations on national
powers. The Tenth Amendment, in particular, explicitly recognizes
the retained power of the States:
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited
Page 460 U. S. 270
by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or
to the people."
This limitation was, of course, implicit in the Constitution as
originally ratified. Even those who opposed the adoption of a Bill
of Rights did not dispute the propriety of such a limitation.
Rather, they argued that it was unnecessary, for the Constitution
delegated certain powers to the central government, and those not
delegated were necessarily retained by the States or the people.
[
Footnote 4/6] Furthermore, the
inherent federal nature of the system is clear from the structure
of the National Government itself. Members of Congress and
Presidential electors are chosen by States. Representation in the
Senate is apportioned by States, regardless of population. The Full
Faith and Credit Clause gives particular recognition to the States'
"public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings." Article IV, § 4,
requires a republican form of government in each State. The initial
ratification of the Constitution was accomplished on a
state-by-state basis, and subsequent Amendments require approval by
three-fourths of the States.
It was also clear from the contemporary debates that the
Founding Fathers intended the Constitution to establish a federal
system. As James Madison, "the Father of the Constitution,"
explained to the people of New York:
"The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the
Federal Government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain
in the State Governments are numerous and indefinite. The former
will be exercised
Page 460 U. S. 271
principally on external objects, as war, peace, negociation, and
foreign commerce. . . . The powers reserved to the several States
will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of
affairs, concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people
and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the
State."
The Federalist No. 45, p. 313 (J. Cooke ed.1961). There can be
no doubt that Madison's contemporaries shared this view.
See,
e.g., Letter of Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth to the
Governor of Connecticut (Sept. 26, 1787), reprinted in 3 Farrand,
supra, 460
U.S. 226fn4/2|>n. 2, at 99 (description of proposed
Constitution) (The "powers [vested in Congress] extend only to
matters respecting the common interests of the union, and are
specially defined, so that the particular states retain their
sovereignty in all other matters").
During the earliest years of our constitutional development,
principles of federalism were not only well recognized, they formed
the basis for virtually every State in the Union to assert its
rights as a State against the Federal Government. In 1798, for
example, Thomas Jefferson drafted the Kentucky Resolutions,
[
Footnote 4/7] which were passed by
the Kentucky Legislature to protest the unpopular Alien and
Sedition Acts, Act of June 18, 1798, 1 Stat. 566; Act of June 25,
1798, 1 Stat. 570; Act of July 6, 1798, 1 Stat. 577; Act of July
14, 1798, ch. 74, 1 Stat. 596. At the same time, Madison drafted
similar Virginia Resolutions, which were adopted by the
Virginia
Page 460 U. S. 272
General Assembly.
See 4 J. Elliot, Debates on the
Federal Constitution 528-529 (2d ed. 1863). In both cases, it was
clear that the powers reserved to the States were treated as a
substantive limitation on the authority of Congress. It was
asserted that these powers enabled a State to interpose its will
against any action by the National Government. Thirty years later,
Jefferson and Madison's views were expanded by John C. Calhoun in
his nullification doctrine -- the extreme view that eventually led
to the War Between the States. [
Footnote 4/8]
See 6 The Works of John C.
Calhoun 1-57 (R. Cralle ed. 1859) (original draft of South Carolina
Exposition of 1828).
The view that the reserved powers of the States limited the
delegated powers of the National Government was not confined to the
South. The New England States, for example, vehemently opposed the
Embargo Act of Dec. 22, 1807, ch. 5, 2 Stat. 451, and they turned
to their rights as States in defense. In 1809, the Governor of
Connecticut, with the support of the legislature, refused to comply
with the Act of Jan. 9, 1809, 2 Stat. 506, which Congress passed to
enforce the embargo. [
Footnote 4/9]
In Massachusetts, the story was similar: the
Page 460 U. S. 273
legislature denounced the enforcement Act as "unjust, oppressive
and unconstitutional, and not legally binding on the citizens of
this state." Resolutions of the Massachusetts Legislature (Feb. 15,
1809), reprinted in H. Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations
35 (1906). When Congress enacted the Embargo Act of Dec. 17, 1813,
3 Stat. 88, the Massachusetts Legislature declared it "a manifest .
. . abuse of power" that infringed the "sovereignty reserved to the
States" [
Footnote 4/10] and
justified the legislature in "interpos[ing] its power" to protect
its citizens from "oppression," Resolutions of the Massachusetts
Legislature (Feb. 22, 1814), reprinted in Ames,
supra, at
71-72. Even Daniel Webster, famous for his defense of the rights of
the National Government, recognized that principles of federalism
limit the power of Congress. [
Footnote 4/11]
B
It is clear beyond question that state sovereignty always has
been a basic assumption of American political theory. Although its
contours have changed over two centuries, state sovereignty remains
a fundamental component of our system that this Court has
recognized time and time again. Even to
Page 460 U. S. 274
refer to the highlights would go far beyond the scope of this
dissent. I therefore mention only a few of the decisions from last
Term alone in which the Court expressly noted that States retain
significant sovereign powers. [
Footnote 4/12] In
Community Communications Co. v.
City of Boulder, 455 U. S. 40
(1982), we considered the state action exemption from the antitrust
laws. Since, "
under the Constitution, the states are sovereign,
save only as Congress may constitutionally subtract from their
authority,'" id. at 455 U. S. 49
(quoting Parker v. Brown, 317 U.
S. 341, 317 U. S. 351
(1943)), we had previously recognized an antitrust exemption for
States acting "in the exercise of [their] sovereign powers," 455
U.S. at 455 U. S. 48. We
held that this exemption does not extend to cities, but, in so
doing, we repeatedly stressed the sovereign nature of States.
See id. at 455 U. S. 48-54.
In United Transportation Union v. Long Island R. Co.,
455 U. S. 678
(1982), we unanimously upheld the application of the Railway Labor
Act to a state-owned railroad. We reached this conclusion, however,
only by finding that operation of the railroad was not one of the
State's "constitutionally preserved sovereign function[s]."
Id. at 455 U. S. 683.
And in FERC v. Mississippi, 456 U.
S. 742 (1982), we considered whether parts of the Public
Utility Regulatory Policies
Page 460 U. S. 275
Act "constituted an invasion of state sovereignty in violation
of the Tenth Amendment,"
id. at
456 U. S. 752.
Although the Court upheld the statute, it was clear that state
sovereignty was an essential element to be considered in reaching
that conclusion.
See id. at
456 U. S.
758-771.
In sum, all of the evidence reminds us of the importance of the
principles of federalism in our constitutional system. The Founding
Fathers, and those who participated in the earliest phases of
constitutional development, understood the States' reserved powers
to be a limitation on the power of Congress -- including its power
under the Commerce Clause. And the Court has recognized and
accepted this fact for almost 200 years. [
Footnote 4/13]
IV
JUSTICE STEVENS' concurring opinion recognizes no limitation on
the ability of Congress to override state sovereignty in exercising
its powers under the Commerce Clause. His opinion does not mention
explicitly either federalism or state sovereignty. Instead, it
declares that
"[t]he
only basis for questioning the federal statute
at issue here is the pure judicial fiat found in this Court's
opinion in
National League of Cities v. Usery."
Ante at
460 U. S. 248
(emphasis added). Under this view, it is not easy to think of any
state function -- however sovereign -- that could not be
preempted.
[
Footnote 4/1]
The authority on which JUSTICE STEVENS primarily relies is an
extrajudicial lecture delivered by Justice Rutledge in 1946.
Ante at
460 U. S.
244-245. Justice Rutledge declared that the "proximate
cause of our national existence" was not the desire to assure the
great "democratic freedoms"; rather, it was the need "to secure
freedom of trade" within the former Colonies. W. Rutledge, A
Declaration of Legal Faith 25 (1947).
[
Footnote 4/2]
Whatever may have sparked the Annapolis Convention,
see
ante at
460 U. S. 245
and
460 U. S.
245-246, n. 1, it is clear that the focus of attention
at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia was the formation
of a new government. Madison's report of the proceedings begins:
"Monday May 14th 1787 was the day fixed for the meeting of the
deputies in Convention for revising the federal system of
Government." 1 M. Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of
1787, p. 3 (rev. ed.1937) (footnote omitted). After dealing with
several preliminary matters,
see id. at 1-17, the "main
business,"
id. at 18 (J. Madison), opened on May 29 with
Edmund Randolph's speech proposing the Virginia Plan. Almost all of
the Plan's resolutions dealt with the appropriate structure for the
new government. Only the sixth resolution dealt with legislative
powers at all. And far from stressing any power to regulate
interstate commerce, it simply declared, in relevant part, that
"the National Legislature ought to be impowered to enjoy the
Legislative Rights vested in Congress by the Confederation &
moreover to legislate in all cases to which the separate States are
incompetent, or in which the harmony of the United States may be
interrupted by the exercise of individual Legislation. . . ."
Id. at 21. While this language was, no doubt, broad
enough to include the power to regulate interstate commerce, there
was certainly no emphasis on that particular power.
[
Footnote 4/3]
No one in the ratification debate doubted that the power to
defend the country was essential, and must be given to the central
government.
See The Federalist No. 41, pp. 269-276 (J.
Cooke ed.1961) (J. Madison). Even under the Articles of
Confederation, it was considered necessary to give Congress "the
sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and
war." Art. IX.
[
Footnote 4/4]
A major weakness of the system created by the Articles of
Confederation was the central government's inability to collect
taxes directly.
See 1 Farrand,
supra, 460
U.S. 226fn4/2|>n. 2, at 284 (remarks of A. Hamilton).
Remedying this defect was thus one of the most important purposes
of the Constitutional Convention.
See R. Paul, Taxation in
the United States 4-5 (1954); The Federalist No. 30 (A.
Hamilton).
[
Footnote 4/5]
JUSTICE STEVENS' citation of
Gibbons v.
Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1 (1824), in support of his
position,
see ante at
460 U. S.
248-249, n. 8, is essentially irrelevant, for Chief
Justice Marshall was not concerned with a State's sovereign power.
Gibbons carried passengers between New Jersey and New York on two
steamboats licensed under an Act of Congress, while Ogden claimed
the benefit of a New York law granting an exclusive right to
navigate steamboats on New York waters. The power to grant such a
monopoly clearly is not one of a State's traditional sovereign
powers. On the contrary, it is part of the power to regulate
interstate navigation that lies within the very core of the
Commerce Clause. I certainly do not suggest that principles of
federalism should prevent Congress from regulating navigation. The
present case, however, concerns the power to determine the terms
and conditions of employment for the officers and employees who
constitute a State's government. This is as sovereign a power as
any that a State possesses, and it is far removed from the original
concerns of the Commerce Clause. Indeed, this case illustrates how
far the Federal Government, with the Court's approval, has departed
from the principles upon which our federal union was formed. The
"commerce" at issue, incredible as it would have seemed even a few
years ago, let alone in Chief Justice Marshall's day, is the effect
on trade among the States of Wyoming's requirement that its game
wardens retire at age 65, rather than 70.
[
Footnote 4/6]
Alexander Hamilton, for example, made this argument in The
Federalist No. 84, Pp. 578-579 (J. Cooke ed.1961).
See also
United States v. Darby, 312 U. S. 100,
312 U. S. 124
(1941) (Tenth Amendment "declaratory of the relationship between
the national and state governments as it had been established by
the Constitution before the amendment");
United State v.
Sprague, 282 U. S. 716,
282 U. S. 733
(1931) ("The Tenth Amendment was intended to confirm the
understanding of the people, at the time the Constitution was
adopted, that powers not granted to the United States were reserved
to the States or to the people. It added nothing to the instrument
as originally ratified. . . .").
[
Footnote 4/7]
In the first Resolution, Jefferson explained
"[t]hat the several states composing the United States of
America are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to
their general government; but that, by compact, under the style and
title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments
thereto, they constituted a general government for special
purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers,
reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to
their own self-government; and that, whensoever the general
government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are
unauthoritative, void, and of no force."
Kentucky Resolution of 1798, reprinted in 4 J. Elliot, Debates
on the Federal Constitution 540 (2d ed. 1863).
[
Footnote 4/8]
In referring to this early and interesting history, I do not
suggest that either the doctrine of interposition or that of
nullification was constitutionally sound. In any event, they were
laid to rest in one of history's bloodiest fratricides, ending at
Appomattox in 1865. The views of these great figures in our history
are, however, directly pertinent to the question whether there was
ever any intention that the Commerce Clause would empower the
Federal Government to intrude expansively upon the sovereign powers
reserved to the States.
See 460
U.S. 226fn4/5|>n. 5,
supra.
[
Footnote 4/9]
The Governor explained to a special session of the state
legislature that
"[w]henever our national legislature is led to overleap the
prescribed bounds of their [
sic] constitutional powers, on
the State Legislatures, in great emergencies, devolves the arduous
task -- it is their right -- it becomes their duty, to interpose
their protecting shield between the right and liberty of the
people, and the assumed power of the General Government."
Speech of Governor Jonathan Trumbull (Feb. 23, 1809), reprinted
in H. Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations 40 (1906). The
Assembly promptly passed resolutions supporting the Governor's
position and concluding that the embargo legislation was
"incompatible with the constitution of the United States, and
encroach[ed] upon the immunities of [the] State." Resolutions of
the General Assembly (Feb. 23, 1809), reprinted in Ames,
supra, at 41. In view of its duty to support the
Constitution, the legislature declined "to assist, or concur in
giving effect to the aforesaid unconstitutional act, passed, to
enforce the Embargo."
Ibid.
[
Footnote 4/10]
The legislature explained that the State's sovereignty was
reserved, in part, to protect its citizens from excessive federal
power. Resolutions of the Massachusetts Legislature (Feb. 22,
1814), reprinted in Ames,
supra, at 71.
[
Footnote 4/11]
During a debate in Congress on a conscription bill and a bill
for the enlistment of minors, Webster declared that, if these
measures were enacted it would be "the solemn duty of the State
Governments" to interpose their authority to prevent enforcement.
In his view, this was "among the objects for which the State
Governments exist." Speech on the Conscription Bill (Dec. 9, 1814),
reprinted in 14 The Writings and Speeches of Daniel Webster 55, 68
(1903).
[
Footnote 4/12]
See, e.g., Rodriguez v. Popular Democratic Party,
457 U. S. 1,
457 U. S. 8 (1982)
("Puerto Rico, like a state, is an autonomous political entity,
sovereign over matters not ruled by the Constitution'")
(quoting Calero-Toledo v. Pearson Yacht Leasing Co.,
416 U. S. 663,
416 U. S. 673
(1974)); Insurance Corp. of Ireland, Ltd. v. Compagnie des
Bauxites de Guinee, 456 U. S. 694,
456 U. S. 703,
n. 10 (1982) (States are "`coequal sovereigns in a federal
system'") (quoting World-Wide Volkswagen Corp. v. Woodson,
444 U. S. 286,
444 U. S. 292
(1980)); Engle v. Isaac, 456 U. S. 107,
456 U. S. 128
(1982) (discussing "the States' sovereign power to punish
offenders"); Underwriters National Assurance Co. v. North
Carolina Life & Accident & Health Ins. Guaranty Assn.,
455 U. S. 691,
455 U. S. 704
(1982) (recognizing "the structure of our Nation as a union of
States, each possessing equal sovereign powers"); Cabell v.
Chavez-Salido, 454 U. S. 432,
454 U. S.
444-447 (1982) (relying on State's "sovereign" police
powers); Fair Assessment in Real Estate Assn. v. McNary,
454 U. S. 100,
454 U. S. 108
(1981) (state courts are those "`of a different, though paramount
sovereignty'") (quoting Matthews v. Rodgers, 284 U.
S. 521, 284 U. S. 525
(1932)).
[
Footnote 4/13]
Of course I do not denigrate the importance of the Commerce
Clause. It is essential to the functioning of our National
Government. It is, however, only one provision of a Constitution
that embodies strong principles of federalism.