SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 21–857
_________________
MARCUS DEANGELO JONES, PETITIONER
v.
DEWAYNE HENDRIX, WARDEN
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the eighth circuit
[June 22, 2023]
Justice Jackson, dissenting.
Today, the Court holds that an incarcerated
individual who has already filed one postconviction petition cannot
file another one to assert a previously unavailable claim of
statutory innocence.[
1] The
majority says that result follows from a
“straightforward” reading of 28 U. S. C.
§2255.
Ante, at 10, 12. But the majority reaches this
preclusion decision by “negative inference.”
Ante, at 10. And it is far from obvious that
§2255(h)’s bar on filing second or successive
postconviction petitions (with certain notable exceptions) prevents
a prisoner who has previously sought postconviction relief from
bringing a newly available legal innocence claim in court. See Part
II,
infra.
In any event, putting aside its questionable
interpretation of §2255(h), the majority is also wrong to
interpret §2255(e)—known as the saving clause—as
if Congress designed that provision to filter potential habeas
claims through the narrowest of apertures, saving essentially only
those that a court literally would be unable to consider due to
something akin to a natural calamity. See Part I,
infra.
This stingy characterization does not reflect a primary aim of
§2255(e), which was to “save” any claim that was
available prior to §2255(h)’s enactment where Congress
has not expressed a clear intent to foreclose it. Jones’s
legal innocence claim fits that mold.
I am also deeply troubled by the constitutional
implications of the nothing-to-see-here approach that the majority
takes with respect to the incarceration of potential legal
innocents. See Part III,
infra. Apparently, legally innocent
or not, Jones must just carry on in prison regardless, since (as
the majority reads §2255) no path exists for him to ask a
federal judge to consider his innocence assertion. But forever
slamming the courtroom doors to a possibly innocent person who has
never had a meaningful opportunity to get a new and retroactively
applicable claim for release reviewed on the merits raises serious
constitutional concerns.
Thus, in my view, all roads lead to an
interpretation of §2255 that is diametrically opposed to the
one that the majority announces. Whether one gets there by virtue
of a proper reading of §2255(e) or an informed understanding
of §2255(h), or by affording due respect to the core
constitutional interests at stake, Jones’s successive
petition alleging legal innocence should have been considered on
the merits.[
2] Therefore, I
respectfully dissent.
I
Section 2255(e) saves postconviction claims by
authorizing the filing of a habeas petition under §2241 if the
procedures §2255 affords are “inadequate or ineffective
to test the legality of [a prisoner’s] detention.”
§2255(e). I see no reason why the
only circumstance in
which §2255’s procedures qualify as inadequate or
ineffective for saving clause purposes is when it is impossible or
impractical for a prisoner to file a §2255 motion. Contra,
ante, at 6–7. Quite to the contrary, the enactment
history of §2255 plainly establishes that Congress wanted to
ensure that a prisoner’s claim was “saved” in at
least one additional set of circumstances: Where the prisoner would
have been able to bring such a claim prior to the enactment of
§2255 (or any subsequent changes, like those made by the
Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA)), but
somehow cannot bring that claim after a change to the statutory
framework (unless Congress has clearly expressed its intent to
restrict the scope of relief in that regard). As the majority has
interpreted §2255(h), that is precisely the situation
here.
A
To understand why Congress meant for Jones to
be able to invoke the saving clause and bring his statutory
innocence claim in a habeas petition filed under §2241, a firm
grasp of the text, history, and intended operation of §2255(e)
is required.
1
The saving clause is the latter part of
§2255(e), which states in full:
“An application for a writ of habeas
corpus [o]n behalf of a prisoner who is authorized to apply for
relief by motion pursuant to this section, shall not be entertained
if it appears that the applicant has failed to apply for relief, by
motion, to the court which sentenced him, or that such court has
denied him relief,
unless it also appears that the remedy by
motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his
detention.” §2255(e) (emphasis added); see also
§2255 (1946 ed., Supp. II) (§2255 (1948)).
Before §2255 was enacted in 1948, federal
prisoners collaterally attacked their convictions by filing a
habeas petition. See
United States v.
Hayman,
342 U.S.
205, 210–213 (1952). Such petitions sought judicial
review of the legality of the individual’s detention, and
were filed in the district where the person was incarcerated.
Ibid. This led to some problems: Districts that housed large
federal prisons were disproportionately burdened with habeas
petitions.
Id., at 213–214. Also, in many cases, the
court deciding the petition was both unfamiliar with the underlying
facts and far away from the relevant record, evidence, and
witnesses.
Ibid.
Congress created §2255—an entirely
new process for federal prisoners to use when seeking
postconviction judicial review—to solve these practical
problems.
Ante, at 5–6. Under the procedures laid out
in §2255, in lieu of filing a traditional habeas petition,
federal prisoners must file a §2255 motion. And any such
motion is to be filed in the sentencing court, not in the district
of confinement. §2255(a) (2018 ed.); see
Hayman, 342
U. S., at 219.
Congress crafted (what is now) §2255(e) to
ensure that the new §2255 procedure successfully ousted the
outdated habeas regime it replaced. Per the first part of that
provision, as a general matter, §2255 becomes the exclusive
procedure by which federal prisoners can collaterally attack their
convictions. See §2255(e) (providing that “[a]n
application for a writ of habeas corpus . . . shall not
be entertained” where, in essence, the prisoner fails to
bring an authorized §2255 motion, or does so and is denied
relief ). Yet Congress also specified that, in a circumstance
in which §2255 is “inadequate or ineffective to test the
legality of his detention,” an individual
could still
file a habeas petition.
Ibid.
There are multiple ways in which §2255
might be “insufficient” or “[n]ot capable of
performing the required work” of postconviction review of
federal convictions. Webster’s New International Dictionary
1254, 1271 (2d ed. 1934) (defining “inadequate” and
“ineffective” in this manner); see also Funk &
Wagnalls New Standard Dictionary of the English Language 1239, 1255
(1942) (similar). For example, §2255 would not be up to the
task if it would be impossible or impracticable for a federal
prisoner to file a §2255 petition.
Ante, at 6, 11.
The case before us involves another way that
§2255 can be inadequate or ineffective—where the newly
created §2255 procedure, perhaps inadvertently, blocks a
prisoner from bringing a claim that was previously cognizable in
habeas. This is an inadequacy concerning the operation of
§2255 from Congress’s perspective, because the
“sole purpose” of §2255 “was to minimize the
difficulties encountered in habeas corpus hearings” while
still “affording
the same rights in another and more
convenient forum.”
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 219
(emphasis added); see also
Davis v.
United States,
417
U.S. 333, 343 (1974) (“Th[e] history makes clear that
§2255 was intended to afford federal prisoners a remedy
identical in scope to federal habeas corpus” (emphasis
added));
Sanders v.
United States,
373 U.S.
1, 14 (1963) (“[I]t conclusively appears from the
historic context in which §2255 was enacted that the
legislation was intended simply to provide in the sentencing court
a remedy
exactly commensurate with that which had previously
been available by habeas corpus” (emphasis added; internal
quotation marks omitted)).
That much is not in dispute—the majority
acknowledges that Congress intended to maintain equivalence with
the claims available in habeas when it enacted §2255. See
ante, 5–6. Consequently, in any circumstance in which
the new §2255 procedure actually operates to foreclose a
postconviction claim that a prisoner could have brought previously
in a habeas petition, the §2255 process is patently inadequate
to accomplish Congress’s aim of allowing prisoners to test
the legality of their detention under §2255 to the same extent
as they could have in the habeas regime that §2255
replaced.
Thus, the saving clause can be properly
interpreted as effectuating Congress’s intent in this regard.
As the Government persuasively argues, by inserting a provision
that allows prisoners to still file habeas petitions, Congress
“ensure[d] that Section 2255 does not disadvantage federal
prisoners as compared to habeas.” Brief for Respondent 17;
see also
Boumediene v.
Bush,
553
U.S. 723, 776 (2008) (noting that the purpose of §2255 was
“to strengthen, rather than dilute, the writ’s
protections” and further recognizing that the saving clause
served that purpose). That is, where a federal prisoner could have
brought a particular habeas claim prior to 1948, but could not
bring such a claim in a §2255 petition after that date, the
saving clause kicks in to permit that individual to resort to
habeas to raise that claim.
This reading of §2255(e) means that the
saving clause operates (at the very least, and as it was enacted in
1948) to preserve from inadvertent extinguishment postconviction
claims that would have been previously cognizable for federal
prisoners but cannot be brought by operation of §2255. And the
flip side of that interpretation—that §2255 is
inadequate or ineffective if it
sub silentio extinguishes
previously available habeas claims, triggering the saving
clause—inexorably follows. This interpretation tracks
Congress’s clear claim-preservation goal. And, as an added
bonus, it also has the benefit of being in accordance with how
saving clauses usually work. See 2 J. Sutherland, Statutory
Construction §4830, pp. 376–377 (3d ed. 1943) (defining
“saving clause” as a provision “said to preserve
from destruction certain rights, remedies or privileges which would
otherwise be destroyed by the general enactment”); see,
e.g.,
Andrus v.
Shell Oil Co.,
446 U.S.
657, 666 (1980) (noting that Congress included a “savings
clause” in the statute at issue to “preserv[e]
pre-existing claims”);
United States v.
Menasche,
348 U.S.
528, 535 (1955) (noting that the purpose of a saving clause in
the immigration context was to “manifes[t] a well-established
congressional policy not to strip [noncitizens] of advantages
gained under prior laws”).
2
Fast forward to 1996: Congress reenacted the
saving clause—using identical language—when it passed
AEDPA. §2255(e); §2255 (1948). Thus, because the saving
clause operated in 1948 to “save” from inadvertent
extinguishment habeas claims that were available before the
enactment of §2255, the same was true when Congress revised
those procedures in the mid-1990s, while keeping the saving clause
intact. In other words, both in 1948 and to this day, the saving
clause operates to (among other things) ensure that
§2255—or the AEDPA amendments—did not, through
inapt language, substantively alter the scope of available
postconviction relief for federal prisoners.
This is not to say that Congress necessarily
carried forward all of its previous policy determinations with
respect to the availability of postconviction claims, or that it
did not change its mind at all about the appropriate dimensions of
postconviction relief. Indeed, habeas is a dynamic remedy, and
congressional enactments contribute to its evolution. See
Felker v.
Turpin,
518 U.S.
651, 664 (1996); see also 2 R. Hertz & J. Liebman, Federal
Habeas Corpus Practice and Procedure §28.4[a], p. 1738 (7th
ed. 2020) (Hertz & Liebman) (“Anglo-American law
. . . has imposed an evolving set of restrictions on
second and subsequent petitions”). But, again, the saving
clause—which served an important equalizing
function—remained intact when Congress reenacted §2255
in 1996. Thus, while Congress can certainly act to change the scope
of habeas or its statutory equivalent if it wants to do so, in
order to overcome the operation of the saving clause (which, again,
was inserted to maintain equivalence in the absence of intent to
make a change), Congress has to make said change to the
availability of postconviction relief deliberately and clearly,
thereby unequivocally expressing its intent to do so. See
Holland v.
Florida,
560 U.S.
631, 646 (2010);
infra, at 25–28.
All this means that today (as in 1948) the
saving clause is best interpreted as allowing for the filing of a
habeas petition under §2241 where a claim that was cognizable
prior to AEDPA cannot be brought under §2255, unless Congress
has clearly expressed its intent to foreclose that particular
claim.
B
That brings us to the situation at issue here.
When Congress amended §2255 by enacting AEDPA, it legislated
against a legal background in which a federal prisoner could bring
a statutory innocence claim in a §2255 petition. The majority
does not dispute this. See
ante, at 18–19. Nor could
it, because this Court made crystal clear in 1974 in
Davis
that statutory innocence claims are legally cognizable in a
§2255 motion. 417 U. S., at 343–347.[
3]
Moreover, prior to AEDPA’s enactment, a
federal prisoner could bring such a postconviction claim of
statutory innocence
in a successive petition. This Court had
generally restricted successive postconviction filings by the
1990s, but a prisoner who had previously filed at least one
petition could still file another one in order to assert innocence.
That was because any bar to the filing of a successive petition was
typically lifted if enforcing that bar would result in a
“miscarriage of justice.”
McCleskey v.
Zant,
499 U.S.
467, 494–495 (1991); Hertz & Liebman §28.4[g],
at 1757; see Brief for Respondent 22–24. And under our
settled precedent, legal innocence claims fit that category. See
Davis, 417 U. S., at 346 (“There can be no room
for doubt” that “conviction and punishment
. . . for an act that the law does not make
criminal” “ ‘inherently results in a
complete miscarriage of justice’ ”); see also
Bousley v.
United States,
523
U.S. 614, 623–624 (1998).
These background principles relate to the
successive petition that Jones seeks to bring here as follows. If
the majority is right that (by virtue of §2255(h)) prisoners
like Jones are now unable to bring a successive §2255 petition
to make the same kind of legal innocence claim that they could have
brought prior to AEDPA, then Congress’s enactment of
§2255(h) has dramatically altered the legal landscape in a
manner that seems, at best, inconsistent with its original intent.
To repeat: The saving clause expresses a congressional intent to
maintain
equivalence between what a prisoner could claim
before and after §2255(h); yet under the majority’s
reading, §2255(h)’s “second or successive”
bar would effectively operate to preclude successive legal
innocence claims—
shrinking the universe of previously
available claims—the opposite of what Congress set out to do
when it set up §2255.
In my view, that is where the saving clause
comes in. Reading the saving clause to perform its normal, intended
function of “saving” previously available claims solves
this problem, because it allows prisoners who could have brought a
claim prior to the enactment of AEDPA (like Jones) to file a habeas
petition to the extent that §2255 now precludes such a filing
under that particular statutory mechanism. Thus, interpreting
§2255(e)’s “inadequate and ineffective”
language to permit the filing of a habeas petition that raises a
legal innocence claim in these circumstances seems perfectly
consistent with Congress’s intent.
This understanding of the saving clause also
explains the clause’s application—or, more precisely,
its
inapplicability—to the types of claims
specifically mentioned in §§2255(h)(1) and (2). Congress
has expressly overridden operation of the saving clause with
respect to those two provisions, because it has clearly expressed
its intent to narrow the scope of postconviction relief where a
federal prisoner brings a successive petition raising a claim of
new evidence or new constitutional law.[
4] “A legislature may adopt a policy different from
that embodied in the general saving statute.” M. Ruud, The
Savings Clause—Some Problems in Construction and Drafting, 33
Texas L. Rev. 285, 299 (1955). And here, no one questions that,
with §§2255(h)(1) and (2), Congress clearly did so. Brief
for Respondent 26–28. But the majority now reasons that,
merely by omitting statutory innocence claims from that
authorized-filings list, Congress should be deemed to have
exhibited a narrowing intent with respect to those claims as well.
See
ante, at 1–2, 12.
I disagree. Indeed, in my view, it is precisely
because the text of §§2255(h)(1) and (2) speaks
unequivocally to the narrowing Congress wished to effect with
respect to new-evidence and new-constitutional claims that we
should
not ascertain that Congress meant for the second or
successive bar to have the same effect with respect to legal
innocence claims—which, importantly, the statute does not
mention. To put it bluntly: Congress knows how to speak clearly
when it wants to disrupt the continuity of claims that are
available to prisoners before and after it enacts legislation that
addresses postconviction review procedures. And rather than
providing any such clear statement as to how an intervening claim
of statutory innocence should be treated vis-à-vis
§2255(h)’s second or successive bar, Congress was
conspicuously silent.[
5]
C
The majority advances an entirely different
theory of the work that §2255(e) does with respect to the
postconviction review scheme—a theory that I do not find even
remotely persuasive. Opting for the narrowest possible view of
Congress’s intent regarding the saving clause, the majority
generally claims that the saving clause only authorizes the filing
of a habeas petition if filing a §2255 motion would be
“impossible or impracticable.”
Ante, at 6, 11.
And in the majority’s telling, that circumstance only occurs,
say, if the courthouse where a §2255 motion would have
otherwise been filed has burned to the ground or been carried away
by a mudslide. The majority’s parsimonious perspective on the
meaning of “inadequate or ineffective” is flawed in
many respects.
First and foremost, it is entirely atextual. The
majority cites exactly zero dictionary definitions of the terms
“inadequate” or “ineffective.” And while it
does reference an earlier draft of the legislation that became
§2255,
ante, at 7 (quoting
Hayman, 342
U. S., at 215, n. 23), it fails to mention that Congress
specifically
rejected language that embraced the
majority’s “impracticable only” proposition. See
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 215, n. 23;
In re
Dorsainvil,
119
F.3d 245, 250 (CA3 1997).
Furthermore, while the majority opinion
accurately recites the history and purpose of §2255, see
ante, at 5–6, it ignores the
import of that
history. As explained above, when Congress enacted §2255 in
1948, it intended to ensure equivalence between traditional habeas
and the new §2255 mechanism for postconviction review.
Supra, at 5. Accordingly, Congress inserted the saving
clause to ensure that certain pre-existing postconviction claims
(say, a claim of statutory innocence) could still be heard even if
the statutory language Congress was adopting inadvertently barred
them.
Supra, at 3–7. And Congress preserved the
language of §2255(e)—the language that performs the
equalizing function—in 1996, even as it made other
significant changes to §2255.
Supra, at 7–8.
Ignoring all this, the majority grounds its
analysis of §2255(e) in a scattershot of lower court cases
that the majority claims “[t]raditionally” viewed the
saving clause as solving only for practical filing problems.
Ante, at 6–7. To be sure, a handful of lower courts
applied the saving clause where the sentencing court was dissolved.
Ibid. But lower courts have also
“[t]raditionally,”
ante, at 6, treated the
saving clause as permitting individuals with previously unavailable
statutory innocence claims to file habeas petitions in light of
§2255(h)’s successive-petition bar.
Prost v.
Anderson, 636 F.3d 578, 605 (CA10 2011) (Seymour, J.,
concurring in part and dissenting in part).[
6] The majority also fails to grapple with
this
Court’s own opinions that suggest a broader interpretation of
the saving clause is proper. See
Swain v.
Pressley,
430 U.S.
372, 381–382 (1977);
Sanders, 373 U. S., at
14–15;
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 223; Brief for
Respondent 17–18.
It appears the majority’s interpretation
of §2255(e) is primarily attributable to its concern that
interpreting the saving clause to permit Jones to file a habeas
petition might authorize an “end-run” around
§2255’s procedures.
Ante, at 10–11, 14. I
think those fears are vastly overblown.
Properly interpreted, a §2255 motion is
only “inadequate or ineffective” when the potential
procedural bar does not provide a prisoner with any meaningful
opportunity to present a claim. And
that circumstance does
not exist any time a procedural limitation in §2255 screens
out a claim. For example, if an individual does not raise his legal
innocence claim in a §2255 motion in a timely fashion, see
§2255(f ), he cannot resort to the saving clause to file
a habeas petition; that individual
did have a meaningful
opportunity to raise his claim pursuant to the §2255 process,
but missed the window of opportunity. Similarly, where Congress has
clearly narrowed the scope of postconviction relief—as it has
done for claims of new evidence and new constitutional
rules—it has overridden the equivalence aim that would
otherwise render §2255 inadequate or ineffective, such that
the saving clause does not apply. On top of this, given the
congruence purpose underlying §2255(e), an individual can
resort to habeas via §2255(e) only where the particular claim
he seeks to bring would have been cognizable under pre-AEDPA
principles.
Thus, the majority has no good answer to
interpreting the saving clause as doing what Congress crafted it to
do—among other things, ensuring equivalence between
§2255 and the prior postconviction remedy being replaced or
modified, unless Congress clearly establishes otherwise. A
successive statutory innocence claim could have been brought prior
to the 1996 addition of §2255(h), and Congress has not clearly
foreclosed such claims in the text of §2255. Therefore, the
saving clause applies, and Jones should have been permitted to
raise his legal innocence claim by filing a habeas petition under
§2241.
II
The foregoing analysis assumes, as the
majority does, that the only hope of a prisoner in Jones’s
position is to assert his statutory innocence claim via a habeas
petition filed under §2241 per the saving clause, because
§2255(h) prevents the filing of such a successive §2255
motion. But I would not be so quick to assume that a successive
§2255 motion asserting statutory innocence is impermissible
due to §2255(h). Here is why.
Nothing in the whole of §2255 suggests that
Congress ever considered the scenario presented in this
case—one in which a prisoner who has already filed a
postconviction motion suddenly gets a new claim of legal innocence
(after his first petition was filed) based on a development in
Supreme Court case law. Therefore, it is not at all clear that
Congress determined that such an individual is simply out of luck.
Far from making the decision that a prisoner in this circumstance
should not be permitted to raise that newly available claim by
filing another §2255 motion—as the majority
maintains—Congress has simply never spoken to what is
supposed to happen with newly available claims of legal
innocence.
To reach today’s conclusion, then, the
majority draws a “negative inference” that Congress
intended for §2255’s “second or successive”
bar to preclude successive filings that contain legal innocence
claims.
Ante, at 10. But the majority’s inferential
reasoning is highly problematic in at least two respects.
First, negative inferences drawn without proper
context can be notoriously unreliable. And, as detailed below,
there are myriad reasons for skepticism here. Section
2255(h)’s anti-claim-splitting purpose is one. Another is the
likely reason that legal innocence claims do not appear in the text
of the statute (spoiler alert: they were inadvertently omitted).
Background equitable principles and the practical consequences of
preventing the filing of successive petitions in this circumstance
are additional key contextual clues that the majority seems to have
missed.
Second, I am suspicious of the majority’s
choice to resort to inferential reasoning at all, given that this
Court has long held that we will not read a statute to displace
access to “the great writ” unless Congress has been
clear about its intention to accomplish this result.
Ex parte
Yerger, 8 Wall. 85, 95, 102 (1869). The clear-statement rule is
plainly applicable here, and the majority offers the flimsiest of
explanations for its decision to deviate from its application at
the threshold of today’s interpretation.
In short, as shown below, the initial assumption
that Congress necessarily meant for §2255(h) to bar
Jones’s successive petition asserting statutory innocence is
shaky, at best. I would have held that Jones’s petition can
proceed, even without reliance on the saving clause, because
§2255(h) does not bar it.
A
The majority says that “since [AEDPA],
second or successive §2255 motions are barred unless they rely
on” one of two (and only two) circumstances:
“ ‘newly discovered evidence,’
§2255(h)(1), or ‘a new rule of constitutional
law,’ §2255(h)(2).”
Ante, at 1. Legal
innocence claims are barred, the majority holds, pursuant to this
“straightforward negative inference.”
Ante, at
10. But there is a good reason that the negative-inference canon
“must be applied with great caution.” A. Scalia &
B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 107
(2012). And the reason is that “its application depends so
much on context.”
Ibid. In this case, for instance,
there are several strong contextual clues that substantially
undercut the majority’s purportedly
“straightforward” inferential reasoning.
1
First of all, while the majority interprets
§2255(h) as if Congress designed that provision to impose
“finality” without regard to the claims at issue (other
than the two listed situations), see
ante, at 12, as it
turns out, that is not the primary purpose of §2255(h).
Instead, §2255(h)’s “second or successive
petition” bar was inserted into AEDPA to ensure that all
available claims a prisoner has are brought in a single
postconviction petition. In circumstances where the prisoner seeks
to assert a claim that was previously
unavailable
(
i.e., a claim that could not have been raised before),
Congress permitted successive petitions.
Explaining this fully requires me to make a
preliminary big-picture point. Section 2255 (originally and as
amended by AEDPA) is not a gauntlet of arbitrary hurdles that
Congress has erected to stymie prisoners who seek to obtain
judicial review of their detention. Indeed, as explained, when
Congress first enacted §2255, it had no intention of shrinking
the catalog of available postconviction claims.
Ante, at
5–6; see also Part I,
supra. To be sure, Congress has
undertaken to restrict the writ’s availability somewhat since
§2255 was first enacted, but it has nevertheless continued to
appreciate the significance of access to postconviction review of
the legality of a prisoner’s detention. Hence, even after
AEDPA, Congress permits all incarcerated
individuals—including those who have been convicted of
serious crimes and who are serving sentences that have been imposed
by courts of competent jurisdiction—to seek collateral
relief. See §§2254(a), 2255(a).
Still, when it enacted AEDPA in 1996, Congress
was aware of how §2255’s postconviction processes had
been operating on the ground since §2255’s enactment.
Thus, Congress quite rationally sought to
“ ‘balance’ ” the
“ ‘individual interest in justice that arises in
the extraordinary case’ ” with
“ ‘the societal interests in finality, comity, and
conservation of scarce judicial resources.’ ”
McQuiggin v.
Perkins,
569 U.S.
383, 393 (2013) (quoting
Schlup v.
Delo,
513 U.S.
298, 324 (1995)).
Section 2255(h) reflects this balancing.
“What emerges from a review of the debates over the
successive petition restrictions is a clear sense that”
Congress wanted to “preven[t] manipulation of the system
through relitigation of previously presented claims or strategic
withholding of claims for later presentation,” while still
creating “a mechanism that would allow prisoners to have one
full, fair chance to present their meritorious . . .
claims to the federal courts.” B. Stevenson, The Politics of
Fear and Death: Successive Problems in Capital Federal Habeas
Corpus Cases, 77 N. Y. U. L. Rev. 699, 772 (2002).
As Senator Hatch said at the time: “We have provided for
protection of Federal habeas corpus, but we do it one time and that
is it—unless, of course, they can truly come up with evidence
of innocence that could not have been presented at trial. There we
allow successive petitions.” 141 Cong. Rec. 15042 (1995).
Then-Senator Biden similarly explained that the goal of AEDPA was
“essentially giving one bite out of the apple to drastically
reduce the ability to have successive petitions unless there is
some egregious action that is learned about after the petition is
filed, the first petition.”
Id., at 15027.[
7]
Thus, Congress enacted §2255(h) to prevent
prisoners from engaging in manipulative filing practices—such
as claim splitting,
i.e., the inefficient business of
prisoners with time on their hands doling out their
existing
postconviction claims in a series of successive motions filed in
court seriatim. See
Sanders, 373 U. S., at 18 (noting
that a prisoner may “deliberately withhol[d]” or
“deliberately abando[n]” claims in a first
postconviction petition “in the hope of being granted two
hearings rather than one”).[
8] And, tellingly, because Congress was focused on
that problem—not attempting to impose
“finality” writ large—it did not bar
all
successive petitions; to the contrary, it proceeded to identify
particular circumstances in which another collateral challenge
would be authorized. §§2255(h)(1)–(2).
Additional doubts about the majority’s
negative inference surface when one recognizes that the two
circumstances Congress carved out of the successive-petition bar
share an important common thread: Both situations relate to the
newness of the claim that the prisoner seeks to assert in a
successive petition. That is, both prongs of §2255(h) that
authorize a successive petition do so where a petitioner brings a
claim that arose after the time in which the prisoner would or
could have filed his first petition.
Ibid. (authorizing
successive petitions raising “
newly discovered
evidence” or “a
new rule of constitutional
law” (emphasis added)).
In light of this key observation, the
majority’s assumption that §2255(h) bars Jones’s
claim is significantly hobbled. Jones’s statutory innocence
claim is also “new”—in the sense that it was not
available to him when his first §2255 petition was
filed.[
9] And Jones’s
claim shares other features of the circumstances that Congress
exempted from the “second or successive” general
prohibition as well—including that it implicates innocence,
see §2255(h)(1), and stems from a retroactively applicable
Supreme Court opinion, see §2255(h)(2). Nor does the filing of
Jones’s successive petition implicate any
anti-claim-splitting rationale, as Jones did not manipulatively
withhold his legal innocence claim during his initial §2255
proceedings. Indeed, he could not possibly have done so, since this
Court did not decide
Rehaif v.
United States, 588
U. S. ___ (2019), which provided the basis for his claim,
until nearly two decades after Jones filed his first petition.
In short, it is hard to believe that a Congress
that expressly authorized “new” claims involving
innocence or those that arise from developments in Supreme Court
case law despite §2255(h)’s successive-petition bar also
meant for §2255(h) to preclude Jones from bringing the claim
that he seeks to file here.
2
The majority’s negative inference also
rests on the bald assumption that Congress
intentionally
left statutory innocence out of its list of carveouts, because it
wanted those claims to be barred if brought in a successive
petition.
Ante, at 12 (asserting that “Congress has
chosen finality over error correction” with respect to
statutory innocence claims brought in successive petitions
(emphasis added)). But there is a perfectly logical alternative
explanation for why statutory innocence claims do not appear as
express exclusions in the text of §2255(h), an explanation
that is based on another important contextual reference point: the
enactment history of the statute.
Section 2255(h) was enacted in the same Public
Law as §2244(b), a provision that contains analogous
second-or-successive petition limitations for
state
prisoners. Indeed, Congress “appears to have modeled
§2255(h)(2)” on those state-prisoner provisions.
Chazen v.
Marske, 938 F.3d 851, 863 (CA7 2019)
(Barrett, J., concurring) (citing R. Fallon, J. Manning, D.
Meltzer, & D. Shapiro, Hart and Wechsler’s The Federal
Courts and the Federal System 1362 (7th ed. 2015) (Hart &
Wechsler)). Like §2255(h), §2244(b)—the model
provision—does
not address statutory innocence claims
in any fashion. But that is simply because there is no such thing
as a statutory innocence claim in the realm of federal collateral
relief for state prisoners. See Hart & Wechsler 1362; see also
Estelle v.
McGuire,
502 U.S.
62, 67 (1991) (“[F]ederal habeas corpus relief does not
lie for errors of state law” (internal quotation marks
omitted)).
Thus, as others have observed, when Congress
crafted §2255(h) based on the state-prisoner model in
§2244(b), it seems to have “ ‘lost sight of
the fact that’ ” federally incarcerated
individuals “ ‘
can raise federal
statutory claims in their collateral
attacks.’ ”
Chazen, 938 F. 3d, at 863
(quoting Hart & Wechsler 1362; emphasis added);
Chazen,
938 F. 3d, at 863 (suggesting that the omission of legal
innocence claims from §2255(h) was due to “congressional
oversight”); Reply Brief for Respondent 15.
To me, this contextual revelation rocks the
foundation of the majority’s negative inference. That is, it
is plausible (and perhaps even likely) that Congress did not
appreciate fully that the modeled-after language establishing a
successive-petition bar did not capture the full scope of available
claims for federal prisoners.[
10] And, of course, if Congress simply overlooked
statutory innocence claims when it crafted §2255(h), then the
omitted language that the majority puts so much stock in is not
actually indicative of Congress having “chosen
finality” with respect to statutory innocence claims.
Ante, at 12. Instead, the absence of any textual reference
to statutory innocence would be wholly unremarkable.
3
Given the purpose and history of §2255(h)
as I have just described them, I find quite compelling the
Government’s observation that “[n]othing in AEDPA
[actually] justifies an inference that Congress silently repealed
the traditional [postconviction] remedy for federal prisoners who
have been imprisoned for conduct that Congress did not
criminalize.” Brief for Respondent 28. I proceed here to add
that nothing
outside of AEDPA—not the background legal
principles that existed at the time Congress enacted the statute,
nor the practical consequences of reading §2255(h) in this
manner—supports that inference either.
Take equity, for instance. When Congress crafted
§2255(h), it legislated against an important background
equitable principle pertaining to postconviction relief: Courts
should not interpret statutory provisions governing habeas review
to even “ ‘run the risk’ ” of
causing prisoners to “ ‘forever los[e] their
opportunity for any federal review of their . . .
claims.’ ”
Panetti v.
Quarterman,
551 U.S.
930, 945–946 (2007) (quoting
Rhines v.
Weber,
544 U.S.
269, 275 (2005)); see also
Stewart v.
Martinez-Villareal,
523 U.S.
637, 645 (1998). This means that Congress was well aware that
courts consistently “rel[y] on equitable doctrines to carve
out . . . ways petitioners can bypass [otherwise
applicable] procedural obstacles” when a prisoner has
“not had a full and fair opportunity to litigate their
federal claims.” E. Primus, Equitable Gateways: Toward
Expanded Federal Habeas Corpus Review of State-Court Criminal
Convictions, 61 Ariz. L. Rev. 291, 305 (2019).[
11] Knowing that courts are equitable
tribunals that tend to operate in this fashion should have prompted
Congress to express its intention to override that value (assuming
that it actually intended to completely foreclose new legal
innocence claims). Congress did not do so; yet the majority reads
its silence to accomplish that same extraordinarily inequitable
result.[
12]
The practical consequences that inure from the
majority’s reading also undercut substantially the negative
inference upon which the majority relies. We have consistently
warned that courts should “resis[t] an interpretation of
[AEDPA] that would ‘produce troublesome results’ [and]
‘create procedural anomalies.’ ”
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946 (quoting
Castro v.
United States,
540 U.S.
375, 380 (2003)). The majority does not speak to this at all,
but its interpretation of §2255 produces bizarre outcomes.
First, there is the quirky procedural anomaly
that arises due to the fact that statutory innocence claims are
fully authorized in the postconviction review context. This
Court’s recognition that a statute covers a narrower scope of
criminal conduct than was previously acknowledged falls within the
narrow subset of criminal law decisions that are fully retroactive,
meaning that a federal prisoner can rely upon that new
determination whether his case is still on direct review or not.
Schriro v.
Summerlin,
542 U.S.
348, 351–352 (2004);
Bousley, 523 U. S., at
620–621. But reading §2255(h) to bar a successive
petition raising legal innocence would mean that most prisoners who
would (remarkably) be eligible for such retroactive relief would
turn out to have no mechanism for actually requesting it. A strange
practical conundrum, to say the least.
Inferring that §2255(h) bars legal
innocence claims when brought in a successive petition also
produces stunningly disparate results that bear no relationship to
Congress’s purported finality goals. Consider two individuals
who have been convicted of the same federal crime—perhaps two
codefendants who were tried and sentenced together. Both complete
their direct appeals, but only one files a §2255 motion within
AEDPA’s statute of limitations, while the other one decides
not to or misses the deadline. If §2255(h) bars a successive
petition raising a legal innocence claim, then when
Rehaif
is handed down—altering the elements of the crime of
conviction such that
both prisoners have a colorable claim
of legal innocence—only the one who did not previously file a
§2255 petition can raise this retroactive statutory innocence
claim.
Reference to Congress’s interest in
“finality” cannot explain this odd unequal treatment.
Under the Court’s interpretation, a prisoner whose conviction
became final
30 years ago can assert a
Rehaif claim
if he never previously filed a §2255 motion, whereas someone
whose conviction became final
2 years ago cannot if he has
already had a §2255 petition adjudicated.[
13]
Interpreting §2255(h) as completely
foreclosing successive petitions bringing statutory innocence
claims also places prisoners in an untenable catch-22 that cannot
be what any rational Congress actually intended. Consider what has
happened in this very case. Per AEDPA’s statute of
limitations, Jones had to file his first §2255 petition within
one year of his conviction becoming final. §2255(f ). He
did so, and that petition was
successful; the Eighth Circuit
found that Jones had received ineffective assistance of counsel.
United States v.
Jones,
403 F.3d 604, 605 (2005). In the majority’s view, by
seeking to vindicate his Sixth Amendment rights in this way, Jones
has forfeited, forever and for all time, his right to rely on any
new retroactive Supreme Court opinion that suggests he is
incarcerated for noncriminal behavior. There is no indication that
Congress meant for Jones and other prisoners in his position to
have to
choose between pursing an
ineffective-assistance-of-counsel claim and a claim of legal
innocence.
* * *
Despite all this, the majority clings to its
“straightforward” negative inference and interprets
§2255(h) as a bar to a court’s consideration of
Jones’s legal innocence claim. My point is that, with so many
contextual indicators that Congress did not really mean for
§2255(h) to be read to preclude new claims of statutory
innocence, the Court should have simply determined that
Jones’s petition, which asserts such a claim, was not plainly
barred by §2255(h), and could thus proceed in a successive
§2255 petition.
B
Instead of drawing an inference about the
operation of §2255(h), the most “straightforward”
way of determining whether Jones’s legal innocence claim is
precluded by statute,
ante, at 12, would have been to apply
our clear-statement rule to today’s interpretation.
1
A “longstanding rule” of this
Court,
INS v.
St. Cyr,
533 U.S.
289, 298 (2001), the clear-statement rule directs that, before
interpreting a congressional enactment as
“ ‘clos[ing the Court’s] doors to a class of
habeas petitioners,’ ” the Court must search for a
“ ‘clear indication that such was Congress’
intent,’ ”
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946
(quoting
Castro, 540 U. S., at 381). This principle
recognizes that Congress must “speak unambiguously when it
seeks to effect a result that, although constitutional, would
undermine a constitutionally derived value.” J. Manning,
Textualism and the Equity of the Statute, 101 Colum. L. Rev.
1, 121–122 (2001) (Manning). And, before today, this Court
has repeatedly recognized the importance of the clear-statement
rule with respect to any analysis of an Act of Congress that
potentially restricts access to the writ of habeas corpus or its
statutory equivalent.[
14] In
fact, “where a provision precluding review is claimed to bar
habeas review,” we have “required a
particularly
clear statement.”
Demore v.
Kim,
538 U.S.
510, 517 (2003) (emphasis added).
The clear-statement rule is plainly implicated
here. Under the state of the law at the time AEDPA was enacted,
prisoners were entitled to bring a petition to assert a new claim
of legal innocence, even a second or successive petition.
Supra, at 8–9. Congress could change that state of
affairs, but, under the clear-statement rule, if it intended to do
so, it needed to speak clearly to effectuate that result.
At a more general level of analysis, the
clear-statement rule also applies to these circumstances because
the interpretive question in this case touches upon the venerated
writ of habeas corpus—the only writ that is expressly
mentioned in the Constitution. Art. I, §9, cl. 2;
Holland, 560 U. S., at 649. We have long recognized
that the clear-statement rule serves the core liberty interests
protected by the writ of habeas corpus. See
Ex parte
Yerger, 8 Wall., at 103 (holding, more than 150 years ago, that
the Court had jurisdiction over a particular habeas petition and
relying on the clear-statement rule to reach that conclusion,
explaining that, to conclude otherwise, would “greatly weaken
the efficacy of the writ” and “deprive the citizen in
many cases of its benefits”). Likewise, in modern times, we
have been especially careful to reference clear-statement
principles, and thereby eschew statutory interpretations that would
(perhaps unintentionally) foreclose judicial review of
postconviction claims, even where the text of the statute might
(sometimes even strongly) suggest otherwise.[
15]
Furthermore, and significantly for present
purposes, we have already determined that the necessary
“clear statement” here—
i.e., the signal
from Congress that justifies reading a statute as foreclosing
access to venerated postconviction review processes—c
annot
be derived from negative inferences drawn from statutory text.
In
Ex parte Yerger, for instance, we declared
that interpreting a statute to “[r]epea[l] by
implication” habeas jurisdiction is “not
favored.” 8 Wall., at 105. More recently, we warned (again)
that “[i]mplications from statutory text or legislative
history are not sufficient to repeal habeas jurisdiction; instead,
Congress must articulate specific and unambiguous statutory
directives to effect a repeal.”
St. Cyr, 533
U. S., at 299 (citing
Ex parte Yerger, 8 Wall., at
105). And, again, in
Holland, this Court explained that the
clear-statement rule generally prohibits a court from inferring
that the “inclu[sion of] one item . . . is to
exclude other similar items” in order to read a statute as
forbidding review of a postconviction claim. 560 U. S., at
648; see also
id., at 649 (“counsel[ing] hesitancy
before interpreting AEDPA’s statutory silence as indicating a
congressional intent to close courthouse doors”). Yet, here,
as the majority appears to admit, the only way to read
§2255(h) as barring Jones’s statutory innocence claim is
to
infer that such preclusion is what Congress intended.
Ante, at 10, 23.
This case would have been easily resolved if we
had applied the clear-statement rule at the outset, as we have
always done in cases of this nature. Doing so would have
appropriately eliminated a reading of §2255(h) that forecloses
access to habeas relief by negative implication. Use of the rule
would have thus protected core constitutional norms by
“ensur[ing] Congress does not, by broad or general language,
legislate on a sensitive topic inadvertently or without due
deliberation.”
Spector v.
Norwegian Cruise Line
Ltd.,
545 U.S.
119, 139 (2005) (opinion of Kennedy, J.); see also
Will
v.
Michigan Dept. of State Police,
491 U.S.
58, 65 (1989).
2
In the last few pages of its opinion, the
Court makes the unceremonious (but still startling) announcement
that the clear-statement rule is inapplicable to today’s
analysis of §2255(h).
Ante, at 23–25.[
16] Try as it might, in my view, the
majority has failed to provide a single persuasive reason for this
dramatic break.
First, the majority suggests that the
clear-statement rule is not appropriate when interpreting
provisions related to “finality”—and seems to
draw a line between AEDPA’s statute of limitations, which
does get clear-statement treatment, and its provisions governing
successive petitions.
Ante, at 23–24. This is
nonsense. Both AEDPA provisions use similar language.
§2255(f ) (“A 1-year period of limitation shall
apply to a motion under this section”); §2255(h)
(“A second or successive motion must . . . contain
. . . ”). And both procedural limitations relate to
Congress’s interest in finality.
Ante, at 24;
Wood v.
Milyard,
566 U.S.
463, 472 (2012) (noting that AEDPA’s statute of
limitations “lends
finality to . . . court
judgments within a reasonable time” (emphasis added; internal
quotation marks omitted)).[
17]
Next, the majority conspicuously downplays the
stakes in this case. Not once does its opinion make direct mention
of the fact that the claim the majority says §2255(h) silently
precludes is one that implicates core values because it involves
legal innocence. Instead, the majority repeatedly describes
Jones’s bid for access to the postconviction review process
as bringing a mere “statutory” claim.
Ante, at
2, 12, 21, 23.[
18] But
statutory claims that suggest a person’s innocence are
different in kind from more run-of-the-mill statutory claims, such
as a technical, nonprejudicial violation of a criminal procedure
rule. See
United States v.
Addonizio,
442 U.S.
178, 186–187 (1979);
Davis, 417 U. S., at
346–347 (citing
Hill v.
United States,
368 U.S.
424, 428–429 (1962)). In any event, the majority does not
cite a single case that suggests that an Act of Congress that
threatens to cut off access to habeas (or its statutory equivalent)
should be treated any differently for purposes of application of
the clear-statement rule if a petitioner’s claim has a
statutory basis.
The majority’s most full-throated defense
of its jettisoning of clear-statement principles lies in its
attempt to cast statutory innocence claims as not
“historically or constitutionally grounded.”
Ante, at 24–25. The first and most obvious problem
with this effort is that the historical pedigree of a claim is
irrelevant for clear-statement purposes. The clear-statement rule
is applicable here because the statute being interpreted involves
access to the writ of habeas corpus—a significant
constitutional value that we would not assume Congress would
discard without careful consideration. See Manning 121–122;
see also
Holland, 560 U. S., at 646–649. And, so
triggered, our clear-statement canon of construction is not
rendered inapplicable just because the particular type of claim
that a prisoner seeks to advance in the context of a habeas or
postconviction proceeding (if he is afforded one) might not date
back to the founding era. This must be why the majority cites no
precedent that splices the clear-statement rule in this
fashion.
Looking back to the time of the founding to
determine whether the clear-statement rule applies to our
interpretation of a statute passed in 1996 also makes no sense. The
clear-statement question relates to what Congress intended with
respect to the meaning of the statute
at the time it was
enacted. When Congress introduced §2255(h), it codified or
changed the law that existed at that time (
i.e., in 1996).
See,
e.g.,
Slack v.
McDaniel,
529 U.S.
473, 483 (2000) (noting that AEDPA’s
certificate-of-appealability provisions codified the prevailing
judicial standard). Thus, when this Court has previously applied
the clear-statement rule and analyzed the meaning of particular
AEDPA provisions, the feelings of the Framers were of no moment.
Instead, we properly examined the law leading up to AEDPA’s
enactment, not founding-era sources. See,
e.g.,
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 944;
Magwood v.
Patterson,
561 U.S.
320, 337 (2010) (plurality opinion).
Even if the majority was right with respect to
its assumption that founding-era practices bear on whether the
clear-statement rule applies here, historical practice plainly
undermines its assertion that legal innocence claims are of recent
vintage. Supreme Court Justices riding circuit in the early 19th
century repeatedly considered the merits of habeas petitions filed
by individuals who argued they were being wrongfully incarcerated
because the laws that had been invoked to justify their
confinement, properly construed, did not reach their
conduct.[
19] Moreover, and
importantly, since the mid-19th century, the statutory scheme for
postconviction review has permitted petitions based not only on a
“violation of the constitution” but also on a
“violation of the . . . law of the United
States.” Judiciary Act of Feb. 5, 1867, ch. 28, §1, 14
Stat. 385; see also §2255; W. Church, Writ of Habeas Corpus
§169, p. 249 (2d ed. 1893) (“The issue raised on the
hearing of a habeas corpus may be one of law
simply”).[
20]
To the extent the majority’s assessment of
the purportedly nascent nature of statutory innocence claims rests
on its view that, at the time of the founding, habeas relief was
rarely available when a petition was brought by a
convicted
individual (as opposed to a pretrial
detainee),
ante,
at 15–19, there are two additional problems. For one thing,
even assuming that a detainee-versus-convict scope-of-habeas
distinction existed at the dawn of our Nation, Congress has now
squarely rejected it.[
21]
However grounded in history and tradition the Court’s own
view of the scope of habeas might be, it is obviously not shared by
the Legislature that enacted the statute we are now
interpreting.
Second, here again, the majority evaluates the
historical pedigree of legal innocence claims based on faulty
history. It maintains that, historically, a court could review a
habeas petition filed by a convicted individual only for
“jurisdictional” errors (which the majority defines
narrowly).
Ante, at 15–18, 24–25; cf.
Edwards v.
Vannoy, 593 U. S. ___, ___–___
(2021) (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (slip op., at 2–8). But
those who have researched this contention have called it
“narrative and myth but not history.” L. Kovarsky,
Habeas Myths, Past and Present, 101 Texas L. Rev. Online 57, 79
(2022) (Kovarsky); see also J. Siegel, Habeas, History, and
Hermeneutics, 64 Ariz. L. Rev. 505, 524–532 (2022) (Siegel);
Brown v.
Davenport, 596 U. S. ___, ___–___
(2022) (Kagan, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 2–8).[
22]
At the very least, this take on early habeas
practice appears contradicted by
United States v.
Bainbridge, 24 F. Cas. 946 (No. 14,497) (CC Mass. 1816)
(Story, J.). There, Justice Story considered a statutory innocence
claim on the merits even though the individual had already pleaded
guilty.
Id., at 949, 951–952. And the
postconviction/preconviction distinction also runs headlong into
other precedents that have looked back on history and do not
subscribe to such a narrow view.
St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at
302 (“[T]he issuance of the writ was not limited to
challenges to the jurisdiction of the custodian”);
Fay
v.
Noia,
372 U.S.
391, 404 (1963) (“Nor is it true that at common law
habeas corpus was available only to inquire into the jurisdiction,
in a narrow sense, of the committing court” (citing
Bushell’s Case, Vaughn. 135, 124 Eng. Rep. 1006
(C. P. 1670))).
Thus, assuming,
arguendo, that the
historical grounding of the particular type of claim Jones sought
to bring even matters, the majority is mistaken when it contends
that a statutory innocence claim (including one brought in a
successive petition) is not sufficiently historical to warrant
application of our clear-statement rule.
* * *
If the majority had applied the
clear-statement rule, as it should have, to determine whether
§2255(h) precludes successive postconviction petitions that
assert statutory innocence claims, today’s interpretive task
would have merely involved answering one simple question: Is there
an unambiguous sign in the text of §2255 that Congress meant
for §2255(h) to strip an incarcerated individual of any
opportunity to raise a new claim of legal innocence in a motion
brought in federal court? No such sign exists.[
23] Therefore, we could have (and should have)
easily concluded that there is no statutory impediment to
Jones’s §2255 motion being entertained by a court.
III
Finally, I believe that the canon of
constitutional avoidance also does important work to
guide—and constrain—the Court’s interpretation of
§2255 in this case. See
Zadvydas v.
Davis,
533 U.S.
678, 689 (2001); cf.
Pressley, 430 U. S., at
381–382 (relying on the saving clause to conclude that the
District of Columbia’s postconviction statute, which mirrored
§2255, was constitutional). The majority’s bottom line,
reading “the interplay” between §2255(h) and
§2255(e),
ante, at 1, is that a person in prison for
noncriminal conduct cannot ask a federal court to review the
legality of his detention if he has previously filed a §2255
petition. This position is stunning in a country where liberty is a
constitutional guarantee and the courts are supposed to be
dispensing justice. It also raises hackles under at least two
provisions of our founding charter.
First, the Eighth Amendment. There is a
nonfrivolous argument that the Constitution’s protection
against “cruel and unusual punishment” prohibits the
incarceration of innocent individuals. See
In re Davis, 557
U.S. 952, 953 (2009) (Stevens, J., concurring) (citing
Triestman v.
United States,
124 F.3d 361, 377–380 (CA2 1997)); see also
Herrera v.
Collins,
506 U.S.
390, 432, n. 2 (1993) (Blackmun, J., dissenting) (“It
. . . may violate the Eighth Amendment to imprison
someone who is actually innocent”);
Robinson v.
California,
370 U.S.
660, 667 (1962). This is not to say that the Eighth Amendment
creates a “freestanding entitlement to a second or successive
round of postconviction review.”
Ante, at 20. But here
Jones seeks a
single meaningful opportunity to have a
federal court consider his claim of legal innocence.
The majority’s interpretation also
implicates the Suspension Clause. Art. I, §9, cl. 2. The
majority admits that, at a minimum, the Suspension Clause protects
the right of habeas corpus as it existed at the time of the
founding.[
24] See
ante, at 15. The majority also seems to acknowledge that, in
the late 18th century, an individual—even one who had been
convicted of a crime—could invoke habeas to raise a
“jurisdictional” error.
Ante, at 15,
24–25
. Historically, the term
“ ‘jurisdictional’ ” when used by
habeas courts “meant something much broader then than it
means now.” Kovarsky 75; see also Siegel 524. And,
importantly, a court lacked “jurisdiction”—and
thus the writ could issue—when a person was incarcerated for
noncriminal behavior.[
25]
Thus, it appears that, by its own lights, the
majority today renders an interpretation of §2255 that has
potentially significant constitutional implications.
IV
I conclude with an observation. Today’s
ruling follows a recent series of troubling AEDPA
interpretations.[
26] All of
these opinions have now collectively managed to transform a statute
that Congress designed to provide for a rational and orderly
process of federal postconviction judicial review into an aimless
and chaotic exercise in futility. The route to obtaining collateral
relief is presently replete with imagined artificial barriers,
arbitrary dead ends, and traps for the unwary. And today’s
turn makes the journey palpably absurd: It begins with the Supreme
Court’s (rare) announcement that a certain claim for release
exists and is retroactively available to incarcerated individuals
on collateral review, and ends with the realization that only an
arbitrarily determined sliver of eligible prisoners (those who have
not had the temerity to file a prior motion) are actually in a
position to even ask a court to consider whether any such relief
might be provided.
It is quite clear that the Court’s rulings
in this area of the law reflect a general ethos that convicted
prisoners should not be permitted to file §2255 motions or
obtain postconviction relief at all. But what matters is what
Congress wants with respect to the operation of the
statutory provisions it enacts. And, as I have shown,
Congress’s aim in crafting §2255 was to permit convicted
prisoners to file postconviction motions asserting claims for
collateral relief in a manner that also curbs abusive filings.
Congress did not speak—one way or the other—as to what
should happen if a prisoner who has previously filed a §2255
motion gets a new claim of legal innocence due to an intervening
change in the law.
Given Congress’s silence on this matter,
in my view, there is simply no justification for drawing a negative
inference that Congress meant for §2255 to operate in a manner
that is patently inconsistent with the reasons it passed that
statute, or the background principles that animated the law more
broadly at the time of the statute’s enactment, or even
(possibly) core constitutional principles. Instead, §2255(e)
should be read—consistent with Congress’s general
intent to ensure equivalence between the claims available in habeas
and those that its new postconviction mechanism allowed—to
permit prisoners who have a new and retroactive statutory innocence
claim to file a habeas petition in lieu of a §2255 motion.
Alternatively, we should honor Congress’s clear interest in
preserving a prisoner’s ability to have one meaningful
opportunity to have all of his claims presented to a court, by
allowing Jones to file a petition asserting his new and retroactive
claim of statutory innocence, notwithstanding what might otherwise
be perceived as an ironclad bar in §2255(h).
In other words, as I see it, the negative
inference that the majority draws today rests on nothing—and
certainly nothing that actually derives from Congress’s
intent. Nothing in the text of §2255, background principles
concerning habeas relief, or AEDPA’s enactment history
compels (or even supports) the conclusion that Congress intended to
completely foreclose claims like Jones’s. And it is
especially perverse to read the statute to lead to that result when
doing so gives rise to legally dissonant, arbitrary, and untenable
outcomes. So, the majority’s “straightforward”
determination that this statute
does preclude a prisoner in
Jones’s position from filing a successive petition to assert
a legal innocence claim (which it reaches by refusing to follow the
procedural norm that would have correctly framed the issue as a
matter of congressional intent relative to clear-statement
principles) appears to stem from the Court’s own views
concerning finality, not the will of Congress.
Ultimately, of course, this all begs the
question of how (and whether) Congress will respond to the
Court’s systematic neutering of the balanced postconviction
processes that the Legislature has established. It seems to me that
today’s opinion—which unjustifiably closes off all
avenues for certain defendants to secure meaningful consideration
of their innocence claims—creates an opening for Congress to
step in and fix this problem.