Petitioner's complaint alleged that respondent agents of the
Federal Bureau of Narcotics, acting under color of federal
authority, made a warrantless entry of his apartment, searched the
apartment, and arrested him on narcotics charges. All of the acts
were alleged to have been done without probable cause. Petitioner's
suit to recover damages from the agents was dismissed by the
District Court on the alternative grounds (1) that it failed to
state a federal cause of action and (2) that respondents were
immune from suit by virtue of their official position. The Court of
Appeals affirmed on the first ground alone.
Held:
1. Petitioner's complaint states a federal cause of action under
the Fourth Amendment for which damages are recoverable upon proof
of injuries resulting from the federal agents' violation of that
Amendment. Pp.
403 U. S.
390-397.
2. The Court does not reach the immunity question, which was not
passed on by the Court of Appeals. Pp.
403 U. S.
397-398.
409 F.2d 718, reversed and remanded.
BRENNAN, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which
DOUGLAS, STEWART, WHITE, and MARSHALL, JJ., joined. HARLAN, J.,
filed an opinion concurring in the judgment,
post, p.
403 U. S. 398.
BURGER, C.J.,
post, p.
403 U. S. 411.
BLACK, J.,
post, p.
403 U. S. 427,
and BLACKMUN, J.,
post, p.
403 U. S. 430,
filed dissenting opinions.
Page 403 U. S. 389
MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN delivered the opinion of the Court.
The Fourth Amendment provides that
"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated. . . ."
In
Bell v. Hood, 327 U. S. 678
(1946), we reserved the question whether violation of that command
by a federal agent acting under color of his authority gives rise
to a cause of action for damages consequent upon his
unconstitutional conduct. Today we hold that it does.
This case has its origin in an arrest and search carried out on
the morning of November 26, 1965. Petitioner's complaint alleged
that, on that day, respondents, agents of the Federal Bureau of
Narcotics acting under claim of federal authority, entered his
apartment and arrested him for alleged narcotics violations. The
agents manacled petitioner in front of his wife and children, and
threatened to arrest the entire family. They searched the apartment
from stem to stern. Thereafter, petitioner was taken to the federal
courthouse in Brooklyn, where he was interrogated, booked, and
subjected to a visual strip search.
On July 7, 1967, petitioner brought suit in Federal District
Court. In addition to the allegations above, his complaint asserted
that the arrest and search were effected without a warrant, and
that unreasonable force was employed in making the arrest; fairly
read, it alleges as well that the arrest was made without probable
cause. [
Footnote 1] Petitioner
claimed to have suffered great humiliation,
Page 403 U. S. 390
embarrassment, and mental suffering as a result of the agents'
unlawful conduct, and sought $15,000 damages from each of them. The
District Court, on respondents' motion, dismissed the complaint on
the ground,
inter alia, that it failed to state a cause of
action. [
Footnote 2]
276 F. Supp.
12 (EDNY 1967). The Court of Appeals, one judge concurring
specially, [
Footnote 3]
affirmed on that basis. 409 F.2d 718 (CA2 1969). We granted
certiorari. 399 U.S. 905 (1970). We reverse.
Respondents do not argue that petitioner should be entirely
without remedy for an unconstitutional invasion of his rights by
federal agents. In respondents' view, however, the rights that
petitioner asserts -- primarily rights of privacy -- are creations
of state, and not of federal, law. Accordingly, they argue,
petitioner may obtain money damages to redress invasion of these
rights only by an action in tort, under state law, in the state
courts. In this scheme, the Fourth Amendment would serve merely to
limit the extent to which the agents could defend
Page 403 U. S. 391
the state law tort suit by asserting that their actions were a
valid exercise of federal power: if the agents were shown to have
violated the Fourth Amendment, such a defense would be lost to
them, and they would stand before the state law merely as private
individuals. Candidly admitting that it is the policy of the
Department of Justice to remove all such suits from the state to
the federal courts for decision, [
Footnote 4] respondents nevertheless urge that we uphold
dismissal of petitioner's complaint in federal court and remit him
to filing an action in the state courts in order that the case may
properly be removed to the federal court for decision on the basis
of state law.
We think that respondents' thesis rests upon an unduly
restrictive view of the Fourth Amendment's protection against
unreasonable searches and seizures by federal agents, a view that
has consistently been rejected by this Court. Respondents seek to
treat the relationship between a citizen and a federal agent
unconstitutionally exercising his authority as no different from
the relationship
Page 403 U. S. 392
between two private citizens. In so doing, they ignore the fact
that power, once granted, does not disappear like a magic gift when
it is wrongfully used. An agent acting -- albeit unconstitutionally
-- in the name of the United States possesses a far greater
capacity for harm than an individual trespasser exercising no
authority other than his own.
Cf. Amos v. United States,
255 U. S. 313,
255 U. S. 317
(1921);
United States v. Classic, 313 U.
S. 299,
313 U. S. 326
(1941). Accordingly, as our cases make clear, the Fourth Amendment
operates as a limitation upon the exercise of federal power
regardless of whether the State in whose jurisdiction that power is
exercised would prohibit or penalize the identical act if engaged
in by a private citizen. It guarantees to citizens of the United
States the absolute right to be free from unreasonable searches and
seizures carried out by virtue of federal authority. And
"where federally protected rights have been invaded, it has been
the rule from the beginning that courts will be alert to adjust
their remedies so as to grant the necessary relief."
Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. at
327 U. S. 684
(footnote omitted);
see Bemis Bros. Bag Co. v. United
States, 289 U. S. 28,
289 U. S. 36 (1933)
(Cardozo, J.);
The Western Maid, 257 U.
S. 419,
257 U. S. 433
(1922) (Holmes, J.).
First. Our cases have long since rejected the notion
that the Fourth Amendment proscribes only such conduct as would, if
engaged in by private persons, be condemned by state law. Thus, in
Gambino v. United States, 275 U.
S. 310 (1927), petitioners were convicted of conspiracy
to violate the National Prohibition Act on the basis of evidence
seized by state police officers incident to petitioners' arrest by
those officers solely for the purpose of enforcing federal law.
Id. at
275 U. S. 314.
Notwithstanding the lack of probable cause for the arrest,
id. at
275 U. S. 313,
it would have been permissible under state law if effected
Page 403 U. S. 393
by private individuals. [
Footnote 5] It appears, moreover, that the officers were
under direction from the Governor to aid in the enforcement of
federal law.
Id. at
275 U. S.
315-317. Accordingly, if the Fourth Amendment reached
only to conduct impermissible under the law of the State, the
Amendment would have had no application to the case. Yet this Court
held the Fourth Amendment applicable and reversed petitioners'
convictions as having been based upon evidence obtained through an
unconstitutional search and seizure. Similarly, in
Byars v.
United States, 273 U. S. 28
(1927), the petitioner was convicted on the basis of evidence
seized under a warrant issued, without probable cause under the
Fourth Amendment, by a state court judge for a state law offense.
At the invitation of state law enforcement officers, a federal
prohibition agent participated in the search. This Court explicitly
refused to inquire whether the warrant was "good under the state
law . . . since in no event could it constitute the basis for a
federal search and seizure."
Id. at
273 U. S. 29
(emphasis added). [
Footnote 6]
And our recent decisions regarding electronic surveillance have
made it clear beyond peradventure that the Fourth Amendment is not
tied to the
Page 403 U. S. 394
niceties of local trespass laws.
Katz v. United States,
389 U. S. 347
(1967);
Berger v. New York, 388 U. S.
41 (1967);
Silverman v. United States,
365 U. S. 505,
365 U. S. 511
(1961). In light of these cases, respondents' argument that the
Fourth Amendment serves only as a limitation on federal defenses to
a state law claim, and not as an independent limitation upon the
exercise of federal power, must be rejected.
Second. The interests protected by state laws
regulating trespass and the invasion of privacy, and those
protected by the Fourth Amendment's guarantee against unreasonable
searches and seizures, may be inconsistent or even hostile. Thus,
we may bar the door against an unwelcome private intruder, or call
the police if he persists in seeking entrance. The availability of
such alternative means for the protection of privacy may lead the
State to restrict imposition of liability for any consequent
trespass. A private citizen, asserting no authority other than his
own, will not normally be liable in trespass if he demands, and is
granted, admission to another's house.
See W. Prosser, The
Law of Torts § 18, pp. 109-110 (3d ed.1964); 1 F. Harper & F.
James, The Law of Torts § 1.11 (1956). But one who demands
admission under a claim of federal authority stands in a far
different position.
Cf. Amos v. United States,
255 U. S. 313,
255 U. S. 317
(1921). The mere invocation of federal power by a federal law
enforcement official will normally render futile any attempt to
resist an unlawful entry or arrest by resort to the local police;
and a claim of authority to enter is likely to unlock the door as
well.
See Weeks v. United States, 232 U.
S. 383,
232 U. S. 386
(1914);
Amos v. United States, supra. [
Footnote 7]
"In such cases, there is no safety for the citizen,
Page 403 U. S. 395
except in the protection of the judicial tribunals, for rights
which have been invaded by the officers of the government,
professing to act in its name. There remains to him but the
alternative of resistance, which may amount to crime."
United States v. Lee, 106 U. S. 196,
106 U. S. 219
(1882). [
Footnote 8] Nor is it
adequate to answer that state law may take into account the
different status of one clothed with the authority of the Federal
Government. For just as state law may not authorize federal agents
to violate the Fourth Amendment,
Byars v. United States, supra;
Weeks v. United States, supra; In re Ayers, 123 U.
S. 443,
123 U. S. 507
(1887), neither may state law undertake to limit the extent to
which federal authority can be exercised.
In re Neagle,
135 U. S. 1 (1890).
The inevitable consequence of this dual limitation on state power
is that the federal question becomes not merely a possible defense
to the state law action, but an independent claim both necessary
and sufficient to make out the plaintiff's cause of action.
Cf.
Boilermakers v. Hardeman, 401 U. S. 233,
401 U. S. 241
(1971).
Third. That damages may be obtained for injuries
consequent upon a violation of the Fourth Amendment by federal
officials should hardly seem a surprising proposition.
Historically, damages have been regarded as the ordinary remedy for
an invasion of personal interests in liberty.
See Nixon v.
Condon, 286 U. S. 73
(1932);
Page 403 U. S. 396
Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536,
273 U. S. 540
(1927);
Swafford v. Templeton, 185 U.
S. 487 (1902);
Wiley v. Sinkler, 179 U. S.
58 (1900); J. Landynski, Search and Seizure and the
Supreme Court 28
et seq. (1966); N. Lasson, History and
Development of the Fourth Amendment to the United States
Constitution 43
et seq. (1937); Katz, The Jurisprudence of
Remedies: Constitutional Legality and the Law of Torts in
Bell
v. Hood, 117 U.Pa.L.Rev. 1, 8-33 (1968);
cf. West v.
Cabell, 153 U. S. 78
(1894);
Lammun v. Feusier, 111 U. S.
17 (1884). Of course, the Fourth Amendment does not in
so many words provide for its enforcement by an award of money
damages for the consequences of its violation. But
it is . . . well settled that, where legal rights have been
invaded, and a federal statute provides for a general right to sue
for such invasion, federal courts may use any available remedy to
make good the wrong done.
Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. at
327 U. S. 684
(footnote omitted). The present case involves no special factors
counseling hesitation in the absence of affirmative action by
Congress. We are not dealing with a question of "federal fiscal
policy," as in
United States v. Standard Oil Co.,
332 U. S. 301,
332 U. S. 311
(1947). In that case, we refused to infer from the
Government-soldier relationship that the United States could
recover damages from one who negligently injured a soldier, and
thereby caused the Government to pay his medical expenses and lose
his services during the course of his hospitalization. Noting that
Congress was normally quite solicitous where the federal purse was
involved, we pointed out that "the United States [was] the party
plaintiff to the suit. And the United States has power at any time
to create the liability."
Id. at
332 U. S. 316;
see United States v. Gilman, 347 U.
S. 507 (1954). Nor are we asked in this case to impose
liability upon a congressional employee for actions contrary to no
constitutional
Page 403 U. S. 397
prohibition, but merely said to be in excess of the authority
delegated to him by the Congress.
Wheeldin v. Wheeler,
373 U. S. 647
(1963). Finally, we cannot accept respondents' formulation of the
question as whether the availability of money damages is necessary
to enforce the Fourth Amendment. For we have here no explicit
congressional declaration that persons injured by a federal
officer's violation of the Fourth Amendment may not recover money
damages from the agents, but must instead be remitted to another
remedy, equally effective in the view of Congress. The question is
merely whether petitioner, if he can demonstrate an injury
consequent upon the violation by federal agents of his Fourth
Amendment rights, is entitled to redress his injury through a
particular remedial mechanism normally available in the federal
courts.
Cf. J. I. Case Co. v. Borak, 377 U.
S. 426,
377 U. S. 433
(1964);
Jacobs v. United States, 290 U. S.
13,
290 U. S. 16
(1933).
"The very essence of civil liberty certainly consists in the
right of every individual to claim the protection of the laws,
whenever he receives an injury."
Marbury v.
Madison, 1 Cranch 137,
5 U. S. 163
(1803). Having concluded that petitioner's complaint states a cause
of action under the Fourth Amendment,
supra, at
403 U. S.
390-395, we hold that petitioner is entitled to recover
money damages for any injuries he has suffered as a result of the
agents' violation of the Amendment.
II
In addition to holding that petitioner's complaint had failed to
state facts making out a cause of action, the District Court ruled
that, in any event, respondents were immune from liability by
virtue of their official position. 276 F. Supp. at 15. This
question was not passed upon by the Court of Appeals, and
accordingly we do not consider
Page 403 U. S. 398
it here. The judgment of the Court of Appeals is reversed, and
the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this
opinion.
So ordered.
[
Footnote 1]
Petitioner's complaint does not explicitly state that the agents
had no probable cause for his arrest, but it does allege that the
arrest was "done unlawfully, unreasonably and contrary to law."
App. 2. Petitioner's affidavit in support of his motion for summary
judgment swears that the search was "without cause, consent or
warrant," and that the arrest was "without cause, reason or
warrant." App. 28.
[
Footnote 2]
The agents were not named in petitioner's complaint, and the
District Court ordered that the complaint be served upon
"those federal agents who it is indicated by the records of the
United States Attorney participated in the November 25, 1965,
arrest of the [petitioner]."
App. 3. Five agents were ultimately served.
[
Footnote 3]
Judge Waterman, concurring, expressed the thought that
"the federal courts can . . . entertain this cause of action
irrespective of whether a statute exists specifically authorizing a
federal suit against federal officers for damages"
for acts such as those alleged. In his view, however, the
critical point was recognition that some cause of action existed,
albeit a state-created one, and, in consequence, he was willing,
"
as of now, to concur in the holding of the Court of
Appeals." 409 F.2d at 726 (emphasis in original).
[
Footnote 4]
"[S]ince it is the present policy of the Department of Justice
to remove to the federal courts all suits in state courts against
federal officers for trespass or false imprisonment, a claim for
relief, whether based on state common law or directly on the Fourth
Amendment, will ultimately be heard in a federal court."
Brief for Respondents 13 (citations omitted);
see 28
U.S.C. § 1442(a);
Willingham v. Morgan, 395 U.
S. 402 (1969). In light of this, it is difficult to
understand our Brother BLACKMUN's complaint that our holding today
"opens the door for another avalanche of new federal cases."
Post at
403 U. S. 430.
In estimating the magnitude of any such "avalanche," it is worth
noting that a survey of comparable actions against state officers
under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 found only 53 reported cases in 17 years
(1951-1967) that survived a motion to dismiss. Ginger & Bell,
Police Misconduct Litigation -- Plaintiff's Remedies, 15 Am.Jur.
Trials 555, 580-590 (1968). Increasing this figure by 900% to allow
for increases in rate and unreported cases, every federal district
judge could expect to try one such case every 13 years.
[
Footnote 5]
New York at that time followed the common law rule that a
private person may arrest another if the latter has in fact,
committed a felony, and that, if such is the case, the presence or
absence of probable cause is irrelevant to the legality of the
arrest.
See McLoughlin v. New York Edison Co., 252 N.Y.
202, 169 N.E. 277 (1929);
cf. N.Y.Code Crim.Proc. § 183
(1958) for codification of the rule. Conspiracy to commit a federal
crime was at the time a felony. Act of March 4, 1909, § 37, 35
Stat. 1096.
[
Footnote 6]
Conversely, we have in some instances rejected Fourth Amendment
claims despite facts demonstrating that federal agents were acting
in violation of local law.
McGuire v. United States,
273 U. S. 95 (1927)
(trespass
ab initio);
Hester v. United States,
265 U. S. 57 (1924)
("open fields" doctrine);
cf. Burdeau v. McDowell,
256 U. S. 465
(1921) (possession of stolen property).
[
Footnote 7]
Similarly, although the Fourth Amendment confines an officer
executing a search warrant strictly within the bounds set by the
warrant,
Marron v. United States, 275 U.
S. 192,
275 U. S. 196
(1927);
see Stanley v. Georgia, 394 U.
S. 557,
394 U. S.
570-572 (1969) (STEWART, J., concurring in result), a
private individual lawfully in the home of another will not
normally be liable for trespass beyond the bounds of his invitation
absent clear notice to that effect.
See 1 F. Harper &
F. James, The Law of Torts § 1.11 (1956).
[
Footnote 8]
Although no State has undertaken to limit the common law
doctrine that one may use reasonable force to resist an unlawful
arrest by a private person, at least two States have outlawed
resistance to an unlawful arrest sought to be made by a person
known to be an officer of the law. R.I.Gen.Laws § 12-7-10 (1969);
State v. Koonce, 89 N.J.Super. 169, 180-184,
214 A.2d 428, 433-436 (1965).
MR. JUSTICE HARLAN, concurring in the judgment.
My initial view of this case was that the Court of Appeals was
correct in dismissing the complaint, but, for reasons stated in
this opinion, I am now persuaded to the contrary. Accordingly, I
join in the judgment of reversal.
Petitioner alleged, in his suit in the District Court for the
Eastern District of New York, that the defendants, federal agents
acting under color of federal law, subjected him to a search and
seizure contravening the requirements of the Fourth Amendment. He
sought damages in the amount of $15,000 from each of the agents.
Federal jurisdiction was claimed,
inter alia, [
Footnote 2/1] under 28 U.S.C. § 1331(a),
which provides:
"The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all
civil actions wherein the matter in controversy exceeds the sum or
value of $10,000 exclusive of interest and costs, and arises under
the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States."
The District Court dismissed the complaint for lack of federal
jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1331(a) and failure to state a claim
for which relief may be granted. 276 F. Supp 12 (EDNY 1967). On
appeal, the Court of Appeals concluded, on the basis of this
Court's decision in
Bell v. Hood, 327 U.
S. 678 (1946), that petitioner's claim for damages did
"[arise] under the Constitution"
Page 403 U. S. 399
within the meaning of 28 U.S.C. § 1331(a); but the District
Court's judgment was affirmed on the ground that the complaint
failed to state a claim for which relief can be granted. 409 F.2d
718 (CA2 1969).
In so concluding, Chief Judge Lumbard's opinion reasoned, in
essence, that: (1) the framers of the Fourth Amendment did not
appear to contemplate a "wholly new federal cause of action founded
directly on the Fourth Amendment,"
Id. at 721, and (2)
while the federal courts had power under a general grant of
jurisdiction to imply a federal remedy for the enforcement of a
constitutional right, they should do so only when the absence of
alternative remedies renders the constitutional command a "mere
form of words.'" Id. at 723. The Government takes
essentially the same position here. Brief for Respondents 4-5. And
two members of the Court add the contention that we lack the
constitutional power to accord Bivens a remedy for damages in the
absence of congressional action creating "a federal cause of action
for damages for an unreasonable search in violation of the Fourth
Amendment." Opinion of MR. JUSTICE BLACK, post at
403 U. S. 427;
see also opinion of THE CHIEF JUSTICE, post at
403 U. S. 418,
403 U. S.
422.
For the reasons set forth below, I am of the opinion that
federal courts do have the power to award damages for violation of
"constitutionally protected interests," and I agree with the Court
that a traditional judicial remedy such as damages is appropriate
to the vindication of the personal interests protected by the
Fourth Amendment.
I
I turn first to the contention that the constitutional power of
federal courts to accord Bivens damages for his claim depends on
the passage of a statute creating a "federal cause of action."
Although the point is not
Page 403 U. S. 400
entirely free of ambiguity, [
Footnote 2/2] I do not understand either the Government
or my dissenting Brothers to maintain that Bivens' contention that
he is entitled to be free from the type of official conduct
prohibited by the Fourth Amendment depends on a decision by the
State in which he resides to accord him a remedy. Such a position
would be incompatible with the presumed availability of federal
equitable relief if a proper showing can be made in terms of the
ordinary principles governing equitable remedies.
See Bell v.
Hood, 327 U. S. 678,
327 U. S. 684
(1946). However broad a federal court's discretion concerning
equitable remedies, it is absolutely clear -- at least after
Erie R. Co. v. Tompkins, 304 U. S. 64 (1938)
-- that, in a nondiversity suit, a federal court's power to grant
even equitable relief depends on the presence of a substantive
right derived from federal law.
Compare Guaranty Trust Co. v.
York, 326 U. S. 99,
326 U. S.
105-107 (1945),
with Holmberg v. Armbrecht,
327 U. S. 392,
327 U. S. 395
(1946).
See also H. Hart & H. Wechsler, The Federal
Courts and the Federal System 818-819 (1953).
Thus, the interest which Bivens claims -- to be free from
official conduct in contravention of the Fourth Amendment -- is a
federally protected interest.
See generally Katz, The
Jurisprudence of Remedies: Constitutional Legality and the Law of
Torts in
Bell v. Hood, 117 U.Pa.L.Rev. 1, 33-34 (1968).
[
Footnote 2/3] Therefore, the
question
Page 403 U. S. 401
of judicial
power to grant Bivens damages is not a
problem of the "source" of the "right"; instead, the question is
whether the power to authorize damages as a judicial
Page 403 U. S. 402
remedy for the vindication of a federal constitutional right is
placed by the Constitution itself exclusively in Congress'
hands.
II
The contention that the federal courts are powerless to accord a
litigant damage for a claimed invasion of his federal
constitutional rights until Congress explicitly authorizes the
remedy cannot rest on the notion that the decision to grant
compensatory relief involves a resolution of policy considerations
not susceptible of judicial discernment. Thus, in suits for damages
based on violations of federal statutes lacking any express
authorization of a damage remedy, this Court has authorized such
relief where, in its view, damages are necessary to effectuate the
congressional policy underpinning the substantive provisions of the
statute.
J. I. Case Co. v. Borak, 377 U.
S. 426 (1964);
Tunstall v. Brotherhood of Locomotive
Firemen & Enginemen, 323 U. S. 210,
323 U. S. 213
(1944).
Cf. Wyandotte Transportation Co. v. United States,
389 U. S. 191,
389 U. S.
201-204 (1967). [
Footnote
2/4]
Page 403 U. S. 403
If it is not the nature of the remedy which is thought to render
a judgment as to the appropriateness of damages inherently
"legislative," then it must be the nature of the legal interest
offered as an occasion for invoking otherwise appropriate judicial
relief. But I do not think that the fact that the interest is
protected by the Constitution, rather than statute or common law,
justifies the assertion that federal courts are powerless to grant
damages in the absence of explicit congressional action authorizing
the remedy. Initially, I note that it would be at least anomalous
to conclude that the federal judiciary -- while competent to choose
among the range of traditional judicial remedies to implement
statutory and common law policies, and even to generate substantive
rules governing primary behavior in furtherance of broadly
formulated policies articulated by statute or Constitution,
see
Textile Workers v. Lincoln Mills, 353 U.
S. 448 (1957);
United States v. Standard Oil
Co., 332 U. S. 301,
332 U. S.
304-311 (1947);
Clearfield Trust Co. v. United
States, 318 U. S. 363
(1943) -- is powerless to accord a damages
Page 403 U. S. 404
remedy to vindicate social policies which, by virtue of their
inclusion in the Constitution, are aimed predominantly at
restraining the Government as an instrument of the popular
will.
More importantly, the presumed availability of federal equitable
relief against threatened invasions of constitutional interests
appears entirely to negate the contention that the status of an
interest as constitutionally protected divests federal courts of
the power to grant damages absent express congressional
authorization. Congress provided specially for the exercise of
equitable remedial powers by federal courts,
see Act of
May 8, 1792, § 2, 1 Stat. 276; C. Wright, Law of Federal Courts 257
(2d ed., 1970), in part because of the limited availability of
equitable remedies in state courts in the early days of the
Republic.
See Guaranty Trust Co. v. York, 326 U. S.
99,
326 U. S.
104-105 (1945). And this Court's decisions make clear
that, at least absent congressional restrictions, the scope of
equitable remedial discretion is to be determined according to the
distinctive historical traditions of equity as an institution,
Holmberg v. Armbrecht, 327 U. S. 392,
327 U. S.
395-396 (1946);
Sprague v. Ticonic National
Bank, 307 U. S. 161,
307 U. S.
165-166 (1939). The reach of a federal district court's
"inherent equitable powers,"
Textile Workers v. Lincoln
Mills, 353 U. S. 448,
353 U. S. 460
(Burton, J., concurring in result), is broad indeed,
e.g.,
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,
401 U. S. 1 (1971);
nonetheless, the federal judiciary is not empowered to grant
equitable relief in the absence of congressional action extending
jurisdiction over the subject matter of the suit.
See Textile
Workers v. Lincoln Mills, supra, at
353 U. S. 460
(Burton, J., concurring in result); Katz, 117 U.Pa.L.Rev. at 43.
[
Footnote 2/5]
Page 403 U. S. 405
If explicit congressional authorization is an absolute
prerequisite to the power of a federal court to accord compensatory
relief regardless of the necessity or appropriateness of damages as
a remedy simply because of the status of a legal interest as
constitutionally protected, then it seems to me that explicit
congressional authorization is similarly prerequisite to the
exercise of equitable remedial discretion in favor of
constitutionally protected interests. Conversely, if a general
grant of jurisdiction to the federal courts by Congress is thought
adequate to empower a federal court to grant equitable relief for
all areas of subject matter jurisdiction enumerated therein,
see 28 U.S.C. § 1331(a), then it seems to me that the same
statute is sufficient to empower a federal court to grant a
traditional remedy at law. [
Footnote
2/6] Of course, the special historical traditions governing the
federal equity system,
see Sprague v. Ticonic National
Bank, 307 U. S. 161
Page 403 U. S. 406
(1939), might still bear on the comparative appropriateness of
granting equitable relief as opposed to money damages. That
possibility, however, relates not to whether the federal courts
have the power to afford one type of remedy as opposed to the
other, but rather to the criteria which should govern the exercise
of our power. To that question I now pass.
III
The major thrust of the Government's position is that, where
Congress has not expressly authorized a particular remedy, a
federal court should exercise its power to accord a traditional
form of judicial relief at the behest of a litigant, who claims a
constitutionally protected interest has been invaded, only where
the remedy is "essential," or "indispensable for vindicating
constitutional rights." Brief for Respondents 19, 24. While this
"essentiality" test is most clearly articulated with respect to
damages remedies, apparently the Government believes the same test
explains the exercise of equitable remedial powers.
Id. at
17-18. It is argued that, historically, the Court has rarely
exercised the power to accord such relief in the absence of an
express congressional authorization, and that,
"[i]f Congress had thought that federal officers should be
subject to a law different than state law, it would have had no
difficulty in saying so, as it did with respect to state officers.
. . ."
Id. at 20-21;
see 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Although
conceding that the standard of determining whether a damage remedy
should be utilized to effectuate statutory policies is one of
"necessity" or "appropriateness,"
see J. I. Case Co. v.
Borak, 377 U. S. 426,
377 U. S. 432
(1964);
United States v. Standard Oil Co., 332 U.
S. 301,
332 U. S. 307
(1947), the Government contends that questions concerning
congressional discretion to modify judicial remedies relating to
constitutionally protected interests warrant a more stringent
constraint on
Page 403 U. S. 407
the exercise of judicial power with respect to this class of
legally protected interests. Brief for Respondents 21-22.
These arguments for a more stringent test to govern the grant of
damages in constitutional cases [
Footnote 2/7] seem to be adequately answered by the
point that the judiciary has a particular responsibility to assure
the vindication of constitutional interests such as those embraced
by the Fourth Amendment. To be sure,
"it must be remembered that legislatures are ultimate guardians
of the liberties and welfare of the people in quite as great a
degree as the courts."
Missouri, Kansas & Texas R. Co. v. May,
194 U. S. 267,
194 U. S. 270
(1904). But it must also be recognized that the Bill of Rights is
particularly intended to vindicate the interests of the individual
in the face of the popular will as expressed in legislative
majorities; at the very least, it strikes me as no more appropriate
to await express congressional authorization of traditional
judicial relief with regard to these legal interests than with
respect to interests protected by federal statutes.
The question, then, is, as I see it, whether compensatory relief
is "necessary" or "appropriate" to the vindication of the interest
asserted.
Cf. J. I. Case Co. v. Borak, supra, at
377 U. S. 432;
United States v. Standard Oil Co., supra, at
332 U. S. 307;
Hill, Constitutional Remedies, 69 Col.L.Rev. 1109, 1155 (1969);
Katz, 117 U.Pa.L.Rev. at 72. In resolving that question, it seems
to me that the range of policy considerations we may take into
account is at least as broad as the range of those a legislature
would consider with respect to an express statutory authorization
of a traditional remedy. In this regard I agree with the Court that
the appropriateness of according Bivens
Page 403 U. S. 408
compensatory relief does not turn simply on the deterrent effect
liability will have on federal official conduct. [
Footnote 2/8] Damages as a traditional form of
compensation for invasion of a legally protected interest may be
entirely appropriate even if no substantial deterrent effects on
future official lawlessness might be thought to result. Bivens,
after all, has invoked judicial processes claiming entitlement to
compensation for injuries resulting from allegedly lawless official
behavior, if those injuries are properly compensable in money
damages. I do not think a court of law -- vested with the power to
accord a remedy -- should deny him his relief simply because he
cannot show that future lawless conduct will thereby be
deterred.
And I think it is clear that Bivens advances a claim of the sort
that, if proved, would be properly compensable in damages. The
personal interests protected by the Fourth Amendment are those we
attempt to capture by the notion of "privacy"; while the Court
today properly points out that the type of harm which officials can
inflict when they invade protected zones of an individual's
life
Page 403 U. S. 409
are different from the types of harm private citizens inflict on
one another, the experience of judges in dealing with private
trespass and false imprisonment claims supports the conclusion that
courts of law are capable of making the types of judgment
concerning causation and magnitude of injury necessary to accord
meaningful compensation for invasion of Fourth Amendment rights.
[
Footnote 2/9]
On the other hand, the limitations on state remedies for
violation of common law rights by private citizens argue in favor
of a federal damages remedy. The injuries inflicted by officials
acting under color of law, while no less compensable in damages
than those inflicted by private parties, are substantially
different in kind, as the Court's opinion today discusses in
detail.
See Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.
S. 167,
365 U. S. 195
(1961) (HARLAN, J., concurring). It seems to me entirely proper
that these injuries be compensable according to uniform rules of
federal law, especially in light of the very large element of
federal law which must, in any event, control the scope of official
defenses to liability.
See Wheeldin v. Wheeler,
373 U. S. 647,
373 U. S. 652
(1963);
Monroe v. Pape, supra, at
365 U. S.
194-195 (HARLAN, J., concurring);
Howard v.
Lyons, 360 U. S. 593
(1959). Certainly there is very little to be gained from the
standpoint of federalism by preserving different rules of liability
for federal officers dependent on the State where the injury
occurs.
Cf. United States v. Standard Oil Co.,
332 U. S. 301,
332 U. S.
305-311 (1947).
Putting aside the desirability of leaving the problem of federal
official liability to the vagaries of common law actions, it is
apparent that some form of damages is the only possible remedy for
someone in Bivens' alleged
Page 403 U. S. 410
position. It will be a rare case indeed in which an individual
in Bivens' position will be able to obviate the harm by securing
injunctive relief from any court. However desirable a direct remedy
against the Government might be as a substitute for individual
official liability, the sovereign still remains immune to suit.
Finally, assuming Bivens' innocence of the crime charged, the
"exclusionary rule" is simply irrelevant. For people in Bivens'
shoes, it is damages or nothing.
The only substantial policy consideration advanced against
recognition of a federal cause of action for violation of Fourth
Amendment rights by federal officials is the incremental
expenditure of judicial resources that will be necessitated by this
class of litigation. There is, however, something ultimately
self-defeating about this argument. For if, as the Government
contends, damages will rarely be realized by plaintiffs in these
cases because of jury hostility, the limited resources of the
official concerned, etc., then I am not ready to assume that there
will be a significant increase in the expenditure of judicial
resources on these claims. Few responsible lawyers and plaintiffs
are likely to choose the course of litigation if the statistical
chances of success are truly
de minimis. And I simply
cannot agree with my Brother BLACK that the possibility of
"frivolous" claims -- if defined simply as claims with no legal
merit -- warrants closing the courthouse doors to people in Bivens'
situation. There are other ways, short of that, of coping with
frivolous lawsuits.
On the other hand, if -- as I believe is the case with respect,
at least, to the most flagrant abuses of official power -- damages
to some degree will be available when the option of litigation is
chosen, then the question appears to be how Fourth Amendment
interests rank on a scale of social values compared with, for
example, the interests of stockholders defrauded by misleading
proxies.
Page 403 U. S. 411
See J. I. Case Co. v. Borak, supra. Judicial resources,
I am well aware, are increasingly scarce these days. Nonetheless,
when we automatically close the courthouse door solely on this
basis, we implicitly express a value judgment on the comparative
importance of classes of legally protected interests. And current
limitations upon the effective functioning of the courts arising
from budgetary inadequacies should not be permitted to stand in the
way of the recognition of otherwise sound constitutional
principles.
Of course, for a variety of reasons, the remedy may not often be
sought.
See generally Foote, Tort Remedies for Police
Violations of Individual Rights, 39 Minn.L.Rev. 493 (1955). And the
countervailing interests in efficient law enforcement, of course,
argue for a protective zone with respect to many types of Fourth
Amendment violations.
Cf. Barr v. Matteo, 360 U.
S. 564 (1959) (opinion of HARLAN, J.). But, while I
express no view on the immunity defense offered in the instant
case, I deem it proper to venture the thought that, at the very
least, such a remedy would be available for the most flagrant and
patently unjustified sorts of police conduct. Although litigants
may not often choose to seek relief, it is important, in a
civilized society, that the judicial branch of the Nation's
government stand ready to afford a remedy in these circumstances.
It goes without saying that I intimate no view on the merits of
petitioner's underlying claim.
For these reasons, I concur in the judgment of the Court.
[
Footnote 2/1]
Petitioner also asserted federal jurisdiction under 42 U.S.C. §
1983 and 28 U.S.C. § 1343(3), and 28 U.S.C. § 1343(4). Neither will
support federal jurisdiction over the claim.
See Bivens v. Six
Unknown Named Agents, 409 F.2d 718, 720 n. 1 (CA2 1969).
[
Footnote 2/2]
See 403
U.S. 388fn2/3|>n. 3,
infra.
[
Footnote 2/3]
The Government appears not quite ready to concede this point.
Certain points in the Government's argument seem to suggest that
the "state-created right -- federal defense" model reaches not only
the question of the power to accord a federal damages remedy, but
also the claim to any judicial remedy in any court. Thus, we are
pointed to Lasson's observation concerning Madison's version of the
Fourth Amendment as introduced into the House:
"The observation may be made that the language of the proposal
did not purport to create the right to be secure from unreasonable
search and seizures but merely stated it as a right which already
existed."
N. Lasson, History and Development of the Fourth Amendment to
the United States Constitution 100 n. 77 (1937), quoted in Brief
for Respondents 11 n. 7. And, on the problem of federal equitable
vindication of constitutional rights without regard to the presence
of a "state-created right,"
see Hart, The Relations
Between State and Federal Law, 54 Col.L.Rev. 489, 523-524 (1954),
quoted in Brief for Respondents 17.
On this point, the choice of phraseology in the Fourth Amendment
itself is singularly unpersuasive. The leading argument against a
"Bill of Rights" was the fear that individual liberties not
specified expressly would be taken as excluded.
See
generally, Lasson,
supra, at 79-105. This
circumstance alone might well explain why the authors of the Bill
of Rights would opt for language which presumes the existence of a
fundamental interest in liberty, albeit originally derived from the
common law.
See Entick v. Carrington, 19 How.St.Tr. 1029,
95 Eng.Rep. 807 (1765).
In truth, the legislative record as a whole behind the Bill of
Rights is silent on the rather refined doctrinal question whether
the framers considered the rights therein enumerated as dependent
in the first instance on the decision of a State to accord legal
status to the personal interests at stake. That is understandable,
since the Government itself points out that general federal
question jurisdiction was not extended to the federal district
courts until 1875. Act of March 3, 1875, § 1, 18 Stat. 470. The
most that can be drawn from this historical fact is that the
authors of the Bill of Rights assumed the adequacy of common law
remedies to vindicate the federally protected interest. One must
first combine this assumption with contemporary modes of
jurisprudential thought which appeared to link "rights" and
"remedies" in a 1:1 correlation,
cf. 5 U.
S. Madison, 1 Cranch 137,
5 U. S. 163
(1803), before reaching the conclusion that the framers are to be
understood today as having created no federally protected
interests. And, of course, that would simply require the conclusion
that federal equitable relief would not lie to protect those
interests guarded by the Fourth Amendment.
Professor Hart's observations concerning the "imperceptible
steps" between
In re Ayers, 123 U.
S. 443 (1887), and
Ex parte Young, 209 U.
S. 123 (1908),
see Hart, supra, fail to
persuade me that the source of the legal interest asserted here is
other than the Federal Constitution itself.
In re Ayers
concerned the precise question whether the Eleventh Amendment
barred suit in a federal court for an injunction compelling a state
officer to perform a contract to which the State was a party.
Having concluded that the suit was inescapably a suit against the
State under the Eleventh Amendment, the Court spoke of the presence
of state-created rights as a distinguishing factor supporting the
exercise of federal jurisdiction in other contract clause cases.
The absence of a state-created right in
In re Ayers served
to distinguish that case from the perspective of the State's
immunity to suit;
Ayers simply does not speak to the
analytically distinct question whether the Constitution is in the
relevant sense a source of legal protection for the "rights"
enumerated therein.
[
Footnote 2/4]
The
Borak case is an especially clear example of the
exercise of federal judicial power to accord damages as an
appropriate remedy in the absence of any express statutory
authorization of a federal cause of action. There, we "implied" --
from what can only be characterized as an "exclusively procedural
provision" affording access to a federal forum,
cf. Textile
Workers v. Lincoln Mills, 353 U. S. 448,
353 U. S.
462-463 (1957) (Frankfurter, J., dissenting) -- a
private cause of action for damages for violation of § 14(a) of the
Securities Exchange Act of 1934, 48 Stat. 895, 15 U.S.C. § 78n(a).
See § 27, 48 Stat. 902, 15 U.S.C. § 78aa. We did so in an
area where federal regulation has been singularly comprehensive and
elaborate administrative enforcement machinery had been provided.
The exercise of judicial power involved in
Borak simply
cannot be justified in terms of statutory construction,
see Hill, Constitutional Remedies, 69 Col.L.Rev. 1109,
1120-1121 (1969); nor did the
Borak Court purport to do
so.
See Borak, supra, at
377 U. S.
432-434. The notion of "implying" a remedy, therefore,
as applied to cases like
Borak, can only refer to a
process whereby the federal judiciary exercises a choice among
traditionally available judicial remedies according to reasons
related to the substantive social policy embodied in an act of
positive law.
See ibid., and Bell v. Hood, supra, at
327 U. S.
684.
[
Footnote 2/5]
With regard to a court's authority to grant an equitable remedy,
the line between "subject matter" jurisdiction and remedial powers
has undoubtedly been obscured by the fact that, historically, the
"system of equity
derived its doctrines, as well as its powers,
from its mode of giving relief.'" See Guaranty Trust Co. v.
York, supra, at 326 U. S. 105,
quoting C. Langdell, Summary of Equity Pleading xxvii (1877).
Perhaps this fact alone accounts for the suggestion sometimes made
that a court's power to enjoin invasion of constitutionally
protected interests derives directly from the Constitution. See
Bell v. Hood, 71 F. Supp.
813, 819 (SD Cal.1947).
[
Footnote 2/6]
Chief Judge Lumbard's opinion for the Court of Appeals in the
instant case is, as I have noted, in accord with this
conclusion:
"Thus, even if the Constitution itself does not give rise to an
inherent injunctive power to prevent its violation by governmental
officials, there are strong reasons for inferring the existence of
this power under any general grant of jurisdiction to the federal
courts by Congress."
409 F.2d at 723. The description of the remedy as "inferred"
cannot, of course, be intended to assimilate the judicial decision
to accord such a remedy to any process of statutory construction.
Rather, as with the cases concerning remedies, implied from
statutory schemes,
see 403
U.S. 388fn2/4|>n. 4,
supra, the description of the
remedy as "inferred" can only bear on the reasons offered to
explain a judicial decision to accord or not to accord a particular
remedy.
[
Footnote 2/7]
I express no view on the Government's suggestion that
congressional authority to simply discard the remedy the Court
today authorizes might be in doubt; nor do I understand the Court's
opinion today to express any view on that particular question.
[
Footnote 2/8]
And I think it follows from this point that today's decision has
little, if indeed any, bearing on the question whether a federal
court may properly devise remedies -- other than traditionally
available forms of judicial relief -- for the purpose of enforcing
substantive social policies embodied in constitutional or statutory
policies.
Compare today's decision
with Mapp v.
Ohio, 367 U. S. 643
(1961),
and Weeks v. United States, 232 U.
S. 383 (1914). The Court today simply recognizes what
has long been implicit in our decisions concerning equitable relief
and remedies implied from statutory schemes;
i.e., that a
court of law vested with jurisdiction over the subject matter of a
suit has the power -- and therefore the duty -- to make principled
choices among traditional judicial remedies. Whether special
prophylactic measures -- which at least arguably the exclusionary
rule exemplifies,
see Hill, The Bill of Rights and the
Supervisory Power, 69 Col.L.Rev. 181, 182-185 (1969) -- are
supportable on grounds other than a court's competence to select
among traditional judicial remedies to make good the wrong done,
cf. Bell v. Hood, supra, at
327 U. S. 684,
is a separate question.
[
Footnote 2/9]
The same, of course, may not be true with respect to other types
of constitutionally protected interests, and therefore the
appropriateness of money damages may well vary with the nature of
the personal interest asserted.
See Monroe v. Pape,
365 U. S. 167,
365 U. S. 196
n. 5 (HARLAN, J., concurring).
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, dissenting.
I dissent from today's holding, which judicially creates a
damage remedy not provided for by the Constitution and not enacted
by Congress. We would more surely preserve the important values of
the doctrine of separation
Page 403 U. S. 412
of powers -- and perhaps get a better result -- by recommending
a solution to the Congress as the branch of government in which the
Constitution has vested the legislative power. Legislation is the
business of the Congress, and it has the facilities and competence
for that task -- as we do not. Professor Thayer, speaking of the
limits on judicial power, albeit in another context, had this to
say: [
Footnote 3/1]
"And if it be true that the holders of legislative power are
careless or evil, yet the constitutional duty of the court remains
untouched; it cannot rightly attempt to protect the people by
undertaking a function not its own. On the other hand, by adhering
rigidly to its own duty, the court will help, as nothing else can,
to fix the spot where responsibility lies, and to bring down on
that precise locality the thunderbolt of popular condemnation. . .
. For that course -- the true course of judicial duty always --
will powerfully help to bring the people and their representatives
to a sense of their own responsibility."
This case has significance far beyond its facts and its holding.
For more than 55 years, this Court has enforced a rule under which
evidence of undoubted reliability and probative value has been
suppressed and excluded from criminal cases whenever it was
obtained in violation of the Fourth Amendment.
Weeks v. United
States, 232 U. S. 383
(1914);
Boyd v. United States, 116 U.
S. 616,
116 U. S. 633
(1886) (dictum). This rule was extended to the States in
Mapp
v. Ohio, 367 U. S. 643
(1961). [
Footnote 3/2]
Page 403 U. S. 413
The rule has rested on a theory that suppression of evidence in
these circumstances was imperative to deter law enforcement
authorities from using improper methods to obtain evidence.
The deterrence theory underlying the suppression doctrine, or
exclusionary rule, has a certain appeal in spite of the high price
society pays for such a drastic remedy. Notwithstanding its
plausibility, many judges and lawyers and some of our most
distinguished legal scholars have never quite been able to escape
the force of Cardozo's statement of the doctrine's anomalous
result:
"The criminal is to go free because the constable has blundered.
. . . A room is searched against the law, and the body of a
murdered man is found. . . . The privacy of the home has been
infringed, and the murderer goes free."
People v. Defore, 242 N.Y. 13, 21, 23-24, 150 N.E. 585,
587, 588 (1926). [
Footnote 3/3] The
plurality opinion in
Irvine v. California, 347 U.
S. 128,
347 U. S. 136
(1954), catalogued the doctrine's defects:
"Rejection of the evidence does nothing to punish the wrongdoing
official, while it may, and likely will, release the wrongdoing
defendant. It deprives society of its remedy against one lawbreaker
because he has been pursued by another. It protects one against
whom incriminating evidence is discovered, but does nothing to
protect innocent persons who are the victims of illegal, but
fruitless, searches."
From time to time, members of the Court, recognizing the
validity of these protests, have articulated varying
Page 403 U. S. 414
alternative justifications for the suppression of important
evidence in a criminal trial. Under one of these alternative
theories, the rule's foundation is sifted to the "sporting contest"
thesis that the government must "play the game fairly," and cannot
be allowed to profit from its own illegal acts.
Olmstead v.
United States, 277 U. S. 438,
277 U. S. 469,
471 (1928) (dissenting opinions);
see Terry v. Ohio,
392 U. S. 1,
392 U. S. 13
(1968). But the exclusionary rule does not ineluctably flow from a
desire to ensure that government plays the "game" according to the
rules. If an effective alternative remedy is available, concern for
official observance of the law does not require adherence to the
exclusionary rule. Nor is it easy to understand how a court can be
thought to endorse a violation of the Fourth Amendment by allowing
illegally seized evidence to be introduced against a defendant if
an effective remedy is provided against the government.
The exclusionary rule has also been justified on the theory that
the relationship between the Self-Incrimination Clause of the Fifth
Amendment and the Fourth Amendment requires the suppression of
evidence seized in violation of the latter.
Boyd v. United
States, supra, at
116 U. S. 633
(dictum);
Wolf v. Colorado, 338 U. S.
25,
338 U. S. 47, 48
(1949) (Rutledge, J., dissenting);
Mapp v. Ohio, supra, at
367 U. S.
661-666 (BLACK, J., concurring).
Even ignoring, however, the decisions of this Court that have
held that the Fifth Amendment applies only to "testimonial"
disclosures,
United States v. Wade, 388 U.
S. 218,
388 U. S.
221-223 (1967);
Schmerber v. California,
384 U. S. 757,
384 U. S. 764
and n. 8 (1966), it seems clear that the Self-Incrimination Clause
does not protect a person from the seizure of evidence that is
incriminating. It protects a person only from being the conduit by
which the police acquire evidence. Mr. Justice Holmes once put it
succinctly, "A party is privileged from producing the
Page 403 U. S. 415
evidence, but not from its production."
Johnson v. United
States, 228 U. S. 457,
228 U. S. 458
(1913).
It is clear, however, that neither of these theories undergirds
the decided cases in this Court. Rather, the exclusionary rule has
rested on the deterrent rationale -- the hope that law enforcement
officials would be deterred from unlawful searches and seizures if
the illegally seized, albeit trustworthy, evidence was suppressed
often enough, and the courts persistently enough deprived them of
any benefits they might have gained from their illegal conduct.
This evidentiary rule is unique to American jurisprudence.
Although the English and Canadian legal systems are highly
regarded, neither has adopted our rule.
See Martin, The
Exclusionary Rule Under Foreign Law -- Canada, 52 J.Crim.L.C. &
P.S. 271, 272 (1961); Williams, The Exclusionary Rule Under Foreign
Law -- England, 52 J.Crim.L.C. & P.S. 272 (1961).
I do not question the need for some remedy to give meaning and
teeth to the constitutional guarantees against unlawful conduct by
government officials. Without some effective sanction, these
protections would constitute little more than rhetoric. Beyond
doubt, the conduct of some officials requires sanctions as cases
like
Irvine indicate. But the hope that this objective
could be accomplished by the exclusion of reliable evidence from
criminal trials was hardly more than a wistful dream. Although I
would hesitate to abandon it until some meaningful substitute is
developed, the history of the suppression doctrine demonstrates
that it is both conceptually sterile and practically ineffective in
accomplishing its stated objective. This is illustrated by the
paradox that an unlawful act against a totally innocent person --
such as petitioner claims to be -- has been left without an
effective remedy, and hence the Court finds
Page 403 U. S. 416
it necessary now -- 55 years later -- to construct a remedy of
its own.
Some clear demonstration of the benefits and effectiveness of
the exclusionary rule is required to justify it in view of the high
price it extracts from society -- the release of countless guilty
criminals.
See Allen, Federalism and the Fourth Amendment:
A Requiem for
Wolf, 1961 Sup.Ct.Rev. 1, 33 n. 172. But
there is no empirical evidence to support the claim that the rule
actually deters illegal conduct of law enforcement officials. Oaks,
Studying the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure, 37
U.Chi.L.Rev. 605, 7 (1970).
There are several reasons for this failure. The rule does not
apply any direct sanction to the individual official whose illegal
conduct results in the exclusion of evidence in a criminal trial.
With rare exceptions, law enforcement agencies do not impose direct
sanctions on the individual officer responsible for a particular
judicial application of the suppression doctrine.
Id. at
710. Thus, there is virtually nothing done to bring about a change
in his practices. The immediate sanction triggered by the
application of the rule is visited upon the prosecutor whose case
against a criminal is either weakened or destroyed. The doctrine
deprives the police in no real sense; except that apprehending
wrongdoers is their business, police have no more stake in
successful prosecutions than prosecutors or the public.
The suppression doctrine vaguely assumes that law enforcement is
a monolithic governmental enterprise. For example, the dissenters
in
Wolf v. Colorado, supra, at
338 U. S. 44,
argued that:
"Only by exclusion can we impress upon the zealous
prosecutor that violation of the Constitution will do him
no good. And only when that point is driven home can the prosecutor
be expected to emphasize
Page 403 U. S. 417
the importance of observing the constitutional demands in
his instructions to the police."
(Emphasis added.) But the prosecutor who loses his case because
of police misconduct is not an official in the police department;
he can rarely set in motion any corrective action or administrative
penalties. Moreover, he does not have control or direction over
police procedures or police actions that lead to the exclusion of
evidence. It is the rare exception when a prosecutor takes part in
arrests, searches, or seizures so that he can guide police
action.
Whatever educational effect the rule conceivably might have in
theory is greatly diminished in fact by the realities of law
enforcement work. Policemen do not have the time, inclination, or
training to read and grasp the nuances of the appellate opinions
that ultimately define the standards of conduct they are to follow.
The issues that these decisions resolve often admit of neither easy
nor obvious answers, as sharply divided courts on what is or is not
"reasonable" amply demonstrate. [
Footnote 3/4] Nor can judges, in all candor, forget that
opinions sometimes lack helpful clarity.
The presumed educational effect of judicial opinions is also
reduced by the long time lapse -- often several years -- between
the original police action and its final judicial evaluation. Given
a policeman's pressing responsibilities, it would be surprising if
he ever becomes aware of the final result after such a delay.
Finally, the exclusionary
Page 403 U. S. 418
rule's deterrent impact is diluted by the fact that there are
large areas of police activity that do not result in criminal
prosecutions -- hence the rule has virtually no applicability and
no effect in such situations. Oaks,
supra, at 720-724.
Today's holding seeks to fill one of the gaps of the suppression
doctrine -- at the price of impinging on the legislative and policy
functions that the Constitution vests in Congress. Nevertheless,
the holding serves the useful purpose of exposing the fundamental
weaknesses of the suppression doctrine. Suppressing unchallenged
truth has set guilty criminals free, but demonstrably has neither
deterred deliberate violations of the Fourth Amendment nor
decreased those errors in judgment that will inevitably occur given
the pressures inherent in police work having to do with serious
crimes.
Although unfortunately ineffective, the exclusionary rule has
increasingly been characterized by a single, monolithic, and
drastic, judicial response to all official violations of legal
norms. Inadvertent errors of judgment that do not work any grave
injustice will inevitably occur under the pressure of police work.
These honest mistakes have been treated in the same way as
deliberate and flagrant
Irvine-type violations of the
Fourth Amendment. For example, in
Miller v. United States,
357 U. S. 301,
357 U. S.
309-310 (1958), reliable evidence was suppressed because
of a police officer's failure to say a "few more words" during the
arrest and search of a known narcotics peddler.
This Court's decision announced today in
Coolidge v. New
Hampshire, post, p.
403 U. S. 443,
dramatically illustrates the extent to which the doctrine
represents a mechanically inflexible response to widely varying
degrees of police error, and the resulting high price that society
pays. I dissented in
Coolidge primarily because I do not
believe the Fourth Amendment had been violated. Even on the Court's
contrary premise, however, whatever violation
Page 403 U. S. 419
occurred was surely insufficient in nature and extent to justify
the drastic result dictated by the suppression doctrine. A fair
trial by jury has resolved doubts as to Coolidge's guilt. But now
his conviction on retrial is placed in serious question by the
remand for a new trial -- years after the crime -- in which
evidence that the New Hampshire courts found relevant and reliable
will be withheld from the jury's consideration. It is hardly
surprising that such results are viewed with incomprehension by
nonlawyers in this country and lawyers, judges, and legal scholars
the world over.
Freeing either a tiger or a mouse in a school room is an illegal
act, but no rational person would suggest that these two acts
should be punished in the same way. From time to time, judges have
occasion to pass on regulations governing police procedures. I
wonder what would be the judicial response to a police order
authorizing "shoot to kill" with respect to every fugitive. It is
easy to predict our collective wrath and outrage. We, in common
with all rational minds, would say that the police response must
relate to the gravity and need; that a "shoot" order might
conceivably be tolerable to prevent the escape of a convicted
killer, but surely not for a car thief, a pickpocket or a
shoplifter.
I submit that society has at least as much right to expect
rationally graded responses from judges in place of the universal
"capital punishment" we inflict on all evidence when police error
is shown in its acquisition.
See ALI, Model Code of
Pre-Arraignment Procedure § SS 8.02(2), p. 23 (Tent.Draft No. 4,
1971), reprinted in the
403
U.S. 388app|>Appendix to this opinion. Yet, for over 55
years, and with increasing scope and intensity, as today's
Coolidge holding shows, our legal system has treated
vastly dissimilar cases as if they were the same. Our adherence to
the exclusionary rule, our resistance to change, and our refusal
even to acknowledge the need
Page 403 U. S. 420
for effective enforcement mechanisms bring to mind Holmes' well
known statement:
"It is revolting to have no better reason for a rule of law than
that so it was laid down in the time of Henry IV. It is still more
revolting if the grounds upon which it was laid down have vanished
long since, and the rule simply persists from blind imitation of
the past."
Holmes, The Path of the Law, 10 Harv.L.Rev. 457, 469 (1897).
In characterizing the suppression doctrine as an anomalous and
ineffective mechanism with which to regulate law enforcement, I
intend no reflection on the motivation of those members of this
Court who hoped it would be a means of enforcing the Fourth
Amendment. Judges cannot be faulted for being offended by arrests,
searches, and seizures that violate the Bill of Rights or statutes
intended to regulate public officials. But we can and should be
faulted for clinging to an unworkable and irrational concept of
law. My criticism is that we have taken so long to find better ways
to accomplish these desired objectives. And there are better
ways.
Instead of continuing to enforce the suppression doctrine
inflexibly, rigidly, and mechanically, we should view it as one of
the experimental steps in the great tradition of the common law,
and acknowledge its shortcomings. But, in the same spirit, we
should be prepared to discontinue what the experience of over half
a century has shown neither deters errant officers nor affords a
remedy to the totally innocent victims of official misconduct.
I do not propose, however, that we abandon the suppression
doctrine until some meaningful alternative can be developed. In a
sense, our legal system has become the captive of its own creation.
To overrule
Weeks and
Mapp, even assuming the
Court was now prepared to
Page 403 U. S. 421
take that step, could raise yet new problems. Obviously the
public interest would be poorly served if law enforcement officials
were suddenly to gain the impression, however erroneous, that all
constitutional restraints on police had somehow been removed --
that an open season on "criminals" had been declared. I am
concerned lest some such mistaken impression might be fostered by a
flat overruling of the suppression doctrine cases. For years, we
have relied upon it as the exclusive remedy for unlawful official
conduct; in a sense, we are in a situation akin to the narcotics
addict whose dependence on drugs precludes any drastic or immediate
withdrawal of the supposed prop, regardless of how futile its
continued use may be.
Reasonable and effective substitutes can be formulated if
Congress would take the lead, as it did, for example, in 1946 in
the Federal Tort Claims Act. I see no insuperable obstacle to the
elimination of the suppression doctrine if Congress would provide
some meaningful and effective remedy against unlawful conduct by
government officials.
The problems of both error and deliberate misconduct by law
enforcement officials call for a workable remedy. Private damage
actions against individual police officers concededly have not
adequately met this requirement, and it would be fallacious to
assume today's work of the Court in creating a remedy will really
accomplish its stated objective. There is some validity to the
claims that juries will not return verdicts against individual
officers except in those unusual cases where the violation has been
flagrant, or where the error has been complete, as in the arrest of
the wrong person or the search of the wrong house. There is surely
serious doubt, for example, that a drug peddler caught packaging
his wares will be able to arouse much sympathy in a jury on the
ground that the police officer did not announce his identity
and
Page 403 U. S. 422
purpose fully or because he failed to utter a "few more words."
See Miller v. United States, supra. Jurors may well refuse
to penalize a police officer at the behest of a person they believe
to be a "criminal," and probably will not punish an officer for
honest errors of judgment. In any event, an actual recovery depends
on finding nonexempt assets of the police officer from which a
judgment can be satisfied.
I conclude, therefore, that an entirely different remedy is
necessary, but it is one that, in my view, is as much beyond
judicial power as the step the Court takes today. Congress should
develop an administrative or
quasi-judicial remedy against
the government itself to afford compensation and restitution for
persons whose Fourth Amendment rights have been violated. The
venerable doctrine of
respondeat superior in our tort law
provides an entirely appropriate conceptual basis for this remedy.
If, for example, a security guard privately employed by a
department store commits an assault or other tort on a customer
such as an improper search, the victim has a simple and obvious
remedy -- an action for money damages against the guard's employer,
the department store. W. Prosser, The Law of Torts § 68, pp.
470-480 (3d ed.1964). [
Footnote
3/5] Such a statutory scheme would have the added advantage of
providing some remedy to the completely innocent persons who are
sometimes the victims of illegal police conduct -- something that
the suppression doctrine, of course, can never accomplish.
A simple structure would suffice. [
Footnote 3/6] For example, Congress could enact a
statute along the following lines:
(a) a waiver of sovereign immunity as to the illegal
Page 403 U. S. 423
acts of law enforcement officials committed in the performance
of assigned duties;
(b) the creation of a cause of action for damages sustained by
any person aggrieved by conduct of governmental agents in violation
of the Fourth Amendment or statutes regulating official
conduct;
(c) the creation of a tribunal,
quasi-judicial in
nature or perhaps patterned after the United States Court of
Claims, to adjudicate all claims under the statute;
(d) a provision that this statutory remedy is in lieu of the
exclusion of evidence secured for use in criminal cases in
violation of the Fourth Amendment; and
(e) a provision directing that no evidence, otherwise
admissible, shall be excluded from any criminal proceeding because
of violation of the Fourth Amendment.
I doubt that lawyers serving on such a tribunal would be swayed
either by undue sympathy for officers or by the prejudice against
"criminals" that has sometimes moved lay jurors to deny claims. In
addition to awarding damages, the record of the police conduct that
is condemned would undoubtedly become a relevant part of an
officer's personnel file so that the need for additional training
or disciplinary action could be identified, or his future
usefulness as a public official evaluated. Finally, appellate
judicial review could be made available on much the same basis that
it is now provided as to district courts and regulatory agencies.
This would leave to the courts the ultimate responsibility for
determining and articulating standards.
Once the constitutional validity of such a statute is
established, [
Footnote 3/7] it can
reasonably be assumed that the States
Page 403 U. S. 424
would develop their own remedial systems on the federal model.
Indeed, there is nothing to prevent a State from enacting a
comparable statutory scheme without waiting for the Congress. Steps
along these lines would move our system toward more responsible law
enforcement, on the one hand, and away from the irrational and
drastic results of the suppression doctrine, on the other.
Independent of the alternative embraced in this dissenting opinion,
I believe the time has come to reexamine the scope of the
exclusionary rule and consider at least some narrowing of its
thrust so as to eliminate the anomalies it has produced.
In a country that prides itself on innovation, inventive genius,
and willingness to experiment, it is a paradox that we should cling
for more than a half-century to a legal mechanism that was poorly
designed and never really worked. I can only hope now that the
Congress will manifest a willingness to view realistically the hard
evidence of the half-century history of the suppression doctrine
revealing thousands of cases in which the criminal was set free
because the constable blundered and virtually no evidence that
innocent victims of police error -- such as petitioner claims to be
-- have been afforded meaningful redress.
|
403
U.S. 388app|
APPENDIX TO OPINION OF BURGER, C.J., DISSENTING
It is interesting to note that studies over a period of years
led the American Law Institute to propose the following in its
tentative draft of a model pre-arraignment code:
"(2)
Determination. Unless otherwise required by the
Constitution of the United States or of this State, a motion to
suppress evidence based upon a
Page 403 U. S. 425
violation of any of the provisions of this code shall be granted
only if the court finds that such violation was
substantial. In determining whether a violation is
substantial, the court shall consider all the circumstances,
including: "
"(a) the importance of the particular interest violated;"
"(b) the extent of deviation from lawful conduct;"
"(c) the extent to which the violation was willful;"
"(d) the extent to which privacy was invaded;"
"(e) the extent to which exclusion will tend to prevent
violations of this Code;"
"(f) whether, but for the violation, the things seized would
have been discovered; and"
"(g) the extent to which the violation prejudiced the moving
party's ability to support his motion, or to defend himself in the
proceeding in which the things seized are sought to be offered in
evidence against him."
"(3)
Fruits of Prior Unlawful Search. If a search or
seizure is carried out in such a manner that things seized in the
course of the search would be subject to a motion to suppress under
subsection (1), and if as a result of such search or seizure other
evidence is discovered subsequently and offered against a
defendant, such evidence shall be subject to a motion to suppress
unless the prosecution establishes that such evidence would
probably have been discovered by law enforcement authorities
irrespective of such search or seizure, and the court finds that
exclusion of such evidence is not necessary to deter violations of
this Code."
ALI, Model Code of Pre-Arraignment Procedure §§ SS 8.02(2), (3),
pp. 23-24 (Tent.Draft No. 4, 1971) (emphasis supplied).
Page 403 U. S. 426
The Reporters' views on the exclusionary rule are also reflected
in their comment on the proposed section:
"The Reporters wish to emphasize that they are not, as a matter
of policy, wedded to the exclusionary rule as the sole or best
means of enforcing the Fourth Amendment.
See Oaks,
Studying the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure, 37 U. of
Chi.L.Rev. 665 (1970). Paragraph (2) embodies what the Reporters
hope is a more flexible approach to the problem, subject, of
course, to constitutional requirements."
Id., comment, at 26-27.
This is but one of many expressions of disenchantment with the
exclusionary rule;
see also:
1. Barrett, Exclusion of Evidence Obtained by Illegal Searches
-- A Comment on
People vs. Cahan, 43 Calif.L.Rev. 565
(1955).
2. Burns,
Mapp v. Ohio: An All-American Mistake, 19
DePaul L.Rev. 80 (1969).
3. Friendly, The Bill of Rights as a Code of Criminal Procedure,
53 Calif.L.Rev. 929, 951-954 (1965).
4. F. Inbau, J. Thompson, & C. Sowle, Cases and Comments on
Criminal Justice: Criminal Law Administration 1-84 (3d
ed.1968).
5. LaFave, Improving Police Performance Through the Exclusionary
Rule (pts. 1 & 2), 30 Mo.L.Rev. 391, 566 (1965).
6. LaFave & Remington, Controlling the Police: The Judge's
Role in Making and Reviewing Law Enforcement Decisions, 63
Mich.L.Rev. 987 (1965).
7. N. Morris & G. Hawkins, The Honest Politician's Guide to
Crime Control 101 (1970).
8. Oaks, Studying the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure,
37 U.Chi.L.Rev. 665 (1970).
Page 403 U. S. 427
9. Plumb, Illegal Enforcement of the Law, 24 Cornell L.Q. 337
(1939).
10. Schaefer, The Fourteenth Amendment and Sanctity of the
Person, 64 Nw.U.L.Rev. 1 (1969).
11. Waite, Judges and the Crime Burden, 54 Mich.L.Rev. 169
(1955).
12. Waite, Evidence -- Police Regulation by Rules of Evidence,
42 Mich.L.Rev. 679 (1944).
13. Wigmore, Using Evidence Obtained by Illegal Search and
Seizure, 8 A.B.A.J. 479 (1922).
14. 8 J. Wigmore, Evidence § 2184a (McNaughton rev.1961).
[
Footnote 3/1]
J. Thayer, O. Holmes, & F. Frankfurter, John Marshall 88
(Phoenix ed.1967).
[
Footnote 3/2]
The Court reached the issue of applying the
Weeks
doctrine to the States
sua sponte.
[
Footnote 3/3]
What Cardozo suggested as an example of the potentially
far-reaching consequences of the suppression doctrine was almost
realized in
Killough v. United States, 114 U.S. App. D.C.
305, 315 F.2d 241 (1962).
[
Footnote 3/4]
For example, in a case arising under
Mapp, supra, state
judges at every level of the state judiciary may find the police
conduct proper. On federal habeas corpus, a district judge and a
court of appeals might agree. Yet, in these circumstances, this
Court, reviewing the case as much as 10 years later, might reverse
by a narrow margin. In these circumstances, it is difficult to
conclude that the policeman has violated some rule that he should
have known was a restriction on his authority.
[
Footnote 3/5]
Damage verdicts for such acts are often sufficient in size to
provide an effective deterrent and stimulate employers to
corrective action.
[
Footnote 3/6]
Electronic eavesdropping presents special problems.
See
18 U.S.C. §§ 2510-2520 (1964 ed., Supp. V).
[
Footnote 3/7]
Any such legislation should emphasize the interdependence
between the waiver of sovereign immunity and the elimination of the
judicially created exclusionary rule so that, if the legislative
determination to repudiate the exclusionary rule falls, the entire
statutory scheme would fall.
MR. JUSTICE BLACK, dissenting.
In my opinion for the Court in
Bell v. Hood,
327 U. S. 678
(1946), we did as the Court states, reserve the question whether an
unreasonable search made by a federal officer in violation of the
Fourth Amendment gives the subject of the search a federal cause of
action for damages against the officers making the search. There
can be no doubt that Congress could create a federal cause of
action for damages for an unreasonable search in violation of the
Fourth Amendment. Although Congress has created such a federal
cause of action against state officials acting under color of state
law,
* it has never
created such a cause of action against federal officials. If it
wanted to do so, Congress could, of course, create a remedy
against
Page 403 U. S. 428
federal officials who violate the Fourth Amendment in the
performance of their duties. But the point of this case and the
fatal weakness in the Court's judgment is that neither Congress nor
the State of New York has enacted legislation creating such a right
of action. For us to do so is, in my judgment, an exercise of power
that the Constitution does not give us.
Even if we had the legislative power to create a remedy, there
are many reasons why we should decline to create a cause of action
where none has existed since the formation of our Government. The
courts of the United States, as well as those of the States, are
choked with lawsuits. The number of cases on the docket of this
Court have reached an unprecedented volume in recent years. A
majority of these cases are brought by citizens with substantial
complaints -- persons who are physically or economically injured by
torts or frauds or governmental infringement of their rights;
persons who have been unjustly deprived of their liberty or their
property; and persons who have not yet received the equal
opportunity in education, employment, and pursuit of happiness that
was the dream of our forefathers. Unfortunately, there have also
been a growing number of frivolous lawsuits, particularly actions
for damages against law enforcement officers whose conduct has been
judicially sanctioned by state trial and appellate courts and, in
many instances, even by this Court. My fellow Justices on this
Court and our brethren throughout the federal judiciary know only
too well the time-consuming task of conscientiously poring over
hundreds of thousands of pages of factual allegations of misconduct
by police, judicial, and corrections officials. Of course, there
are instances of legitimate grievances, but legislators might well
desire to devote judicial resources to other problems of a more
serious nature.
Page 403 U. S. 429
We sit at the top of a judicial system accused by some of
nearing the point of collapse. Many criminal defendants do not
receive speedy trials, and neither society nor the accused are
assured of justice when inordinate delays occur. Citizens must wait
years to litigate their private civil suits. Substantial changes in
correctional and parole systems demand the attention of the
lawmakers and the judiciary. If I were a legislator, I might well
find these and other needs so pressing as to make me believe that
the resources of lawyers and judges should be devoted to them,
rather than to civil damage actions against officers who generally
strive to perform within constitutional bounds. There is also a
real danger that such suits might deter officials from the proper
and honest performance of their duties.
All of these considerations make imperative careful study and
weighing of the arguments both for and against the creation of such
a remedy under the Fourth Amendment. I would have great difficulty
for myself in resolving the competing policies, goals, and
priorities in the use of resources, if I thought it were my job to
resolve those questions. But that is not my task. The task of
evaluating the pros and cons of creating judicial remedies for
particular wrongs is a matter for Congress and the legislatures of
the States. Congress has not provided that any federal court can
entertain a suit against a federal officer for violations of Fourth
Amendment rights occurring in the performance of his duties. A
strong inference can be drawn from creation of such actions against
state officials that Congress does not desire to permit such suits
against federal officials. Should the time come when Congress
desires such lawsuits, it has before it a model of valid
legislation, 42 U.S.C. § 1983, to create a damage remedy against
federal officers. Cases could be cited to support the legal
proposition which
Page 403 U. S. 430
I assert, but it seems to me to be a matter of common
understanding that the business of the judiciary is to interpret
the laws, and not to make them.
I dissent.
*
"Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance,
regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory, subjects,
or causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or
other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of
any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution
and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law,
suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress."
Rev.Stat. § 1979, 42 U.S.C. § 1983.
MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN, dissenting.
I, too, dissent. I do so largely for the reasons expressed in
Chief Judge Lumbard's thoughtful and scholarly opinion for the
Court of Appeals. But I also feel that the judicial legislation,
which the Court by its opinion today concededly is effectuating,
opens the door for another avalanche of new federal cases. Whenever
a suspect imagines, or chooses to assert, that a Fourth Amendment
right has been violated, he will now immediately sue the federal
officer in federal court. This will tend to stultify proper law
enforcement, and to make the day's labor for the honest and
conscientious officer even more onerous and more critical. Why the
Court moves in this direction at this time of our history, I do not
know. The Fourth Amendment was adopted in 1791, and, in all the
intervening years, neither the Congress nor the Court has seen fit
to take this step. I had thought that, for the truly aggrieved
person, other quite adequate remedies have always been available.
If not, it is the Congress, and not this Court, that should
act.